■'• 

■    ?.UN  2  0  192' 


ALLYN   AND   BACON'S   SERIES   OF   SCHOOL   HISTORIES 

THE 

ANCIENT    WORLD 

FROM  THE  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO  800  A.D. 
PART   II 

Rome  and  the  West 
J38St> 

BY 

WILLIS    MASON   WEST 

PROFESSOR   OF   HISTORY   IN   THE   UNIVERSITY  OF   MINNESOTA 


ALLYN    AND    BACON 

Boston  anti  Chicago 

I385G 


ALLYN   AND    BACON'S   SERIES   OF 

SCHOOL    HISTORIES 

1 2mo,  half  leather,  numerous  maps,  plans,  and  illustrations 


ANCIENT    HISTORY.      By  Willis    M.  West  of  the  University  of 
Minnesota. 

MODERN   HISTORY.     By  Willis  M.  West. 

HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.      By  Charles  M.   Andrews  of   Bryn 
Mawr  College. 

HISTORY  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.     By  Charles  K.  Adams, 
and  William  P.  Trent  of  Columbia  University. 

THE  ANCIENT  WORLD.     By  Willis  M.  West. 

Also  in  two  volumes:  Part    I:  Greece  and  the  East. 
Part  II:  Rome  and  the  West. 


COPYRIGHT,    1904,    BY 
WILLIS  MASON  WEST. 


Xortuoctj  13rfss 

J.  8.  Cnsliing  >v  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Korwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE. 

My  Ancient  History  has  met  with  a  welcome  generous  beyond 
all  expectation.  In  many  schools,  however,  there  seems  to  be 
a  demand  for  a  work  somewhat  easier,  and  for  such  schools 
the  present  book  is  written.  In  it  the  characteristic  features 
of  the  Ancient  History  are  retained.  The  order  and  plan  of 
the  two  books  are  alike,  and  at  first  glance  this  volume  may 
seem  to  vary  but  little  from  its  predecessor.  A  careful  com- 
parison, however,  will  show  changes  of  four  distinct  kinds  : 

(1)  Many  generalizations  of  a  philosophical  nature  have 
been  omitted. 

(2)  More  narrative  and  more  biography  have  been  intro- 
duced. 

(3)  Abstruse  ideas  have  been  retained  only  when  essential 
to  historical  study,  and  then  they  have  been  explained. 

(4)  Diction  and  sentence  structure  have  been  simplified. 
Besides  many  radical  modifications,  it  will  be  found  that 

few  sentences  of  the  Ancient  History  appear  here  without  at 
least  a  slight  alteration.  Paragraphs,  too,  have  been  short- 
ened;  terms  like  "civilization,"  "state,"  "empire,"  are  dis- 
cussed in  footnotes  ;  references  to  maps  are  more  frequent  and 
specific ;  more  maps  and  illustrations  have  been  added ;  and 
the  suggestions  for  students'  reading  have  been  simplified  by 
the  omission  of  rare  and  difficult  works. 

With  all  this  simplification  I  have  tried  to  avoid  "writing 
down  "  to  a  childish  level.  Whenever  a  word  somewhat  un- 
familiar to  young  readers  has  seemed  indispensable  for  accu- 
racy or  highly  desirable  for  force  or  color,  I  have  not  hesitated 
to  use  it.  A  book  of  this  kind  would  be  poor  indeed  if  it  did 
not  do  something  to  enrich  the  student's  vocabulary. 


iv  PREFACE. 

The  present  book  is  designed  for  a  year's  work  by  first-year 
high-school  classes.  In  writing  it  I  have  tried  to  bring  out 
the  underlying  unity  in  historical  development,  and  to  help 
the  student  to  see  the  value  of  the  Past  in  explaining  the 
Present.  The  romantic  but  legendary  periods  of  Greek  and 
Koman  life  are  subordinated  to  the  later  periods,  so  much 
richer  in  historical  meaning;  and  especially  is  an  effort  made 
to  arouse  interest  in  the  wide-spreading  Greek  world  after  the 
time  of  Alexander,  and  in  the  Roman  imperial  world  upon 
which  all  later  European  life  is  so  directly  based. 


WILLIS  MASON  WEST. 


University  of  Minnesota, 
Minneapolis,  June,  1904. 


, 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

PACK 

List  of  Illustrations xxv 

Maps  and  Plans xxvi 

PART  IV.  — ROME. 

CHAPTER  I.  —  INTRODUCTORY  SURVEY. 

I.     The  Place  of  Rome  in  History. 

SECTION 

252.  Summary  of  previous  history :  Oriental  contributions  material ; 

Greek  contributions  intellectual 253 

253.  Rome  the  representative  of  government  and  law       .         .         .     254 

254.  The  Roman  and  the  Greek  :  work  and  character      .        .        .     255 

II.     The  Land. 

255.  Limits 255 

256.  Geographical  and  political  unity 250 

257.  Geography  and  the  direction  of  the  first  outside  effort       .         .  256 

258.  Geographical  position  and  external  dominion   ....  256 

III.     Peoples  of  Italy. 

259.  A  land  of  mingled  races 257 

260.  Leading  peoples  :  Italians,  Greeks,  Gauls,  Etruscans        .         .     257 

261.  "  Fragments  of  forgotten  peoples  "  (Ligurians,  etc.)        .        .     260 

IV.     Geographical  Advantages  of  Rome. 

262.  Roman  geography  important     .......  260 

263.  Central  position  in  Italy 261 

264.  A  commercial  site 261 

265.  Rome  a  "  mark  state  " 261 

266.  "The  Seven  Hills"  :  federation 261 

V.     Legendary  Character  of  Early  History. 

267.  Old  writers  and  their  sources 262 

268.  Abstract  of  early  legends 263 

269.  Attitude  of  scholars  toward  them  to-day 263 

v 


vi  ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    II.  — PROBABLE  CONCLUSIONS  AS   TO  REGAL 
ROME. 

I.     The  Growth  of  the  City. 

B fl  PACE 

L'7'i.    Latiuni  and  Rome      .........  265 

271.  Unification  of  the  "Seven  Hills" 265 

272.  Growth  beyond  the  walls 208 

II.     Classes  —  Citizens  and  Non-Citizens. 

•_'7:3.    Patricians  and  their  clients 2G9 

274.  Plebeians 270 

III.     Patrician  Organization. 

275.  The  family  :  patria  potestas 270 

276.  Gentes  and  curias 271 

_'77.    Exclusion  of  the  plebeians  from  the  patrician  organization       .  271 

IV.     Religion. 

278.  Ancestor  and  nature  worship ;  Greek  influence        .        .        .  272 

279.  Character:  abstracl  and  formal 272 

280.  Priesthoods:  augurs,  pontiffs,  vestals 272 

281.  A  political  instrument:  prevalence  of  legal  fiction    .         .         .  273 

V.    Early  Political  Institutions. 

282.  Tin   King  (rex) 274 

283.  Patrician  Assembly  (Comitia  Curiata) 275 

284.  Senate 275 

VI.    Two  Prehistoric  Revolutions. 

A.    A  Centuriate  Assembly  (containing  Plebeians  also) 
replaces  the  Curtate  (Patrician)  Assembly. 

286.   The  plebeians  begin  to  make  their  way  into  a  political  Assembly  276 

286.  The  "  census  of  Servius " :  the  army  of  centuries     .        .        .  276 

287.  The  Assembly  of  Centuries 277 

Aristocratic  character  of  the  Centuriate  Assembly    .        .        .  277 

I  he  real  gain  of  the  plebs 278 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE    OF   CONTENTS.  vii 


B.     The  King  for  Life  replaced  by  Two  Annual  Consuls. 

SECTION                                                                                   •  pa<J« 

2!H).   The  early  kingship  followed  by  a  "  tyranny "  .        .        .        .  278 

291.  Roman  legend  of  the  expulsion  of  tin' tyrants  .         .         .         .  278 

292.  The  real  expulsion  a  gradual  patrician  movement     .        .        .  27'.) 

VII.     The  Consulship  a  Modification  of  the  Kingship. 

293.  The  consuls  as  "  kings  for  one  year  " 280 

204.    The  chief  limitations  :  the  mutual  veto  and  hrief  term      .         .  280 

295.  Later  checks:  the  independence  of  officials  and  the  Valerian 

appeal 280 

296.  Roman  political  moderation  the  real  check        ....  281 

297.  The  dictatorship:  a  temporary  revival  of  the  old  kingship  to 

meet  a  crisis 281 

298.  The  senate  and  the  consuls 282 

299.  VIII.     Summary  :   The  Debt  to  Regal  Rome          .         .  282 

CHAPTER  III. —  CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN   THE    REPUBLIC, 
510-307  B.C. 

300.  The  expulsion  of  the  kings  followed  by  class  conflicts       .        .  284 

I.     Position  of  the  Classes  after  510  b.c. 

301.  Rome  just  after  510  b.c.  a  patrician  oligarchy  ....  284 

302.  Plebeian  loss  politically 285 

303.  Plebeian  loss  in  standing  at  law 285 

304.  Plebeian  loss  economically  :  patrician  monopoly  of  public  land  ; 

increase  of  plebeian  taxation  ;  plebeian  losses  in  war.         .  285 

305.  Dissatisfaction  of  rich  plebeians  with  the  lack  of  social  and 

political  privilege       * .         .  287 

300.    Summary  :  objects  of  the  plebeian  struggle       ....  287 

II.     Steps  in  the  Progress. 

A.     Tribunes  of  the  Plebs. 

307.  The  first  secession  of  the  plebs 287 

308.  The  tribunes  and  their  veto  on  single  executive  acts          .         .  288 

309.  Subsequent  growth  of  the  tribuneship :  veto  on  state  action  ; 

judicial  power       .........  288 


Viii  ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

B.     Rise  of  the  Plebeian  Assembly. 

g|  ,   I  l..\                                                                                             m  PAGE 

310.  Ancient  plebeian  organization  by  tribes 289 

311.  This  Plebeian  Assembly  wins  recognition  (for  plebeian  con- 

cerns) in  the  state 290 

312.  The  result  a  double  state  ;  violence  over  agrarian  questions      .  290 

C.  The  Decemvirs. 

313.  The  plebs  demand  written  laws 291 

314.  The  two  boards  of  decemvirs 291 

315.  The  Twelve  Tables 292 

316.  The    patrician    attempt    at    a    counter-revolution     (Appius 

Claudius) 292 

317.  Another  plebeian  secession  and  new  gains  :  Comitia  Tributa    .  292 

318.  The  reorganized  Comitia  Tributa 293 

D.  Social  Fusion. 

319.  Mixed  marriages 293 

E.     Admission  to  the  Consulate. 

320.  Consular  tribunes  and  censors 294 

321.  Patrician  maneuvers           .                  294 

322.  The  Licinian  Rogations 295 

323.  I'll'-  st niggle  and  the  final  victory  of  the  plebs  .         .         .         .  295 

324.  Political  fusion  completed,  367-300  b.c 296 

325.  A  catch-word  review  of  the  Struggle  of  Classes         .        .        .  297 

CHAPTER    IV. —UNIFICATION   OF   ITALY,  367-266  B.C. 
I.     Progbbbs  before  367  b.c. 

326.  (Jains  under  the  kings,  and  the  reaction  to  44!t  b.c.  .        .         .  298 
■Vl~.   The  period  449-367:    slow  gains;   a  brief  interruption  —  the 

Gauls  sack  Rome,  390  b.c 298 

II.     Tin:  Real  Advakoe,  :;r>7-266  b.c. 

328.  I'nited  Rome  and  her  rapid  growth 299 

329.  Latium  ami  southern  Ktruria 300 

380.   The  winning  of  Campania 300 

881.    Tli''  last  Latin  Revolt.  :):',H  b.C 300 

:;:;•_'.    The  last  Btruggle  for  supremacy  in  central  Italy  :  the  Samnite 

wars 300 

'■'.','■'..    Magna  Graecia :  the  war  with  Pyrrhus     .        .        .       -r-'     .  302 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER   V.— UNITED   ITALY    UNDER    ROMAN   RULE. 

I.     Classes  of  Political  Communities. 

A.     The  Roman  State. 

SECTION  PAliF 

334.  Extent .     304 

335.  Rights  and  obligations  of  citizens 304 

336.  Classes  of  citizens,  including  members  of  Roman  colonies  and 

of  municipia 305 

337.  Organization  in  "  tribes " 300 

B.     Subjects. 

338.  The  three  classes  of  subjects 306 

339.  Latin  colonies 306 

340.  Prefectures 308 

341.  Allies 309 

C.     General  Result  —  A  Confederacy  under  a  Queen-city. 

342.  Advantages  and  disadvantages  of  subjects         ....     ."><>9 

343.  Power  and  policy  of  Rome 310 

344.  Roman  roads  :  bonds  of  union 311 

II.     The  Perfected  Constitution  of  the  Republic. 
A.     Growth  of  a  New  Aristocracy. 

345.  The  "nobles" 312 

B.     Political  Machinery  and  its   Working. 

346.  The  three  popular  assemblies  :   apparent  growth  toward  de- 


mocracy 


312 


347.  The  administrative  officers 313 

348.  The  Senate  the  guiding  force  in  the  state  .        .        .        .314 

C.     Summary. 

349.  Democratic  theory  and  aristocratic  practice      ....  315 

III.     Society  in  Rome  and  Italy. 

350.  Economic  conditions 315 

351.  Moral  character  and  ideals 316 

352.  The  reaction  of  Magna  Graecia  upon  Rome      ....  317 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


IV.     The  Army. 

M<  Hi  >\"  PAGE 

353.  The  flexible  legion  (contrasted  with  the  phalanx)     .        .        .317 

354.  The  Roman  camp 319 

355.  Roman  discipline 319 

350.    Changes  with  extension  of  service  :  a  professional  army  ;  pro- 
consuls   319 

CHAPTER   VI.  —  EXPANSION   CONTINUED,   264-146  B.C. 
THE   WINNING   OF   THE  "WEST. 

I.     The  Two  Rivals  in  the  West. 

357.  Italy  in  264  B.C.  one  of  Jive  great  Mediterranean  powers  .         .     321 

358.  Carthage  the  natural  rival  in  the  West 321 

359.  The  issue  at  stake 323 


II.     The  First  Punic  War  ("The  War  for  Sicily"). 


360.  Occasion 

361.  Relative  strength  of  the  combatants 

362.  Value  of  the  control  of  the  sea  . 

363.  Rome  becomes  a  sea  power 

364.  Rome's  patriotism  and  enterprise 

365.  Trace;  Sicily  becomes  Roman  . 


324 
324 
325 
326 
326 
326 


III.    From  the  First  to  the  Second  Punic  War,  241-218  b.c. 

366.  The  addition  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica 327 

367.  The  Adriatic  a  Roman  sea 327 

368.  The  addition  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 328 

360.   Organization  of  the  conquests :  the  provincial  system      .        .  328 

IV.     Second  Punic  War  ("The  War  for  Spain"),  218-202  b.c. 

870.  Occasion 329 

871.  Bannibal 330 

372.    Hannibal  at  Saguntum 330 

873.  Hannibal's  invasion  of  Italy,  to  Cannae 331 

874.  Cannae 881 

875.  Fidelity  of  the  Latins  and  Italians  to  Rome      ....  '332 

:;7'i.    Rome's  grandeur  in  disaster 332 

877.   Neglecl  of  the  sea  by  Carthage  and  lark  of  concerted  action 

by  her  allies 333 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  XI 

8EOTION  PAGE 

378.  The  Scipios  and  Hasdrubal  in  Spain •'!•'•  I 

379.  Changed  character  of  the  war  in  Italy  after  Cannae         .        .  884 

380.  "Hannibal  at  the  Gates" 834 

381.  Hannibal's  forces  worn  out 335 

382.  Hasdrubal's  invasion :  battle  of  the  Metaurus  ....  335 

383.  Scipio  carries  the  war  into  Africa  :  battle  of  Zama  ;  peace       .  336 

384.  The  result  of  the  war :  Rome  mistress  in  the  West  .        .        .  337 

V.     Expansion  in  the  West  from  201  to  146  b.c. 
A.     Spain. 

385.  Heroic  Spanish  war  for  independence 338 

386.  Romanization '•'•'■'>'■> 

B.     Africa :    The  Third  Punic  War. 

387.  Rome  seeks  perfidious  excuse  against  Carthage         .         .         .  3-°)9 

388.  Carthage  disarmed  ;  Rome  declares  war 340 

389.  Heroic  resistance  of  Carthage 341 

390.  Carthage  blotted  out :  the  "  Province  of  Africa "      .         .         .  341 

CHAPTER    VII. —  WINNING   THE   EAST,  201-116  B.C. 
I.     An  Attempt  to  stop  with  Protectorates. 

391.  Beginnings  of   influence  in  the  East  before  200   b.c.  :    the 

Illyrian  pirates  ;  the  First  Macedonian  War        .         .         .  343 

392.  Second   Macedonian    War    (201-190  b.c.)  :   Macedonia  a  de- 

pendent ally ;  Greek  states  "allies  "    .....  :'>l:'> 

393.  The  war  with  Antiochus:  Syria  an  "  ally  "       .         .         .         .844 

394.  Rome  drawn  on  to  a  system  of  "  protectorates  "  in  the  East    .  345 

II.     Annexation:   the  Protectorates  become  Provinces. 

395.  A  gradual  process      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .846 

396.  Macedonia  a  province,  146  b.c. 346 

397.  Rearrangements  in  Greece 347 

398.  The  "  Province  of  Asia  " 348 

III.     Result  in  146  b.c. — A  United  Graeco-Roman  World. 

399.  Rome  the  sole  great  power 348 

400.  Distinction  between  the  Latin  West  and  the  Greek  East  .         .  849 


xii  ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   VIII. —  NEW   CIVIL   STRIFE,    146-49  B.C. 
I.     Preliminary  Survey. 

SECTION  PAGE 

401.  Summary  of  the  periods  of  the  Republic 350 

402.  The  four  great  evils :  strife  between  rich  and  poor,  Rome  and 

the  allies,  Italy  and  the  provinces  ;  barbarian  attacks         .     350 

403.  Plan  of  treatment  in  this  chapter 351 


II.     The  Evils  in  Detail. 
A.     In  Borne. 

404.  Economic  and  moral  decline  due  to  the  wars  (extremes  of 

wealth  and  poverty)  ;  the  new  monied  aristocracy  (Equites)     351 

405.  Rise  of  luxury 352 

400.    Gladiatorial  games 353 

407.  Greek  culture 353 

408.  Continued  decline  of  the  yeomanry  after  the  wars  from  eco- 

nomic conditions  .........     354 

409.  Violence  of  the  rich  as  an  added  cause  of  the  decay  of  the 

yeomanry 355 

410.  Political  results:  growth  of  the  mob  and  decay  of  the  consti- 

tution    355 

411.  Political  results  :  decline  of  the  Senate 356 

B.     In  Italy. 

412.  The  distinction  between  "citizens"  and  "subjects"  drawn 

more  sharply         .........     356 

413.  Growth  of  Roman  insolence  toward  the  subjects       .         .         .     357 

C.    In  tin   Provinces. 

414.  Deterioration  of  the  provincial  system 357 

415.  "  Marks  "  of  a  province 358 

in;.   The  governor 358 

417.  The  provinces  "the  estates  of  the  Roman  people "  .       .       .  359 

I).    Slavery. 

lis.    Extent  and  brutal  character  of  Roman  slavery        .       .       .    360 

■ll'J.    Slave  wars 361 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  xiii 


III.     The  Gracchi:    Attempts  at  Peaceful  Reform. 
A.     Tiberius  Gracchus,  133  B.C. 

SECTION  PAGE 

420.  Previous  attempts  at  reform  :  the  error  of  Cato  and  hesitancy 

of  Scipio ,362 

421.  Character  of  Tiberius 363 

422.  Tiberius'  agrarian  proposals :  reclaim  public  land  ;  let  out  in 

small,  inalienable  leases  ;  create  standing  commission         .  363 

423.  The  struggle  :  unconstitutional  measures  ;  victory    .         .         .  :!64 

424.  Further  proposals  ;  Gracchus  murdered 365 

425.  The  work  stands  nine  years,  until  the  Senate  attempts  a 

reaction ;;t;,"> 

B.     Caius  Gracchus,  123-121  B.C. 

426.  Character  and  aims 366 

427.  Political  measures  to  win  allies  :  the  populace  and  the  knights  366 

428.  Economic  reform       .........  367 

429.  Personal  rule  :  an  uncrowned  "  tyrant " 367 

430.  Attempt  to  extend  citizenship :  Caius  killed      ....  368 

431.  Overthrow  of  the  work  of  the  brothers 369 


IV.     Military  Rule:    Marius  and  Sulla,  107-78  b.c. 

432.  The  new  character  of  Roman  politics 

433.  The  war  with  Jugurtha :  new  leaders 

434.  Invasion  by  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones 

435.  Marius  the  "saviour  of  Rome  " 

436.  Civil  disorder  ;  retirement  of  Marius 

437.  The  social  war 

438.  All  Italy  enters  the  Roman  state 

439.  Civil  war  between  Marius  and  Sulla ;  first  rule  of  Sulla 

440.  Rule  of  Marius  and  China  ;  the  massacre 

441.  Sulla  in  the  East ;  the  war  with  Mithridates     . 

442.  The  new  civil  war 

443.  Sulla's  second  rule :  he  stamps  out  the  Democrats    . 

444.  Restoration  of  senatorial  rule 

445.  Sulla's  character  and  place  in  history 


369 
370 
371 
371 
371 
372 
373 
373 
374 
374 
375 
375 
376 
::77 


V.     Pompey  and  Caesar,  78-49  b.c. 
446.   General  view  of  the  thirty  years 377 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


A.    Pompey's  Leadership,  78-59  B.C. 

g|  ,    |  [OH  PACE 

447.    Pompey  and  Crassus ,  377 

IIs.    Sertorius  in  Spain 378 

41'.'.    Pompey's  first  chance  at  the  crown  in  Rome     ....  378 

460.    Pompey's  second  chance ;  Roman  expansion  in  the  East          .  380 

451.  New  leaders  in  Pompey's  absence:  Cato,  Cicero,  Caesar          .  381 

452.  The  conspiracy  of  Catiline 382 

B.     The  Rise  of  Caesar. 

453.  Formation  of  the  first  triumvirate  :  Caesar's  consulship  .         .  383 

454.  Caesar  in  Gaul :  expansion  in  the  West    .....  383 

455.  The  rupture  between  Caesar  and  Pompey          ....  385 


PAKT  V.  — THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE:  GRAECO- 
ROMAX  WORLD. 

CHAPTER    I. —FOUNDING  THE   EMPIRE,   49  B.C.-14  A.D. 

I.     Tiik  Five  Tears  of  Julius  Caesar,  49-44  b.c. 

A.     The  Moral  Question. 

456.    Monarchy  at   Rome  inevitable  —  from  (a)  corruption  at  the 

capital,  (6)  danger  on  the  frontiers 387 

I'm.    Monarchy  right  to  secure  good  government  in  the  provinces : 

Caesar  the  hope  of  the  subject  nationalities         .        .        .    388 

158.    Despotism  a  medicine  for  Rome 388 

/'.     The  Civil  War. 

159    Caesar  crosses  the  Rubicon ;  campaign  in  Italy        .        .        .    389 

160.  Campaigns  in  Spain  and  Greece  (Pharsalus,  48  b.c.)      .        .    390 

161.  The  four  remaining  campaigns  (Thapsus  and  Munda)     .        .    3i)0 


C.     Caesar's  Constructive   Work 

162.  '  laesar's  policy  of  clemency  and  reconciliation 

163.  His  plan  for  the  form  of  the  new  monarchy 

164.  General  measures  of  reform 

465.  The  provinces    ...... 

466.  The  unforeseen  interruption 

467.  Caesar's  character  and  place  in  history     , 


391 
392 
393 
394 
394 
395 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 


xv 


II.     From  Julius  to  Octavius,  44-3]  b.c 

SECTION 

468.  Anton ius  and  Octavius  Caesar  . 

400.  Formation  of  the  second  triumvirate 

47(>.  The  proscription 

471.  Final  overthrow  of  the  oligarchs  ;  Philippi 

472.  Dissensions  among  the  triumvirs  ;  Actium 


397 
398 
398 
399 
399 


III.     Octavius  Augustus,  31  b.c.-14  a.d. 

473.  Final  establishment  of  the  Empire  ;  republican  forms      .         .  399 

474.  Character  of  Augustus ,  401 

475.  The  Augustan  Age 401 

470.    The  worship  of  the  dead  Augustus 40:] 


CHAPTER   II. —THE   EMPIRE   OF   THE   FIRST  THREE 
CENTURIES:    AUGUSTUS   TO   DIOCLETIAN. 

-    (THE  STORY  OF   THE  EMPERORS.) 
477.    Nature  of  the  treatment 404 


I.     Two  Centuries  of  Order,  31  b. c. -180  a.d. 

A.      The  Julian  Caesars. 

478.  Augustus,  31  is.c.-14  a.d.  :  a  summary     . 

470.  Tiberius,  14-37  a.d 

480.  Caligula,  37-41 

481.  Claudius,  41-54 

482.  Nero,  54-68 


404 
405 
Iu5 
406 
406 


B.     The  Flavian  Caesars. 

483.  Vespasian  (Flavianus  Vespasianus),  70-79 

484.  Titus,  79-81 

485.  Domitian,  81-90 


407 

ins 
His 


C.     TJie  Antonine  Caesars. 

486.  Nerva,  the  first  of  the  "  five  good  emperors  "    ....  409 

487.  Trajan,  98-117 109 

188.    Hadrian,  117-138 410 

489.    Antoninus  Pius,  138-161 -ill 


xvi  ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

- N  PAGE 

490.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  161-180 411 

491.  Commodus,  180-192 412 

492.  D.     Summary,  31  B.C-192  A.D.        .         .         .412 

II.     A  Century  of  Disputed  Succession  between  Military 
Advextureks. 

493.  The  period  of  the  "barrack  emperors,"  193-284       .         .         .     412 

494.  Table  of  the  emperors 413 

495.  Some  of  the  strong  barrack  emperors 413 


CHAPTER   III.  — THE   EMPIRE    OF   THE   FIRST  THREE 
CENTURIES. 

{A    TOPICAL  SURVEY.) 

I.     The  Constitution. 

A.      The  Central  Government. 

490.  A  despotism  under  republican  forms  :  the  principate        .         .  415 

497.  The  power  of  the  emperors        .......  416 

498.  The  establishment  of  the  Empire  a  gradual  process  .         .         .  417 

499.  Nature  of  the  succession  :  the  weak  point  in  the  constitution   .  417 

7>'.     Loral  Government. 

5i H I.    Municipal  institutions 418 

501.  Tendency  to  centralize  the  local  administration        .        .        .    418 

502.  The  provinces ;  representative  assemblies         ....    419 

11.     Imperial  Defense. 

A.      lite  Army. 

508.    Numbers 420 

5iii.   Sources 420 

■  •"•"..    industrial  and  disciplinary  uses 421 


/;.     The  Frontit  rs. 


608.    As  Augustus  found  them 

507.  As  Augustus  corrected  them     . 

5os.  Later  additions :  Britain   . 

509.  The  greatest  extern*  and  the  earliest  surrenders 

510.  Frontier  walls 


421 
422 
423 
423 
424 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  xvii 


III.     Society  in  the  First  Two  Centuries. 
A.     Peace  and  Prosperity. 

SECTION  pAOB 

511.  "  The  good  Roman  peace  " 424 

512.  Good  government,  even  by  bad  emperors          ....  425 

513.  Material  prosperity  during  the  first  two  centuries     .         .         .  425 
614.   Forms  of  industry 427 

B.     Hie  World  becomes  Roman. 

515.  Politically,  by  extension  of  citizenship 428 

516.  Socially,  in  patriotism  and  aspiration 429 

517.  Consequent  diffusion  of  social  life 430 

C.     Education  in  the  First  Three  Centuries. 

518.  Universities 431 

519.  Grammar  schools  and  lower  schools 432 

D.     Architecture. 

520.  Characteristics 434 

521.  Famous  buildings  and  types      .......  434 

522.  The  Roman  basilica  and  early  Christian  architecture        .         .  430 


E.     Literature. 

523.  Before  Cicero     ..... 

524.  The  Age  of  Cicero     .... 

525.  The  Augustan  Age  .... 
520.  The  first  century  a.d.  after  Augustus 
527.    The  second  century  a.d.    . 


438 
438 
439 
439 
439 


F.     Pagan  Morals  and  Religion. 

528.  The  dark  side  ;  the  court  and  the  mobs    .         .         .         .         .  440 

529.  Danger  of  exaggerating  the  evils:    the  brighter  side;    Pliny, 

Aurelius,  the  middle  classes 441 

Special  evidence  of  improvement  in  :  — 

530.  a.  improved  position  of  women 443 

531.  b.  charity 444 

532.  c.  kindness  to  animals 444 

633.         d.  milder  slavery •  445 

534.          e.  broader  humanity •  '•"' 

635.         /.  gentler  spirit  of  imperial  law 440 


Will 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 


<;.     "Extracts  to  illustrate  the  Higher  Pagan  Morality. 

M  .    I  Ion 

536.    From  Marcus  Aureliiis 

").'!7.    From  Epictetus         ......... 


11.     Christianity. 

538.  Some,  inner  sources  of  its  power 

539.  Its  debl  to  the  Empire's  humane  tendencies  and  political  and 

social  unity 

540.  The  early  persecutions 

541.  Causes  of  persecution*        ..... 
512.    Attitude  of  the  imperial  government 
o\-'j.   Summary 


[V 


The  General  Decline  in  the  Third  Century 


PAGE 

446 

447 


448 

449 
450 
451 
452 
453 


544.  The  third  century :  political  decline  (§§493-495)  and  general 

deCay 4.'>4 

545.  Renewal  of  barbarian  attacks    .......  454 

546.  Decline  in  population  (the  plague)  and  in  material  prosperity  455 

547.  Decay  in  literature    .........  456 


CHAPTER   IV.—  THE   EMPIRE  OF  THE   FOURTH   CENTURY: 
DIOCLETIAN   TO   THEODOSIUS,   284-395  A.D. 

{THE  STORY  OF   THE   EMPERORS.) 

I,       DlOCLETIAN     \M>    THE    REORGANIZATION    OF   THE    GOVERNMENT. 

548,  The  needs  of  the  Empire:   more  elaborate  machinery  and  a 

more  settled  order  of  succession   ......     458 

549.  Diocletian,  284-305 459 

551  .    Diocletian's  syste f  •■  partnership  emperors  "  ;  the  i  'aesars  ; 

Ihe  four  prefectures 459 

551.  This  system  not  a  division  of  the  empire  .  460 

552.  A  complex  hierarchy         ........  160 

563.   Table  oi  prefectures  and  dioceses      ......  4(51 

554,    Separation   of  civil   and   military   powers    in    the    provincial 

■  mors       ..........     461 

555    Growth  of  a  centralized  administration     .....  462 

666.    Despotism  avowed  ;  despotic  forms  .        .        .        ...        .  402 

557.   General    resull  :    a    huge    complicated    machine    temporarily 

efficient 403 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF  CONTENTS.  xix 


II.       CONSTANTINE    AND    THE    VICTORY    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

SECTION  PAOB 

558.   From  Diocletian  to  Constantine,  305-812         ....  464 

55!).   Constantine  the  Great,  812-337 466 

660.    Constantine's  mojtives  for  favoring  Christianity        .        .        .  166 

561.  Steps  in  the  victory 400 

III.     The  Empihe  from  the  Victor?  or  Christianity  to  the 
Separation  into  Two  Empires,  337-395. 

562.  From  Constantine  to  Julian  :  last  attempt  to  restore  paganism  408 

503.  From   Julian  to  Theodosius :    last  attempt  at  "partnership 

emperors"    ..........  469 

504.  Final  separation  into  two  empires 470 


CHAPTER  V.— THE  EMPIRE   OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY. 

(A    TOPICAL  STUDY.) 

I.     Tin:  Christian  Church. 

505.    Organization 471 

566.    Growth  of  a  body  of  doctrine  :  the  Nicene  creed  and  the  Avian 

heresy 472 

507.  Persecution  by  the  church 17.; 

508.  Effect  of  the  conversion  of  the  empire       .....  475 

II.     Society  ix  the  Fourth  Century. 

■")(;!».    Growing  exhaustion  :  internal  decay 476 

570.  Classes  of  society       . 476 

571.  The  senatorial  nobility 477 

572.  The  curials 477 

57:!.  The  middle  class 178 

574.    The  artisans 17s 

675.    The  peasantry  (serfs) IT1- 

576.  Approach  of  a  caste  system 180 

577.  Crushing  taxation 480 

578.  The  infusion  of  barbarian  blood  and  customs   ....  480 

III.     Literature  and  Science:    Rapid  Decline. 

570.   Theological  character  of  the  literature  ;  authors: and  works      .  181 

580.  Unfavorable  attitude  of  the  Christians  toward  pagan  Learning  .  482 

581.  Other  and  deeper  causes  of  the  decay Is! 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


PART  VI.— ROMANO-TEUTONIC  EUROPE. 

CHAPTER   I. —THE   TEUTONS. 

8ECTION  PAGE 

582.  Early  home  and  the  different  Germanic  peoples        .         .         .  485 

583.  Stage  of  culture .  486 

584.  Character 487 

585.  Religion 488 

586.  Political  organization 489 

587.  The  "companions" 490 

588.  The  charm  of  the  South 490 

CHAPTER   II. —  THE   INVASIONS,   376-565  A.  D. 

I.     The  Teutons  break  over  the  Barriers. 

A.     The  Danube. 

589.  West  Goths  admitted  into  the  empire  ;  Adrianople,  378  a.d.    .  492 

590.  Alaric  in  Greece,  Illyria,  and  Italy 494 

591.  The  sack  of  Rome  by  the  Goths,  410  a.d 494 

592.  Visigothic  kingdom  in  Spain,  419  a.d 495 


B.     The  Rhine. 

593.  The  barrier  bursts,  406  a.  n.       .... 

594.  Kingdom  of  the  Burgundians     .... 

595.  The  Vandals  in  Spain  ;  Vandal  kingdom  in  Africa 

596.  Franks  and  Romans  in  North  Gaul   . 

597.  The  Saxons  and  Angles  in  Britain    . 

II.     The  Huns. 


496 
496 
496 

497 
497 


598.  Turanian  peoples 498 

590.  The  Huns  in  Gaul ;  the  rallying  of  the  West    .        .         .         .499 

600.  Chalons 499 

601.  Attila  in  Italy  ;  Pope  Leo  ;  Venice 500 

III.     Italy  and  the  Empire  from  Alaric  to  the  Lombards, 
410-568. 

A.     Tin'  Empire  in  the  West  (Italy)  from  Alaric  to  Odovaker. 

602.  Italy  from  the  division  of  the  empire  between  the  sons  of  Theo- 

dosius  to  the  reunion  of  Italy  with  the  East  under  Zeno      .     501 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  *xi 

SECTION  PAOK 

803.    Story  of  the  emperors  in  the  West,  395-455      .         .        .        .501 
604.    Story  of  the  rulers  of  Italy  from  the  sack  of  Home  by  Geiseric 

to  the  reunion  with  the  Empire  of  the  East         .        .        .     502 


B.     The  Kingdom  of  the  East  Goths  in  Italy. 

605.  The  Goths  before  entering  Italy  ;  Theodoric     . 

606.  The  conquest  of  Italy 

607.  "Theodoric  the  Civilizer,"  493-526  a. n.  . 

608.  Theodoric's  "  empire  " 

609.  Elements  of  weakness  :  Arianism     .... 


503 
504 
504 
505 
500 


C.     Bevival  of  the  Empire  at  Constantinople. 

610.  The  "Greek  Empire,"  or  "Byzantine  Empire"       .         .         .507 

611.  Slav  invasions 507 

612.  Justinian :  restoration  and  reconquests  of  Africa,  of  parts  of 

Spain,  and  of  Italy 507 

613.  The  Justinian  Code 508 

D.     The  Lombards  in  Italy. 

614.  Called  in  by  Narses 509 

615.  Final  break-up  of  Italian  unity  for  1300  years ;  Italy  divided 

between  Lombard  and  Greek 509 

IV.     The  Franks. 

616.  Preeminence  among  Teutonic  conquerors,  because  (a)  they 

expanded  rather  than  migrated,  and  (b)  adopted  Catholic 
rather  than  Arian  Christianity 510 

617.  Clovis  :  early  conquests  (Soissons  and  Strasburg)     .         .         .     510 

618.  Clovis' conversion  ;  motives  and  political  results      .         .         .     511 

619.  Later  conquests  of  Clovis  and  his  sons ;  the  Frankish  empire 

of  the  seventh  century 511 

620.  The  Frankish  state  under  the  later  Merovingians     .        .        .512 

V.     Britain. 

621.  Causes  for  the  slowness  of  the  Teutonic  conquest     .        .        .  513 

622.  Result  of  the  slow  conquest :  England  a  Teutonic  state    .        .  513 

623.  Conversion  to  Christianity ^14 

G24.   Three  political  results &*"* 


xxii  ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   III.— THE   STATE  OF  WESTERN  EUROPE, 
400-800. 

SB   I  I"N  PAGE 

625.  Plan  of  treatment 510 

I.  Destruction  and  Disorder,  with  Germs  of  Progress. 

A.      The  Dark  Side. 

626.  Tlie  loss  to  civilization       ........     516 

027.    New  Causes  for  decline  in  culture      ......     517 

B.     Causes  of  the  Preservation  of  Some  of  the  Roman 
<  'ionization. 

628.  The  barbarian  conquests  accomplished  by  small  numbers         .  518 

629.  The  conquests  attended  with  little  fighting  (outside  Britain)    .  518 

630.  Reverence  of  the  conquerors  for  the  Roman  civilization   .        .  518 

631.  Influence  of  the  old  populations 519 

632.  The  church ,:.'.,.        .  519 

633.  Summary .  520 

II.  Some  of  the  Survivals  and  Some  New  Institutions. 

634.  A.     Tin   Idea  of  One  Universal  Empire  .        .     521 

B.     Monasticism. 

635.  Eastern  hermits  and  Western  monks 522 

636.  Growth  of  monasticism.     Organization     .....  523 

637.  The  vows;  the  monastic  life 523 

638.  Relation  to  the  other  clergy 524 


C.    Development  of  Teutonic  Law. 

639.  Written  codes 

640.  Personality  of  law 

641.  Trial:  compurgation;  ordeal;  combat 

642.  Money  pay  men  I  for  offenses 

643.  I).     Development  of  Neva  Political  Institutions 

III.      SUMMARl     OF    KoM\N     wo   Til  tonic    CONTRIBUTIONS. 


521 
525 
525 
626 

526 


'Ml.   Contributions  from  the  Roman  Empire 527 

646.    Contributions  from  the  Teutons 528 

646.    Influence  oi  tin- mixture    ........    528 


ANALYTICAL  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  xxiii 


CHAPTER   IV. —POLITICAL  EUROPE,  600-768  A.D. 
I.     The  Franks  to  Charles  Martel. 

SECTION  I- m.i 

047.    Rivalry  of  Austrasia  and  Xeusfria :,;;n 

648.  "  Do-nothing  kings  "  and  mayors  of  the  palace        .        .        .     630 

649.  Pippin  of  Heristal :   Testry  ;  supremacy  of  Austrasia  and  re- 

founding  of  the  Prankish  state     ......     531 

650.  Charles  Martel  :  restoration  of  authority  over  outlying  prov- 

inces in  time  to  meet  the  Mohammedan  onset     .        .        .     532 

II.     The  Mohammedan  Peril, 

651.  Arabia  before  Mohammed 532 

652.  Mohammed  to  the  Hegira,  622  a.d.  .         .        .        .        .        .  533 

653.  From  the  Hegira  to  Mohammed's  death,  632  a.d.     .        .        .  ">:;i 
li.vj.  The  ninety  years  of  conquest    . 535 

655.  Attack  upon  Europe  in  the  East:  repulses  at  Constantinople 

in  678  and  717  a.d 535 

656.  Attack  in  the  West  •  repulse  at  Tours',' 732^  a.d.        .        .        .     53jJ 

657.  The  splitting  of  the  Mohammedan  state  ;  later  Mohammedan- 

ism ;  elements  of  degeneracy 537 

III.     The  Papacy. 
A.     Rise  to  Ecclesiastical  Headship* 

658.  Claim  :  doctrine  of  the  Petrine  supremacy         ....     538 
669.    Six  factors  that  helped  to  support  the  claim  in  the  West  .         .     539 

660.  Eastern  rivalry  removed  by  the  Mohammedan  conquest  and 

by  the  Great  Schism 540 

B.     The  Pope  becomes  a  Temporal  Sovereign. 

661.  Indefinite  authority  as  a  civil  officer  of  the  Greek  emperor       .     Ml 

662.  This  virtual  independence  avowed  by  open  rebellion         .         .     542 

663.  Recognition  and  protection  by  the  Franks        .        .        .        .543 

IV.     The  Franks  and  the  Papacy:    from  Chari.es  the 
Hammer  to  Charles  the  Great. 

664.  The  new  Carolingian  dynasty ;  papal  sanction  .        .        •     643 

665.  Pippin  enlarges  the  papal  state  :  "  donation  of  Pippin "  .         .     544 

666.  Different  views  as  to  the  nature  of  the  papal  authority;  the 

forged  "  donation  of  Constantino  " 544 


ANALYTICAL   TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   V.— THE   EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE. 
I.     Character  of  Charlemagne. 

SECTION- 

667.   Charlemagne  the  man 


PAGE 

546 


II.     Expansion-  and  Consolidation  of  Teutonic  Civilization. 

668.  The  Frankish  state  at  Charlemagne's  accession         .         .         .  547 

669.  Character  of  Charlemagne's  wars 547 

670.  The  winning  of  the  Saxon  lands,  to  the  Elbe,  772-804      .        .  548 

671.  Spain,  Italy,  Bavaria 549 

672.  Result :  the  union  of  the  civilized  German  peoples  .         .        .  549 

673.  Defensive  wars  against  the  Eastern  Slavs  ;  tributary  states      .  550 


III.     Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West. 

674.  Reasons  and  pretexts 551 

675.  Election  and  coronation  by  Pope  Leo,  800  a. d.         .         .        .  551 

676.  Theory  of  the  Empire 552 

677.  The  Western  and  Eastern  Empires  contrasted  .         .        .  552 

678.  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  old  Roman  Empire  contrasted  552 

679.  The  Great  Powers  in  800 553 


IV.     Social  and  Political  Conditions. 

680.  General  poverty  and  misery  of  the  times 

681.  Political  organization 

682.  Relations  to  the  church 

683.  Schools  and  education 

684.  Place  of  the  restored  Empire  in  history 

685.  The  place  of  Charlemagne 


At  the  close  of  the  chapters,  and  of  the  more  important  sub- 
divisions of  chapters,  there  are  given  bibliographies  and  suggestions 
for  review. 


554 
554 
556 
556 
557 
557 


Appendix:     I.     Table  of  Events  and  Dates 
II.     A  Classified  Bibliography 


559 
567 


Index  and  Pronouncing  Vocabulary 


57i 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

1.  Remains  of  an  Etruscan  Arch  at  Volaterrae       ....  258 

2.  Remains  of  the  Wall  of  Servius L'<i7 

3.  The  Cloaca  Maxima 268 

4.  Coin  struck  by  Pyrrhus  in  Sicily 302 

5.  The  Appian  Way  To-day,  with  Ruins  of  the  Claudian  Aqueduct  310 

6.  Carthaginian  Coin  struck  in  Sicily      ......  '.Yl'l 

7.  Coin  of  Hiero  II.  of  Syracuse 322 

8.  Coin  of  Sulla  struck  in  Athens '■)",:> 

9.  Pompey  the  Great.     A  bust  in  the  Spada  Palace        .        .        .  379 

10.  Cicero.     The  Vatican  bust 381 

11.  Julius  Caesar.     The  British  Museum  bust 384 

12.  Marcus  Brutus.     A  bust  in  the  Capitoline  Museum    .         .         .  395 

13.  Octavius  Caesar  as  a  Boy.     A  bust  now  in  the  Vatican      .        .  398 

14.  Augustus.     The  Vatican  statue 402 

15.  Detail  from  Trajan's  Column  :  Trajan  sacrificing  at  the  Bridge 

over  the  Danube 410 

16.  A  German  Bodyguard.     A  detail  from  the  column  of  Marcus 

Aurelius 420 

17.  The  Aqueduct  at  Nimes 127 

18.  The  Arch  of  Trajan  at  Beneventum 433 

19.  A  Section  of  the  Pantheon  as  at  Present 134 

20.  The  Coliseum  To-day 43."> 

21.  Trajan's  Column  To-day 436 

22.  Plan  of  a  Basilica 437 

23.  Interior  of  Trajan's  Basilica  as  restored  by  Canina     .        .        .  137 

24.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus.     A  bust  now  in  the  Louvre  .         .  442 

25.  Faustina,  the  wife  of  Marcus  Aurelius.      A  bust  now  in  the 

Louvre  .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .  1 1  •' : 

26.  The  Arch  of  Constantine 464 

27.  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Diocletian.     Now  the  Church  of  St.  Mary 

of  the  Angels 171 

28.  A  Dolmen  of  the  Ancient  Germans 186 

29.  Battle-ax  and  Mace  :   arms  of  Teutonic  chieftains  in  an  early 

period 186 

30.  Basilica  of  San  Vitale  at   Ravenna  (time  of  Theodoric   the 

Great) 505 

31.  Sepulcher  of  Theodoric  at  Ravenna ;,l"; 

32.  Throne  of  Charlemagne  at  Aachen 553 

xxv 


MAPS   AND   PLANS. 

PAGE 

1.  Ancient  Italy.    (General  Reference.)   Full  page,  colored,  facing  256 

2.  Peoples  of  Italy 259 

3.  Koine  under  the  Kings 266 

4.  Rome  and  Vicinity 269 

5.  Italy  about  200  h.c.  :  Roads  and  Colonies 308 

6.  Plan  of  a  Roman  Camp 318 

7.  Rome  and  Carthage  at  the  Beginning  of  the  First  Punic  War    .  325 

8.  The  Mediterranean  Lands  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Second  Punic 

War   (The   Five   Great   Powers).       Double    page,    colored 

following  328 

9.  Roman  Dominions  and  Dependencies  in  140  b.c.        .         .         .  348 

10.  Vicinity  of  the  Bay  of  Naples 408 

11.  The  Roman  Empire  at  its  Greatest  Extent  (showing  also  Stages 

in  Growth).     Double  page,  colored        .         .        .  folloioing  422 

12.  Rome  under  the  Empire 432 

13.  The  Roman  Empire  divided  into  Praefectures  and  Dioceses. 

Double  page,  colored following  460 

1 1.    The  Rhine-Danube  Frontier  before  the  Great  Migrations.     Full 

page 493 

16.    The  Migrations.     Double  page,  colored      .        .        .following  494 

16.  Europe   in   the   Reign   of  Theodoric   (500  a.d.).      Full  page, 

colored  .........       facing  504 

17.  Europe  at  the  Death  of  Justinian  (565  a.d.).     Full  page,  colored 

facing  508 

18.  Germanic  Kingdoms  on  Roman  Soil  at  the  Close  of  the  Sixth 

Century.     Double  page,  colored    ....  folloioing  512 

T.i.    Kingdom  of  the  Merovingians.     Full  page,  colored    .        facing  530 

20.  Europe  at  the  End  of  the  Seventh  Century.     Full  page,  colored 

facing  543 

21.  Europe  in  the  Time  of  Charles  the  Great.     Double  page,  colored 

folloioing  552 


xxvi 


PART   IV. 

EOME. 

The  center  of  our  studies,  the  goal  of  our  thoughts,  the  point  to  ichich 
all  paths  lead  and  the  point  from  which  all  paths  start  again,  is  to  be 
found  in  Rome  and  her  abiding  power.  —  Freeman. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY  SURVEY. 

/3  &  S  t> 

Divisions  I  and  V  of  this  chapter  are  suitable  for  reading 
and  discussion  in  class.  The  other  three  divisions  (Geog- 
raphy of  Italy,  Peoples  of  Italy,  and  Geography  of  Rome) 
should  be  studied  more  carefully. 

I.     THE   PLACE   OF   ROME    IN   HISTORY. 

252.    Preceding    History  :     Oriental    Contributions    Material  ; 

Greek  Contributions  Intellectual.  —  Our  civilization  began  seven 

thousand  years  ago  in  the  fertile  valleys  of  Egypt  and  western 

Asia.      Slowly  war  and  trade  spread  it  around  the  eastern 

coasts  of  the  Mediterranean.     But  the  contributions  of  this 

v  Oriental    civilization    to    the    future    were    mainly   material. 

^  About  600  b.c.  the  Greeks,  in  their  Aegean  home  and  in  their 

^  many  settlements  scattered  along  all  the  Mediterranean  coasts, 

^  became  the   leaders   in   civilization.     They  made  marvelous 

,   advance  in  art,  literature,  philosophy,  and  in  some  sciences. 

^  Their  chief  contributions  were  intellectual.     After  about  three 

hundred  years,  under   Alexander  the   Great,  they  suddenly 

conquered   the   East   and   formed   a   Graeco-Oriental    World; 

but  politically  the  empire  of  Alexander  broke  at  once  into 

fragments. 

253 


254  ROME  — INTRODUCTORY  SURVEY.  [§253 

253.  Rome  the  Representative  of  Government  and  Law.  — 
During  the  last  part  of  Greek  history  there  had  been  growing 
up  a  power  in  the  peninsula  to  the  west  of  Greece,  which  was 
soon  to  become  the  political  master  of  the  world  and  to  make 
new  advances  in  civilization.  This  power  was  Rome.  As 
Greece  stands  for  art  and  intellectual  culture,  so  Rome  stands 
for  organization  and  law.  The  peculiar  function  of  Rome  was 
to  make  empire  and  to  rule  it.  This  the  Romans  themselves 
recognized ;  their  poet  Vergil  wrote :  — 

"  Others,  I  grant,  indeed,  shall  with  more  delicacy  mold  the  breathing 
brass ;  from  marble  draw  the  features  to  the  life  ;  plead  causes  better ; 
describe  with  a  rod  the  courses  of  the  heavens,  and  explain  the  rising 
stars.  To  rule  the  nations  with  imperial  sway  be  thy  care,  0  Roman. 
These  shall  be  thy  arts :  to  impose  terms  of  peace,  to  spare  the  humbled, 
and  to  crush  the  proud." 

Rome  began  as  a  village  of  rude  shepherds  and  peasants 
by  the  bank  of  the  Tiber.  Her  history  is  the  history  of  the 
growth  of  a  village  into  a  city-state,  the  growth  of  that  city- 
state  into  a  united  Italy,  and  the  further  growth  of  that  Italy 
into  a  world-state.  Rome  did  first  for  the  villages  of  its  sur- 
rounding hills  what  Athens  did  for  the  villages  of  Attica.  It 
went  on  to  do  for  all  Italy  what  Athens  tried  in  vain  to  do  for 
all  Greece.  Then  it  did  for  all  the  Mediterranean  world  wdiat 
Alexander  failed  to  do  —  save  for  a  moment  —  for  the  eastern 
half.  By  conquest  Rome  extended  her  civilization  over  the 
barbarians  of  the  west  of  Europe,  and  then  united  under  the 
same  sway  the  Hellenic  realms  of  the  East.  Shortly  before 
the  birth  of  Christ  she  had  organized  the  fringes  of  the  three 
continents  bordering  the  Mediterranean  into  one  Graeco- 
Ki »inan  society. 

The  Greeks,  aside  from  their  own  contributions  to  civiliza- 
tion, hud  collected  the  arts  and  sciences  of  all  the  nations  of 
antiquity.  Rome  preserved  this  common  treasure  of  mankind 
and  herself  added  laws  and  institutions  which  have  influenced 
all  later  time.  The  Roman  Empire,  says  Freeman,  is  the 
central  "luke  in  which  all  the  streams  of  ancient  history  lose 


§255]  THE   LAND.  255 

themselves  and  which  all  the  streams  of  modern   history  flow 
out  of." 

254.  The  Roman  and  the  Greek:  Work  and  Character.  —  It 
was  not  Home's  genius  in  war,  great  as  that  was,  which 
enabled  her  to  make  the  world  Roman.  It  was  her  political 
wisdom  and  her  organizing  power.  The  Romans  were  stern 
and  harsh,  but  they  were  also  just,  obedient,  reverent,  and 
legal-minded.  They  were  a  disciplined  people,  and  they  loved 
order.  The  work  of  the  Greeks  and  that  of  the  Romans  are 
happily  related.  Each  is  strong  where  the  other  is  weak. 
The  Greeks  gave  us  philosophy  and  art;  the  Romans,  political 
institutions  and  legal  systems. 

"The  Greeks  had  more  genius  ;  the  Romans  more  stability.  .  .  .  They 
[the  Romans]  had  less  delicacy  of  perception,  .  .  .  but  they  had  more 
sobriety  of  character  and  more  endurance.  .  .  .  Versatility  belonged  to 
the  Greek,  virility  to  the  Roman."  —  Fisher,  Outlines  of  Universal 
History,  125. 

"Action,  achievement,  and,  as  means  to  these,  order,  system,  law, 
not  attention  to  ideas  or  ideals,  mark  the  Roman  nature." — Andrews, 
Institutes  of  General  History,  73. 

"If  it  be  true,  as  is  sometimes  said,  that  there  is  no  literature  which 
rivals  the  Greek  except  the  English,  it  is  perhaps  even  more  true  that  the 
Anglo-Saxon  is  the  only  race  which  can  be  placed  beside  the  Roman  in 
creative  power  in  law  and  politics."  —  George  Burton  Adams,  Civiliza- 
tion during  the  Middle  Ages,  21. 

II.    THE   LAND. 

255.  Limits:  Meaning  of  the  Name  "Italy."  —  Modern  Italy, 
bounded  by  the  Alps  and  the  sea,  is  made  up  of  two  distinct 
halves,  —  the  level  valley  of  the  Po  extending  from  east  to 
west,  and  the  slender  mountainous  peninsula  reaching  from  it 
south  into  the  Mediterranean.  Until  about  27  B.C.,  however, 
the  Po  valley  was  always  considered  part  of  Gaul  (Cisalpine 
Gaul,  or  Gaul  this  side  the  Alps).  During  all  early  Roman 
history  the  name  Italy  belonged  not  to  this  valley,  but  only 
to  the  true  peninsula  with  the  Apennine  range  for  its  back? 
bone. 


256  ROME  — INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY.  [§  250 

Like  Greece,  Italy  was  specially  fitted  by  nature  for  the 
work  it  was  to  do.  We  must  observe  three  ways  in  which  its 
geography  affected  its  history  (§§  256-258). 

256.  Geographical  and  Political  Unity.  —  Italy  was  more  fit 
than  Greece  for  that  internal  union  which  is  the  only  safe 
basis  for  external  empire.  The  geographical  divisions  are 
larger  and  less  distinct  than  the  divisions  in  Greece,  and  so 
the  inhabitants  were  more  easily  united  by  conquest  under 
one  government.  Moreover,  the  fertile  plains  were  better 
suited  to  agriculture  and  grazing  than  were  the  lands  of 
Greece,  while  the  coast  lacked  the  many  harbors  and  the 
island-studded  sea  that  invited  the  earliest  Hellenes  to  com- 
merce. Civilization  came  later,  but  energy  and  effort  were 
kept  at  home  longer,  until  the  foundations  of  empire  were 
more  securely  laid. 

257.  Geography  and  the  Direction  of  the  First  Outside  Effort.  — 
The  geography  of  Italy  determined  also  the  direction  of  Italy's 
first  conquests.  The  Apennines  are  nearer  the  eastern  coast 
than  the  western,  and  on  the  eastern  side  the  short  rocky  spurs 
and  swift  torrents  lose  themselves  quickly  in  the  Adriatic. 
The  western  slope  is  nearly  twice  as  broad ;  here  are  the  large 
fertile  plains  and  the  few  rivers,  and,  as  a  result,  most  of  the 
few  harbors  and  the  important  states. 

Thus  Italy  and  Greece  stood  back  to  back  (§  71  d).  Greece 
laced  the  old  Oriental  civilizations.  Italy  faced  west  toward 
Spain,  and,  through  Sicily,  toward  Africa.  When  she  was 
ready  for  outside  work,  she  gave  herself  to  conquering  and 
civilizing  these  western  lands  with  their  fresh,  vigorous 
peoples.  It  was  only  after  this  had  been  accomplished  that 
she  came  in  contact  with  the  Graeco-Oriental  world.1 

258.  Geographical  Position  and  External  Dominion.2  —  Euro- 
pean culture  began  in  the  peninsula  which  was  at  once  "the 
most  Kuropean  of  European  lands"  and  the  European  land 


1  Except  for  the  Greek  states  hi  southern  Italy. 

-  Fuller  discussions  in  Mommsen,  I,  15-17;  How  and  Leigh,  2-11. 


ITALY 

REFERENCE  MAP 

SCALE  OF  MILES 


§  260]  THE   PEOPLES   OF   ITALY.  257 

nearest  to  the  older  civilizations  of  the  East  (§§  70,  71  d).  Just 
as  fittingly,  the  state  which  was  to  unite  and  rule  all  the  coasts 
of  the  Mediterranean  had  its  home  in  the  central  peninsula 
which  divides  that  inland  sea.  When  her  struggle  for  empire 
began,  her  central  position  enabled  Italy  to  cut  off  the  Car- 
thaginian power  in  Africa  and  Spain  from  its  Hellenic  allies 
in  the  East  and  to  conquer  her  enemies  one  by  one. 

Exercise.  —  Map  study:  note  that  Liguria,  Gallia  Cisalpina,  and 
Venetia  are  outside  the  true  Italy  (§  2G5)  ;  fix  the  position  of  Etruria, 
Lalium,  Campania,  Samnium,  and  the  Salines ;  observe  that  the  Arnus 
(Arno),  in  Etruria,  the  Tiler,  between  Etruria  and  Latiuui,  and  the 
Litis,  between  Latiuui  and  Campania,  are  the  most  important  river 
systems,  and  that  their  basins  were  the  early  homes  of  culture  in  Italy. 

III.     THE   PEOPLES  OF  ITALY.* 

259.  A  Mingling  of  Races.  —  Eor  some  centuries  in  the 
period  we  are  to  study,  Italy  was  the  mistress  of  the  world. 
Before  that  time,  as  since,  she  had  been  the  victim  of  conquer- 
ing peoples.  Even  in  prehistoric  times,  the  fame  of  her  fer- 
tility and  beauty  had  tempted  swarm  after  swarm  of  invaders 
across  the  Alps  and  the  Adriatic,  and  already  at  the  opening 
of  history  the  land  held  a  curious  mixture  of  races. 

260.  Chief  Divisions.  —  The  center  of  the  peninsula  was  the 
home  of  the  Italians  who  were  finally  to  give  their  language 
and  law  to  the  whole  land.  They  fell  into  two  branches. 
The  western  Italians  were  lowlanders,  and  were  called  Latins. 
Their  home  was  in  Latium.  The  eastern  and  larger  section  of 
the  Italians  were  highlanders,  and  were  again  subdivided  into 
Sabines,  Samnites,  Volscians,  Aequians,  Lucanians,  and  so  on. 

The  more  important  of  the  other  races  were  the  Greeks  in 
the  south  and  the  Gauls  and  Etruscans  in  the  north.  The 
Greeks  of  Masma  Graecia  have  been   referred   to   in  earlier 


1  Read  How  and  Leigh,  History  of  Rome,  11-19.  Advanced  students  may 
consult  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  I,  9-17.  Sergi's  Mediterranean  Re.ee 
give,  receM   >     ■  ^J^ JfE  RQRMAL  SCHOOL, 


uos  jutoMUHS,  onit. 


258 


ROME  — INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY. 


[§260 


pages.  The  Gauls  held  the  Po  valley.  They  were  merely  a 
portion  of  the  Gauls  from  beyond  the  Alps,  and  were  still 
rude  barbarians. 


Remains  ok  Etruscan  Arch  at  Yolaterrae. 


The  Etruscans  were  a  mysterious  people  —  "the  standing 
riddle  of  history."    At  an  early  time  they  had  held  the  Po 


§  •.-,;<>] 


THE    PEOPLES    OF    ITALY 


250 


valley  and  all  the  western  coast  from  the  Alps  to  the  Greek 
cities  of  the  south.  But  before  exact  history  begins,  the  Latins 
and  the  Samnites  of  Campania  had  thrown  off  their  yoke  and 
driven  them  from  all  lands  south  of  the  Tiber,  while  the  Gauls 
had  expelled  them  from  the  Po  valley.     Thus  they  had  become 


Tin:  PEOPLES 
OF  ITALY 


restricted  to  the  central  district,  Etruria,  just  across  the  Tiber 
from  the  Latins. 

The  Etruscans  were  still,  however,  the  most  civilized  people 
in  Italy.  They  were  mighty  and  skillful  builders,  and  have 
left  many  interesting  ruins,  with  multitudes  of  inscriptions  in 
a  language  to  which  scholars  can  find  no  key.  They  became 
celebrated  early  for  their  work  in  bronze  and  iron,  and  they 


200  ROME  — INTRODUCTORY   SURVEY.  [§231 

were  the  first  people  in  Italy  to  engage  in  commerce.  Probably 
they  introduced  many  arts  from  the  Phoenicians  and  Greeks. 
In  later  times  their  power  declined  rapidly  before  the  rising 
Roman  state,  the  heir  of  their  civilization.  Etruscan  builders 
reared  the  walls  of  early  Rome,  drained  her  marshes,  and 
fringed  the  Tiber-side  with  great  quays.  The  Roman's  dress 
(the  toga),  his  house,  his  favorite  amusements  (the  cruel  sports 
of  the  amphitheater),  and  much  of  his  religion  (especially  the 
divination  and  soothsaying),  were  Etruscan  in  origin ;  while 
from  the  same  source  he  learned  his  unrivaled  power  to  build 
for  all  time.1  The  .Etruscans  were  Rome's  first  teachers. 
Later,  the  Greeks  of  south  Italy  were  to  take  up  that  office. 

261.  "Fragments  of  Forgotten  Peoples." — Besides  these  four  great 
races,  —  Italians,  Greeks,  Etruscans,  and  Gauls,  —  whom  Rome  was  finally 
to  fuse  into  one  strong  and  noble  nation,  there  were  also  fragments  of 
earlier  peoples  in  ancient  Italy.  In  the  southern  mountains  were  the 
Iapygians ;  in  the  marshes  of  the  northeast,  the  Veneti ;  and,  in  the  extreme 
northwest,  between  the  Alps  and  the  sea,  the  wild  Ligurians,  These  last 
were  rude  hill-men,  who  had  fought  savagely  for  their  crags  and  caves  with 
Etruscans  and  Gauls,  and  were  long  to  harass  the  Roman  legions  with 
guerilla  warfare.    Later,  they  furnished  Rome  an  admirable  light  infantry. 

IV.     GEOGRAPHICAL  ADVANTAGES  OF  ROME. 

262.  Roman  Geography  Important.  — At  first  Rome  was  simply 
one  of  many  Italian  towns ;  and,  so  far  as  Ave  can  tell,  her 
development  was  like  that  of  the  others.  It  is  impossible  to 
say  why  just  this  city,  rather  than  some  other  of  the  same 
land,  should  finally  have  become  the  ruling  power  in  Italy. 
Still  we  can  see  that  the  greatness  of  Rome  rested,  in  part,  at 
least,  upon  geographical  conditions.  Four  factors  may  be 
noted  (§§  263-2(50). 

1  A  brief  discussion  <>f  the  question  of  an  Etruscan  conquest  of  early  Rome 
Is  given  in  Pelham's  Outlines,  32-36.  See  also  Mommsen's  theory  (History, 
I,  414).  Charles  Godfrey  Leland's  Etrusco-Roman  Remains  (especially  in 
tin-  Introduction)  gives  a  most  interesting  account  of  the  survival  to-day 
among  the  Tuscan  peasantry  of  the  ancient  Etruscan  paganism  and  divination. 


|.266]         GEOGRAPHICAL  ADVANTAGES  OF  ROME.  261 

263.  Central  Position  in  Italy.  —  Rome  is  the  central  city  of 
the  peninsula,  and  so  had  advantages  for  consolidating  [taly  like 
those  enjoyed  by  Italy  for  unifying  the  Mediterranean  coasts. 
It  was  not  by  accident  that  Mediterranean  dominion  fell  to 
the  central  city  of  the  central  peninsula. 

264.  A  Commercial  Site.  —  The  Tiber  was  the  one  navigable 
river  of  Italy.  In  old  times  ships  sailed  up  the  river  to  Rome, 
while  barges  brought  down  to  her  wharves  the  wheat  and  wine 
of  the  uplands.  The  site  had  the  advantages  of  a  port,  but  was 
far  enough  from  the  coast  to  be  safe  from  sudden  raids  by 
pirates.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Rome's  greatness  in  Latium 
was  largely  due  to  her  importance  as  a  mart  of  commerce.1 

265.  Rome  a  "  Mark  State."  —  Early  Rome  was  a  "  mark  state  " 
of  the  Latins;  that  is,  it  bordered  upon  hostile  peoples.  Just 
across  the  Tiber  lay  the  Etruscans,  and  in  the  eastern  mountains 
dwelt  the  Sabines.  The  Romans  were  the  champions  of  the 
Latins  against  these  foes.  Thus  they  came  to  excel  the  other 
Latins  in  war.  Their  position  was  favorable,  also,  to  some 
mingling  of  tribes,  and  Roman  traditions  assert  that  such  a 
mingling  did  take  place  (§  271). 

266.  "  The  Seven  Hills  "  :  Federation.  —  Most  important  of  all 
these  geographical  factors,  Rome  was  "the  city  of  the  seven 
hills."  Italian  towns,  like  the  Greek  (§  80),  had  their  origin 
each  in  some  acropolis,  or  hill  fortress ;  and  even  in  Latium 
there  were  many  settlements,  like  Alba  Longa  or  Praeneste, 
that  frowned  from  more  formidable  heights  than  those  held  by 
Rome.  But  nowhere  else  was  there  so  placed  in  the  midst  of  a 
fertile  plain  a  group  of  hills. 

Three  or  more  of  these  close-lying  hills  became  each  the  home 
of  a  distinct  tribe.  These  settlements  could  not  well  avoid 
close  intercourse  of  some  kind.  They  could  not  very  well 
always  fight  one  another;  and  so,  by  conquest  or  by  treaty, 
a   strong  union  was  almost  sure   to   result.      Tradition   and 


1  Read  Mommsen,  I,  59-62,  on  the  Tiber  traffic,  or  Tighe,  51-53 ;  and,  if  ac- 
cessible, Goldwin  Smith's  "  Greatness  of  the  Romans,"  in  Lectures  and  Essays. 


202  ROME  — INTRODUCTORY    SURVEY.  [§267 

geography  agree  that  Rome  arose  from  such  a  group  of  sepa- 
rate towns.1 

V.     LEGENDARY   HISTORY. 

267.  Old  Writers  and  Sources.2  —  The  Romans  did  not  begin 
to  write  the  history  of  their  city  until  about  200  b.c.3  Even 
then  the  first  histories  were  meager  annals.  For  the  early 
centuries  the  composers  found  tAvo  kinds  of  material,  —  scant 
official  records  and  unreliable  family  chronicles. 

a.  The  records  comprised  only  lists  of  magistrates,  with  brief  notices  of 
striking  events  and  of  peculiar  phenomena,  like  an  eclipse.  Moreover, 
even  these  barren  records  had  been  destroyed  up  to  the  year  390  b.c.  (when 
the  Gauls  sacked  the  city),  and  had  been  restored,  imperfectly,  from 
memory. 

b.  The  great  clans  (gentes)  fed  their  pride  by  family  histories,  and 
especially  by  historical  funeral  orations ;  but  these  were  all  based  upon 
oral  tradition,  which  was  readily  distorted  by  inventions  and  wild  ex- 
aggerations, to  suit  family  glory. 

From  such  sources,  early  in  the  second  century  b.c,  Fdbius 
Pictor  (§  523)  wrote  the  first  connected  history  of  Rome.  He 
and  his  successors  (mostly  Greek  slaves  or  adventurers)  trimmed 

1  Freeman's  Historical  Essays,  Second  Series,  252,  253;  Ihne's  Early  limn-  . 
OS;  Mommsen,  [,62-71  and  100-109.  Advanced  students  will  observe  that  the 
gain  was  not  merely  in  physical  power.  That  was  the  least  of  it.  Early  socie- 
ties arc  fettered  rigidly  by  custom,  so  that  the  beginnings  of  change  are  incon- 
ceivablyslow.  In  Rome  the  anion  of  distinct  societies  broke  these  bonds  at  a 
period  far  earlier  than  common.  Necessity  compelled  the  tribes  to  adopt  broad 
views  of  their  relations  toward  each  other,  and  compromise  took  the  place  of 
inflexible  custom.  Thus  began  the  process  of  association  that  was  later  to 
unite  Italy,  and  Rome  was  started  npon  the  development  of  her  marvelous 
system  of  law. 

2  The  class  should  read  linn's  Early  Rome,  9-31 :  or  lime's  History,  I,  277- 
284;  or  Tighe,  7-17.  Study  also  the  extracts  from  the  later  Roman  writers 
themselves  in  Munro's  Source  i:<><>k  of  Roman  History,  4-5.  The  Romans  had 
iic  Homer  to  leave  a  picture  of  their  early  life.  Seme  modern  scholars,  how- 
ever, believe  'hat  there  must  have  been  a  copious  ballad  literature  among  the 
people,  from  "  hich  early  historians  could  draw.  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient 
Rome  was  an  attempt  to  reproduce  such  ballads  as  Macaulay  thought  must 
once  have  existed.    For  criticism  of  this  idea,  Bee  lime's  Early  Rome,  18,19. 

8  <  Compare  this  date  with  that  of  historical  writing  at  Athens  (§  185). 


§209]  LEGENDARY    HISTORY.  263 

and  patched  their  narratives  ingeniously  to  get  rid  of  gross  in- 
consistencies; borrowed  freely  from  incidents  in  Greek  history, 
to  fill  gaps;  and  so  produced  an  attractive  story  that  hung 
together  pretty  well  in  the  absence  of  criticism.  These  early 
works  are  now  lost;  but,  two  hundred  years  later,  they  fur- 
nished material  for  Livy  and  Dionysius,  whose  accounts  of 
the  legendary  age  were  accepted  as  real  history1  unfit  after 
1800  A.D. 

268.  Abstract  of  the  Legends  of  Regal  Rome. — According  to  the 
legendary  story,  Rome  was  ruled  from  7oo  to  510  b.c.  by  seven  successive 
kings.  The  founder,  Romulus,  was  the  son  of  Mars  (God  of  War)  and  of 
a  Latin  princess.  As  a  babe  he  had  been  exposed  to  die,  but  was  preserved 
and  suckled  by  a  wolf.  He  grew  up  among  rude  shepherds  ;  with  their  aid 
he  built  a  city  on  the  Palatine  Mount  above  the  old  wolf's  den  ;  here  he 
gathered  about  him  outlaws  from  all  quarters,  and  these  men  seized  the 
daughters  of  a  Sabine  tribe  for  wives.  This  led  to  war,  and  finally  fc6 
the  union  of  the  Romans  and  the  Sabines,  who  then  settled  upon  one  of 
the  neighboring  hills.  Romulus  organized  the  people  into  tribes,  curias, 
and  gentes  ;  appointed  a  Senate  ;  conquered  widely  ;  and  was  finally  taken 
up  to  heaven  by  the  gods  in  a  thunderstorm,  or,  as  some  thought,  was  killed 
by  jealous  senators.2  Xuma,  the  next  king,  elected  after  a  year's  inter- 
regnum, established  religious  rites,  and  gave  laws  and  arts  of  peace,  which 
were  taught  him  by  the  nymph  Egeria  in  a  sacred  grove  by  night.  Tullus 
Hostilius,  a  warlike  conqueror,  is  a  shadowy  Romulus,  and  Ancus  Marcius 
is  a  faint  copy  of  Numa.  The  fifth  king  was  Tarquin  the  First,  an  Etrus- 
can adventurer,  who  was  succeeded  by  Sereins  Tullius,  son  of  a  slave 
girl.  Servius  reorganized  the  government,  and  was  followed  by  a  second 
Tarquin,  Tarquin  the  Proud,  whose  oppression  led  to  his  expulsion  and  to 
the  establishment  of  a  Republic.  The  last  three  sovereigns  were  ' '  tyrants 
in  the  Greek  sense.  They  favored  the  common  people  (the  plebs)  against 
the  aristocratic  patricians,  extended  the  sway  of  Rome,  and  constructed 
great  and  useful  works. 

269.  The  Attitude  of  Modern  Scholars  toward  these  Legends.  — 
To  scholars  of  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution,  Romulus 

1  Livy  himself  spoke  modestly  of  the  unreliability  of  much  of  his  material 
for  the  early  period  (see  the  reference,  on  pane  262,  to  Minim's  Source  Book) ; 
but  later  writers  repeated  his  story  without  his  cautions  regarding  it. 

2  Read  this  story  in  Livy  (bk.  i,  ch.  xvi)  or  in  Munro's  Sourcs-Raojc,  66,  67. 


204  ROME  — INTRODUCTORY    SURVEY.  [§  209 

and  Tarquin  were  real  persons  as  truly  as  Queen  Elizabeth  or 
William  the  Conqueror.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century,  how- 
ever, critical  scholars  began  to  inquire  into  the  inconsistencies 
in  the  narrative.  Such  investigation  soon  forced  the  world  to 
give  up  the  old  history.  No  one  now  regards  the  stories  of 
the  kings  as  history.  Indeed,  no  one  pretends  to  know  more 
than  a  general  outline  of  Roman  history  before  390  b.c.  ;  and 
for  a  century  after  that  date  the  details  are  very  uncertain.1 

The  positive  opinions  of  modern  scholars  regarding  this  early 
period  will  be  stated  briefly  in  the  next  chapter. 


1  The  stories  themselves  do  have  two  kinds  of  historical  value.  (1)  They 
afford  a  hasis  for  guesses  at  historical  truth,  some  of  which  can  then  he  proven 
good  in  other  ways.  (2)  In  any  case  they  show  what  the  later  Romans  thought 
nohle  and  admirable. 


CHAPTER  II. 

PROBABLE  CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO  REGAL  ROME. 
I.  THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CITY. 

270.  Latium  and  Rome. — The  Latins  were  divided  into 
thirty  tribes  or  cantons,  each  settled  around  some  hill-fort  in 
Latium.  At  first  Rome  was  by  no  means  the  most  important 
of  these  centers.  In  the  early  day  the  leading  settlement  was 
Alba  Longa  (the  Long  AVhite  City),  which  was  the  head  of  a 
rude  Latin  union,  somewhat  like  a  Greek  amphictyony  but 
more  political  in  character. 

271.  Growth  of  Rome:  Unification  of  the  Seven  Hills.  — The 
oldest  part  of  Rome  seems  to  have  been  a  settlement  on  the 
crest  of  the  Palatine,  the  central  one  of  the  group  of  low  hills 
on  the  south  side  of  the  Tiber.  The  solidly  built  walls  of  this 
"  square  town "  can  still  be  traced.  The  inhabitants  called 
themselves  Ramnes.  Probably  they  were  a  military  outpost 
of  the  Latins,  to  hold  the  Tiber  frontier  against  the  Etruscans. 

At  some  later  time  a  band  of  Sabines,  called  Titles,  estab- 
lished themselves  on  the  Quirinal,  another  of  the  same  group  of 
hills.  No  doubt  a  long  period  of  war  followed,  with  occasional 
truces  and  meetings  for  trade  in  the  marshy  ground  between 
the  two  hills;  but  finally  the  Ramnes  of  the  Palatine  and  the 
Tities  of  the  Quirinal  united  on  equal  terms  in  one  state  and 
inclosed  the  two  hills  within  one  wall.  Then  the  low  ground 
between  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal  became  the  place  of  as 
bly  ( Co  init  in  hi)  and  the  market  place  (Forum),1  and  the  steep 

1  The  opening  of  the  huge  arched  drain,  Cloaca  Maxima,  which  a  little  later 
(in  the  time  of  the  Tarquins,  according  to  the  common  tradition)  turned  this 
marshy  district  into  firm  ground,  can  still  be  seen;  see  illustration,  page  268. 

265 


266 


CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO  REGAL  ROME. 


[§271 


Capitoline  hill,  a  little  on  one  side,  became  the  common  citadel 
of  the  enlarged  state. 

From  time  to  time  new  settlements  on  the  neighboring  hills 


HOME 

under  the  Kings 


I,  Citadel  (An).  4.  Citadel  at  Janiculum.       T.  Senate  House  (Curia). 

-'    Temple  of  Jupiter  (Capitollnus).      5.  Old  Wall  of  Romulus.      B.  Comitium. 
'■'>.  Quays  of  the  Tarquins.  C.  Temple  of  Testa. 


were  incorporated  with  this  city.  The  most  important  of  these 
newcomers  were  the  fruceres,  who  settled  on  the  Caelkvn  hill. 
Probably  they  were  Latins,  but  it  is  possible  that  they  were 
Etruscan  invaders,  as  some  traditions  say.     At  all  events,  they 


§271] 


THE   GROW  Til    OF    I  111;   CITY. 


267 


were  finally  joined  to  the  Ramnes  and   Tities  on  an  equal 
footing.1 

Each  of  these  additions  called  for  another  wider  wall.     The  latest   of 
the  early  walls,  known  as  the  "  Wall  of  Servius,"  inclosed  all  the  seven 


Remains  of  the  "  Wall  of  Servius  "  on  the  Aventine. 


1  Apart  from  tradition,  the  proofs  of  original  separate  settlements  are 
manifold.  Later  Latin  writers  mention  rude  ramparts  of  distinct  ancient 
settlements  still  existing  in  their  day  on  the  Esquiline,  the  Capitol,  and  the 
Quirinal;  while  in  recent  times  such  remains  have  been  discovered  on  the 
Caelian.  Various  festivals  and  religious  rites  of  later  Koine  point  also  to  a 
union  of  separate  settlements,  and  a  number  of  double  priesthoods  indi 
a  like  fact.    See  Pelham,  15-17,  and,  more  fully,  Mbmmsen,  I.  TT  87. 


208 


CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO  REGAL  ROME. 


[§272 


hills,  together  with  space  enough  for  the  growth  of  the  city  to  a  late  period. 
This  wall  was  thirteen  feet  thick  and  fifty  feet  high.  It  consisted  of  a 
huge  rampart  of  earth,  faced  on  each  side  by  a  wall  of  immense  stones 
fitted  together  without  mortar.  A  part  of  this  colossal  structure  has  re- 
cently been  uncovered  on  the  Aventine. 

272.    Growth  of  Territory  beyond  the  Walls.  — Even  after  the 
union  of  the  seven  hills,  the  territory  of  the  city  must  have 


The  Cloaca  Maxima. 


been  for  a  while  only  a  narrow  strip  along  the  river,  limited 
on  every  side  by  the  stream  or  by  the  lands  of  other  towns. 
But  before  the  year  500,  war  with  the  neighboring  Sabines, 
Etruscans,  and  Latins  had  produced  great  expansion.  Rome 
had  come  to  hold  a  third  of  Latium  and  to  control  the  whole 
south  bank  of  the  Tiber  from  the  sea  to  the  highlands  (about 
eighteen  miles  either  way  from  the  city).  At  the  Tiber  mouth, 
Ostia,  the  first  Roman  colony,  had  been  founded  for  a  port; 
and  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  Koine  had  seized  Mount 


§273] 


PATRICIANS   AND   PLEBEIANS. 


2G9 


Janiculum  aud  fortified  it  as  an  outpost  against  the  Etruscans. 
Several  of  the  conquered  Latin  towns  had  been  razed  and 
their  inhabitants  brought  to  Rome. 
Even  Alba  Longa  had  been  de- 
stroyed, and  Rome  had  succeeded 
to  the  headship  of  the  Latin  con- 
federacy. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Mommsen, 
bk.  i,  chs.  iv,  vii,  or  Ihne,  I,  8-107.  The 
latter  gives  a  good  criticism  of  the 
legends.  Particular  legends  of  the  regal 
period  may  be  assigned  to  individual 
students  for  criticism  through  these  au- 
thors.    See  also  How  and  Leigh,  20-42. 


ROME 

AND  VICINITY 


II.     CLASSES  — PATRICIANS   AND   PLEBEIANS. 

273.  Patricians  and  their  Clients.  —  The  three  tribes,  Ramnes, 
Titles,  and  Luceres  (§  271),  formed  "the  Roman  people" 
in  a  strict  sense.  Their  tribesmen  were  known  as  patricians 
(men  "with  fathers,"  or  men  having  citizenship  because  of 
their  fathers).  For  a  long  time  they  were  the  only  full  citizens, 
except  as  they  now  and  then  adopted  clans  or  individuals  from 
conquered  cantons.  They  alone  could  vote  or  hold  office  or 
sue  in  the  law  courts. 

The  great  patrician  families,  however,  soon  came  to  contain 
many  dependents  known  as  clients.  The  client  was  above  the 
slave,  but  below  the  son.  He  could  hold  property  and  engage 
in  trade;  but  his  rights  were  secured  only  through  his  patrician 
patron,  who  was  his  representative  at  law.  Against  his  patron 
he  had  no  protection,  except  custom  and  public  opinion.  His 
children  remained  dependents  in  the  same  family.1 


1  The  class  of  clients  was  recruited  from  the  freed  slaves  (who  remained 
attached  iu  this  way  to  the  family  of  their  old  master)  and  from  strangers 
who,  on  coming  to  Rome,  placed  themselves  voluntarily  iu  this  relation  to 
a  powerful  patrician. 


270  CONCLUSIONS   AS   TO    REGAL   ROME.  [§  274 

274.  Plebeians.  —  In  the  early  time,  occasionally  the  whole 
population  of  a  conquered  district  was  removed  to  Koine.  Such 
people  became  "clients  of  the  king."  That  is,  they  were  de- 
pendents, without  rights,  except  as  the  king  might  think  it 
well  to  protect  them,  and  they  were  subject  to  his  direction. 
This  class  became  known  as  plebeians. 

The  rights  of  the  plebeians  were  less  secure  at  first  than 
those  of  the  clients  of  individual  patricians,  but  they  were 
freer  from  the  interference  of  a  master.  They  were  reenforced 
by  the  refugees  and  adventurers  who  flocked  to  a  commercial 
city  like  Rome  (cf.  §  120) ;  and  their  importance  grew  with 
their  numbers,  until  the  clients  sought  escape  into  their  ranks. 

Thus  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  were  left  in  two  classes, — 
the  patricians  (with  their  dependents)  and  the  plebeians. 

For  Further  Reading,  especially  with  reference  to  the  origin  and 
standing  of  the  plebs  :  Momnisen,  I,  109-114  ;  Tighe,  54-58  ;  Ihne,  Early 
Rome,  114,  115,  or  History,  1,  109,  110;  How  and  Leigh,  41-43. 

III.    THE   PATRICIAN  ORGANIZATION. 

275.  The  Family  counted  for  more  in  Rome  than  in  Greece. 
This  was  because  of  the  peculiar  power  of  the  Roman  father 
over  all  his  descendants  in  male  lines.  When  his  son  took  a 
wife,  she,  too,  leaving  her  own  family,  came  under  his  control. 
His  own  (laughters  passed  by  marriage  from  his  hand  under 
that  of  some  other  house-father.  Roman  law  recognized  no 
relationship  through  females.1  The  father  ruled  his  house- 
hold  and  the  households  of  his  male  descendants,  as  priest, 
judge,  and  king.  He  could  sell  or  slay  wife,  unmarried 
daughter,  grown-up  son,  or  son's  wife;  and  all  that  was  theirs 
was  his.     No  appeal  lay  from  him  to  any  higher  judge.2 

1  Sit  especially  I  loulanges,  Ancient  City,  71-7." ;  and  cf.  §  ss  of  this  book. 

2  It  is  a  curious  tad  that,  despite  the  legal  slavery  of  every  wife,  the  Roman 
matron's  possessed  a  dignity  ami  public  influence  unknown  in  Greece.  Special 
report:  stories  illustrating  the  influence  of  women  in  early  Rome.  (Can  you 
parallel  them  iu  Greek  history  '.') 


§277]  THE  PATRICIAN  ORGANIZATION.  271 

So  much  for  law.  In  practice,  however,  the  father  was 
influenced  somewhat  by  near  relatives  and  by  his  wife's  rela- 
tives, and  even  more  by  public  opinion  and  religious  feeling. 
Thus,  a  man  was  declared  accursed  if  he  sold  a  married  son 
into  slavery  (though  no  law  could  prevent  or  punish  him). 

276.  Gentes  and  Curias. —  In  Rome,  as  in  Greece,  we  find 
above  the  family  larger  blood  units,  —  the  clans,  or  gentes. 
Originally,  each  clan  must,  have  been  ruled  by  its  chief.  The 
three  hundred  clans  were  grouped  in  thirty  curias,  which,  in 
the  earliest  historical  times,  had  come  to  be  the  most  impor- 
tant divisions  of  the  people,  both  for  worship  and  for  govern- 
ment. Each  curia  possessed  its  own  religious  festivals,  its 
own  priest,  its  temple  and  sacred  hearth.  In  the  political 
Assembly  of  the  people,  the  curia  was  the  unit  for  voting. 
Probably  in  origin  the  curia  corresponded  to  the  Greek 
phratry   (§   79)  ;   but  it  had  become  more  vital. 

277.  The  Plebs  outside  the  Patrician  Organization.  — The  client 
had  a  place  in  the  family  worship  (as  indeed  the  slave  had). 
Possibly  the  client  had  a  place  also  in  the  political  gatherings 
of  his  patron's  curia,  though  he  certainly  had  no  vote.  Tlie 
plebeians,  however,  were  wholly  outside  the  patrician  organization? 
They  were  not  citizens  at  all.  They  had  no  part  in  the  religion 
or  law  or  politics  of  the  city.  They  could  not  intermarry  with 
citizens.  Policy  and  custom  required  the  city  to  protect  their 
property;  but  fchey  had  no  positive  assurance  even  for  this 
against  an  unscrupulous  patrician.2 

Still  the  plebs  were  not  a  mere  mixed  multitude.  Glairy 
of  them  must  have  been  brought  to  Rome  in  whole  clans; 
and  no  doubt  they  kept  up  their  organization,  even  though 
patrician  law  knew  nothing  of  it.3 

1  This  .seems  by  far  the  preferable  view.  See  Ilmt',  History,  I,  109-114,  and 
Early  Rome,  112  ami  114-116.  See  also  Coulanges,  299-313,  341-349,  354  359, 
and  elsewhere.    The  opposite  opinion  i^  held  by  some  re  sent  scholars. 

2  Except  in  eases  where  the  stranger  came  voluntarily  from  a  Latin  city 
whose  people  enjoyed  by  treaty  mutual  resilience  and  trading  rights  with 
Rome. 

3  Read  lime's  Early  Rome.  114. 


272  CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO   REGAL  ROME.  [§278 

IV.     RELIGION. 

278.  Ancestor  and  Nature  Worship;  Greek  Influence. — Like 
the  Greeks,  the  Romans  worshiped  ancestors  and  the  poivers 
of  nature.  The  ancestor  worship  belonged  especially  to  the 
family  and  curia;  the  nature  worship,  to  the  state.  The 
Romans  lacked  imagination  to  give  a  human  character  to  the 
powers  of  nature,  and  they  never  created  a  rich  and  beautiful 
mythology,  even  though  they  did  finally  borrow  some  of  the 
Greek  myths.1 

279.  Character :  a  Worship  of  Abstractions,  by  Formal  Rites.  — 
The  Roman  deities  were  less  like  men  than  the  Greek  gods 
were.  They  were  more  vague  and  colorless.  In  consequence, 
Roman  religion  seems  to  us  "insipid  and  dull,"  only  "a  dreary 
round  of  ceremonies,"2  with  little  of  adoration,  no  poetry,  and 
no  love.  As  a  matter  of  prudence,  the  will  of  the  gods  was 
sought  out  by  a  study  of  omens,  and  they  were  worshiped 
with  strict  observance  of  ceremonies.  Divine  favor  could  be 
lost  by  failure  to  observe  precise  gestures  in  a  service,  or  by 
the  omission  or  addition  of  a  single  word.3  On  the  other  hand, 
the  intricacies  of  the  worship  had  somewhat  the  value  of  a 
conjurer's  charm,  and,  if  carried  through  in  the  proper  man- 
ner, almost  compelled  the  aid  of  the  gods  (§  281). 

280.  Priesthoods ;  Pontiffs  and  Augurs.  —  Under  these  con- 
ditions  there  grew  up  in  Rome  (as  in  other  Italian  towns)  two 
important  "colleges"  of  city  priests,4 — pontiffs  and  augurs. 

a.  The  six  pontiffs  had  a  general  oversight  of  the  whole 
system  of  divine  law,  and  they  were  also  the  guardians  of 
human  science.  Their  care  of  the  exact  dates  of  festivals 
made   them   the   keepers   of  the   calendar   and   of    the  rude 


1  For  th"  correspondence  "f  Greek  and  Roman  gods,  see  §  88. 
s  These  phrases  are  Mommsen's. 
8  Bee  Munro's  Source  Book,  page  !',  No.  9,  a,  b. 

*  A  "  college  "'  is  simplj  a  "  collection  "  of  persons.    The  members  of  each 
college  held  office  for  life,  and  themselves  filled  all  vacancies  in  their  number. 


§  281]  RELIGION.  273 

annals  (§  2G7  a)  ;  they  had  oversight  of  weights  and  measures  ; 
and  they  themselves  described  their  knowledge  as  "  the  science 
of  all  things  human  and  divine.'' 

b.  The  gods  at  Rome  manifested  their  will  not  by  oracles, 
but  by  omens,  or  auspices.  These  auspices  were  sought 
especially  in  the  conduct  of  birds,  and  in  the  nature  of  the 
entrails  of  animals.  The  interpretation  of  such  signs  be- 
came a  kind  of  science,  in  the  possession  of  a  college  of  six 
augurs. 

Besides  these  priesthoods  for  the  religion  of  the  whole  city, 
each  temple  had  its  special  priests.  Of  these,  perhaps  the 
most  important  were  the  six  Vestal  Virgins,  who  for  centuries 
kept  the  sacred  fire  alive  and  pure  on  the  city  hearth. 

281.  Political  Value  (Religious  Fiction). — The  Roman  reli- 
gion became  a  mighty  political  instrument.  No  public  act, 
vote,  election,  or  battle  could  be  begun  without  divine  approval. 
That  approval  once  given,  the  gods  were  to  be  held  to  si  rict 
account.  They  were  the  guardians  of  contracts,  ami  they 
themselves  were  bound  by  implied  bargains  with  the  stale. 
If  they  were  properly  consulted  concerning  a  proposed  meas- 
ure and  had  manifested  their  approval,  then  they  were  under 
obligation  to  see  it  carried  through.1 

The  thrifty  Roman  mind  drove  hard  bargains,  too,  with  the 
gods.  Many  "legal  fictions"  were  introduced  into  the  wor- 
ship, so  that  finally  the  state  might  do  pretty  nearly  as  it 
pleased  and  still  hold  the  gods  to  its  support.2  The  sooth- 
sayers called  for  fresh  animals  until  the  entrails  gave  the 
signs  desired  by  the  ruling  magistrate,  and  then  the  gods 
were  just  as  much  bound  as  if  they  had  shown  favor  at  the 
first  trial.  The  sky  was  watched  until  the  desired  birds  did 
appear,  and,  in  the  later  periods,  tame  birds  were  kept  to  give 
the  recpiired  indications. 


1  See  Munro's  Source  Book,  page  10. 

2  Such  "fiction"  is  common   in   early  religion,  but  nowhere  else  has  it 
played  so  large  a  part  as  at  Rome. 


274  CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO   REGAL   ROME.  [§282 

Even  if  all  signs  failed,  the  augur  could  still  declare  that 
he  found  them.  He  might  thereby  draw  down  divine  wrath 
upon  himself;  but.  since  all  forms  had  been  complied  with, 
the  gods  were  bound  to  treat  the  state  as  if  the  announcement 
had  been  true.  In  the  early  ages  this  element  of  craft  was 
probably  absent,  but  even  then  the  religion  had  the  same 
bargain-and-sale  character. 

The  priests  and  augurs,  too,  were  the  servants  of  the  state, 
not  its  masters.  They  did  not  make  a  distinct  hereditary 
class,  but  were  themselves  warriors  and  statesmen,  and,  as 
priests,  they  acted  only  at  the  command  of  the  civil  magis- 
trate. The  augurs  sought  no  omen,  and  made  no  announce- 
ment, except  when  directed  to  do  so.1 

For  Further  Reading. — On  ancestor  worship:  Tighe,  35-43,  and 
Coulanges,  Ancient  City,  1-48.  For  the  state  religion  in  general :  Ihne, 
Early  Borne,  '.12-104;  How  and  Leigh,  288-292;  or  a  longer  discussion 
in  Momuisen,  bk.  i,  ch.  xii.  For  Greek  influence  :  Tighe,  105-108.  On 
"legal  fiction"  in  the  Roman  religion:  How  and  Leigh,  290;  or  better, 
Ihne,  Early  Borne,  99,  100,  103,  125. 


V.     EARLY  POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS. 

282.  The  King  (Rex).  —  The  three  political  elements  —  king, 
council  of  chief's,  and  assembly  of  tribesmen  —  which  we  saw- 
in  Homeric  Greece  (§§  82-84),  appear  also  in  early  Rome. 
The  king,  however,  held  a  more  prominent  place.     He  stood 

to  the  Roman  state  as  the  lather  to  the  E an  family.     He 

was  judge,  without  appeal,  in  all  eases  outside  a  family. 
He  was  absolute  over  the  lives  of  the  citizens.  He  alone 
could  call  together  Senate  or  Assembly,  or  make  proposals  to 
them.  He  alone  had  the  right  to  nominate  his  successor, — 
though  the  consent  of  the  Assembly  was  required  for  the 
accession  of  a  new  king. 

1  For  the  power  of  the  augure,  see  Munro,  Source  Book,  page  12. 


§284]  EARLY    POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS.  275 

But  the  king  did  not  hold  this  authority  against  the  popu- 
lar will.     He  was  absolute,  because  the  Romans  thoughl  such 

power  right  in  the  head  of  the  family  and  of  the  state.  Like 
the  house-father,  moreover,  his  authority  was  limited  in  prac- 
tice by  custom  and  by  public  opinion.  He  was  expected  to 
consider  the  advice  of  the  Senate,  as  the  father  was  to  con- 
sider that  of  relatives;  and  he  could  not  change  a  law  without 
the  consent  of  both  the  Assembly  and  the  Senate.  If  ln- 
ceased  to  respect  these  checks,  he  was  very  likely  to  cease  to 
rule. 

283.  The  Comitia  Curiata.  —  The  earliest  popular  Assembly 
<  comitia)  was  an  Assembly  by  ( 'm-itis.  This  was  a  patrician  body 
(§  277  and  note).  The  curias  met  at  the  call  of  the  king,  and, 
as  a  rule,  only  to  hear  his  commands;  but  their  approval  was 
required  for  all  change,  —  for  offensive  war,  new  laws,  the 
adoption  of  new  clans  into  a  curia  or  of  strangers  into  a 
family.  The  Assembly  also  approved  or  rejected  the  king's 
nominees  for  offices. 

284.  The  Senate  seems  originally  to  have  been  a  council  of 
the  chiefs  (cf.  §  83)  of  the  three  hundred  clans.  It  kept  this 
number,  three  hundred;  but  the  kings  won  the  power  of  ap- 
pointing to  vacancies,  —  probably  at  first  when  there  were  con- 
flicting claims  within  a  clan,  and  finally  at  will.  The  Senate 
became  merely  an  advisory  body,  with  a  right  to  veto  any 
change. 

When  a  king  died,  before  a  successor  had  been  appointed, 
the  Senate  resumed  more  of  its  original  power:  its  members 
ruled  by  turns,  for  five  days  each,  as  inter-reges  ("kings  tor  an 
interval").  The  first  inter-rex  was  chosen  by  lot.  Each  one 
then  named  his  successor,  and  any  one  after  the  first  could 
nominate  a  permanent  king.  No  election  could  take  place 
except  upon  such  nomination.  Each  inter-rex  for  his  brief 
rule  kept  the  regal  power  in  full.1 

iOu  these  institutions,  see  Mommsen,  l>k.  i,  ch.  vi.  In  particular,  read 
pages  80-85,  on  the  king,  and  96-10'..',  on  the  Senate 


276  CONCLUSIONS   AS   TO   REGAL   ROME.  [§  285 

VI.     TWO   PREHISTORIC   REVOLUTIONS. 
A.    The  Plebeians  secure  Some  Political  Eights. 

285.  The  Plebeians  begin  to  make  their  Way  into  the  Assembly. 
—  The  first  great  change  in  the  patrician  state  (§§  282-284) 
was  the  partial  admission  of  the  plebeians  into  it.  Legend 
asserts  that  so  far  as  this  took  place  in  the  regal  period  it 
was  the  work  of  Tarquin  the  First  and  of  Servius.  Tarquin 
is  said  to  have  secured  the  admission  of  certain  wealthy 
plebeian  families  into  the  Roman  tribes  as  new  gentes.  Such 
a  reform,  if  it  took  place,  did  not  affect  the  condition  of  the 
great  body  of  the  plebs.  The  change  ascribed  to  Servius  is 
more  important,  and  was  connected  with  a  reform  of  the 
Roman  army  (§  286). 

286.  The  Census  of  Servius :  the  Army  of  Centuries.  —  Origi- 
nally, the  army  was  made  up  of  "the  Roman  people"  —  the 
patricians  and  their  immediate  clients.  The  plebeians  paid  a 
tax ;  but  as  they  grew  in  numbers,  the  state  needed  their  per- 
sonal service. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  regal  period  Rome  was  a  city  of 
eighty  thousand  or  one  hundred  thousand  people  (about  the 
size  of  Athens  in  the  Persian  Wars).  This  gave  a  fighting 
body  of  some  twenty  thousand.  According  to  the  legend,  Ser- 
vius called  upon  eighteen  hundred  of  the  wealthiest  citizens  to 
serve  as  cavalry  (equites,  or  knights),  and  then,  for  infantry 
service  divided  all  other  landowners,  plebeian  and  patrician, 
into  five  classes,  according  to  their  means. 

Eight  thousand  had  property  enough  so  that  they  could  be 
required  to  provide  themselves  with  complete  armor.  They 
made  the  front  ranks  of  the  phalanx.  Behind  them  stood  the 
second  and  third  classes,  less  completely  equipped,  but  still 
ranking  as  "  heavy-armeiV'  The  poorer  fourth  and  fifth 
classes  served  as  light-armed  troops.  Each  of  the  five  classes 
was  subdivided  into  centuries,  or  companies  of  a  hundred  men 


§288]  PLEBEIANS   SECURE   POLITICAL   RIGHTS.  l'77 

each,1  and  all  the  non-landowners  were  enrolled  in  a  mass,  to 
follow  the  army,  if  necessary,  as  workmen  or  reserves. 

When  the  arrangement  was  made,  there  were  10o  centuries,  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

Knights 18 

First  Class 80 

Second  Class 20 

Third  Class 20 

Fourth  Class 20 

Fifth  Class 30 

Engineers  and  Trumpeters 4 

Workmen  (the  non-landholders)  ....  1 

287.  The  "Army"  of  Centuries  becomes  an  "Assembly"  of 
Centuries.  —  In  early  society  the  obligation  to  Jit  pit  and  the  right 
to  vote  go  together  (cf.  §  106).  Questions  of  peace  and  war 
and  the  election  of  military  officers  would  naturally  be  referred 
to  the  war  host.  Thus,  gradually  the  army  of  centuries  became 
in  peace  an  Assembly  of  Centuries  {Comitia  Centuriata),  which 
took  to  itself  the  powers  of  the  old  Curiate  Assembly.  The 
Curiate  Assembly  remained  only  for  religious  exercises  and  for 
unimportant  political  matters.2 

288.  Aristocratic  Character  of  the  Comitia  Centuriata.  —  The 
army  gradually  changed  its  form,  but  the  political  gathering  — 
the  Comitia  Centuriata  —  crystallized  in  the  original  shape. 
This  gave  a  great  advantage  to  the  patricians.  As  the  popula- 
tion increased,  the  poorer  classes  grew  in  numbers  faster  than 
the  rich;  but  they  did  not  gain  political  weight,  because  the 
number  of  centuries  was  not  changed.     The  centuries  of  the 


1  Half  of  the  centuries  of  each  class  were  made  up  of  the  younger  nun 
(seventeen  to  forty-six  years  of  age),  who  were  expected  to  take  tin-  field  :it 
any  time.  The  other  half,  made  up  of  older  men,  formed  the  garrison  "f  the 
city,  or  were  called  out  only  on  special  occasions. 

2  If  the  Assembly  of  Centuries  originated  with  a  tyrant,  it  may  have 
part  of  apian  to  lessen  the  power  of  the  aristocratic  patricians.     Mommsen 
and   Ihne  give  opposing  views  upon   this  matter.    Compare  tin-  five  cl 
with  the  classes  iu  early  Athens,  §  100. 


278  CONCLUSIONS   AS   TO   REGAL   ROMP:.  [§289 

lower  classes  came  to  contain  many  more  than  a  hundred 
men  each,  while  those  of  the  knights  and  first  class  contained 
far  less ;  hut  each  century,  full  or  skeleton,  still  counted  one 
vote. 

Thus  the  knights  and  the  first  class  (98  of  the  193  centuries), 
even  after  they  had  come  to  be  a  small  minority  of  the  people, 
could  outvote  all  the  rest.  They  still  voted  first,  too,  just  as 
when  they  stood  in  the  front  ranks  for  battle;  and  so  often- 
times they  settled  a  question  without  any  vote  at  all  by  the 
other  classes.  And,  since  the  knights  and  the  first  class  must 
have  remained  largely  patrician,  it  is  clear  that  in  disputes 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians  the  aristocratic  party 
could  control  all  legal  action. 

289.  The  Plebeian  Gain. — None  the  less  it  was  a  great  gain 
that  the  position  of  a  man  was  fixed  not  by  birth  and  religion, 
but  by  his  wealth.  The  arrangement  of  the  centuries  still 
prevented  political  equality;  but  the  first  great  barrier  against 
the  rise  of  democracy  was  broken  down. 

B.     The  Life  King  replaced  by  Two  Annual  Consuls. 

290.  The  Early  Kingship  followed  by  a  -  Tyranny/'  —  Besides 
the  change  in  the  old  political  Assembly,  ;i  second  great  revo- 
lution took  place  about  the  year  500.  This  was  tic  disappear- 
ance of  kingship.1  Probably  many  more  than  seven  kings 
ruled  at  Borne.  The  last  three  (as  the  legends  suggest)  were 
probably  "tyrants,"  supported  by  the  plebeians  against  the 
patricians.  Thus  the  overthrow  of  kingship,  as  in  Greece 
(i?  92,  103),  seems  to  have  been  an  aristocratic  victory.2 

291.  The  Roman  Legend  of  the  Expulsion  of  the  "  Tyrants."  — 
The  later  Romans  believed  that  the  last  Tarquin  oppressed  all 
classes  in  the  state,  and  that  the  cruel  deeds  of  his  son  finally 


1  Compare  these  early  revolutions  with  those  at  Athens  (§§  103-114). 

2 The  last  kings  may  also  bave  been  Etruscan  conquerors  (§  264,  uote),and 
their  expulsion  may  have  been  partly  a  Latin  patriotic  movement. 


§^5)2]  KINGS  GIVE    WAY  TO  CONSULS.  27-9 

roused  the  people  to  fury,  so  that  they  drove  the  family  from 
Rome,  abolished  kingship,  ami,  in  place  of  a  king  for  Life, 
chose  two  consuls  for  a  year.  This  revolution  is  ascribed  to 
the  year  510,  —  the  same  year  in  which  the  Peisistratids  were 
finally  driven  from  Athens.  But  while  the  Greek  .story  is 
strictly  historical,  the  Roman  is  mere  legend.' 

292.  The  Real  "  Expulsion  "  a  Gradual  Patirician  Movement.  — 
In  after  centuries  the  Romans  hated  the  name  king,  and 
the  feeling  was  created  largely  by  the  stories  of  Tarquin's 
cruelty.  Probably,  however,  these  stories  were  the  inventions 
of  the  aristocrats  long  after  the  "expulsion."2  Certainly 
"king"  did  not  at  once  become  a  detested  name.  At  Rome, 
as  at  Athens  (§§  93,  103),  there  remained  a  king-priest  (rex 
sacrorum),  whose  wife  also  kept  the  title  of  queen  (regina ). 
The  legends  themselves  represent  another  Tarquin  (Lucius 
Tarquinius  Collatinus)  as  one  of  the  first  two  consuls ;  nor  is 
there  any  evidence  that  at  first  the  consuls  ruled  only  for  one 
year.  All  that  we  really  know  is  that  in  prehistoric  times 
the  aristocratic  patricians  in  some  way  reduced  and  finally 
abolished  kingship. 

"The  struggle  was  doubtless  longer  and  sharper,  and  the  new  con- 
stitution more  gradually  shaped,  than  tradition  would  have  us  believe. 
Possibly,  too,  this  revolution  at  Rome  was  but  part  of  a  wide-spreading 
wave  of  change  in  Latium  and  central  Italy,  similar  to  that  which  in 
Greece  swept  away  the  old  heroic  monarchies."  —  Pelham,  Outlines  oj 
Soman  History,  41. 

"The  establishment  of  the  consulate  is  but  a  vague  tradition.  .  .  . 
The  later  Romans,  when  they  read  of  consuls,  could  scarcely  avoid  think- 
ing of  annual  consuls,  such  as  they  themselves  were  accustomed  to.  .  .  . 
[But]  when  we  look  closely  at  the  story  we  find  that  there  is  absolutely  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  first  magistrates  after  the  flight  of  Tarquin  held 
office  for  only  one  year.  .  .  .     Collatinus  seems  to  have  succeeded  by 


1  See  Ihne,  Early  Rome,  79-81. 

2  Students  should  tell  some  of  these  stories  as  they  are  given  in  Livj 
Lake  Regillus,  Brutus  and  his  sons,  Horatius  at  the  Bridge,  and  the  Porsena 
anecdotes).    Read  also  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  li"/ne. 


280  CONCLUSIONS  AS  TO   REGAL   ROME.  £p92 

hereditary  right ;  whether  or  not  he  was  called  consul,  it  is  probable  that 
his  term  of  office  was  not  yet  limited.  [There  are  suggestions  in  the 
legends  of  another  revolution  to  get  rid  of  him.]  Then  perhaps  by  a 
series  of  changes,  the  monarchy  shrank  up  into  the  annual  consulate 
of  later  times,  which  indeed  in  form  and  ceremonial  always  continued 
to  resemble  monarchy." — Seeley,  Introduction  to  Political  Science, 
233-234. 


VII.     CHARACTER   OF   THE   CONSULSHIP. 

293.  The  Consuls  "Joint  Kings  for  One  Year."  — The  king- 
ship was  not  altogether  abolished.  Rather  it  was  modified 
into  a  one-year  dual  kingship.  The  executive  office  became 
elective,  and  was  divided  between  two  men.  The  term,  too, 
was  finally  limited  to  one  year.  But  for  that  year  the  new 
consuls1  were  "  kings,"  nearly  in  full.  They  called  and  dis- 
solved Assemblies  at  will.  In  the  Assembly  they  alone  could 
propose  measures  or  nominate  magistrates.  They  regulated 
the  debate.  They  filled  vacancies  in  the  Senate.  They  ruled 
the  city  in  peace,  and  commanded  the  army  in  war. 

294.  Practical  Limitations  upon  the  Consuls.  —  In  practice, 
however,  three  important  limitations  appeared  upon  the  power 
of  the  consuls.  (1)  Either  consul  might  find  an}^  of  his  acts 
absolutely  forbidden  by  his  colleague.  (2)  When  they  laid 
down  their  office,  they  became  responsible  to  the  centuries 
and  the  courts  for  their  past  acts.  (3)  Their  short  term 
made  them  dependent  upon  the  advice  of  the  permanent 
Senate,  —  against  whose  will  it  became  almost  impossible  for 
them  to  act. 

295.  Independence  of  the  Quaestors  and  the  Right  of  Appeal.  — 
Two  other  checks  upon  the  consular  power  quickly  grew  up. 

a.  The  kings  had  had  assistant  judges  and  treasurers,  called 
quaestors.  For  a  time  now  these  officers  were  appointed  by 
the  consuls ;  but,  after  447,  they  were  elected  by  the  centuries, 


i  At   tiiM    they  were  callcl   joint  j>raetors  ("leaders  iu  war").    Cf.  the 
Athenian  polemarch  (§  103). 


§297]  CHARACTER   OF  THE   CONSULSHIP.  281 

and  so  became  independent  of  consular  control.  In  later  timi  s 
other  officers  were  created,  to  take  over  other  parts  of  the 
consuls'  duties. 

b.  The  kings  had  held  power  of  life  and  death,  without  appeal, 
unless  they  themselves  chose  to  consult  the  people.  The  con- 
suls kept  this  power  in  the  field,  but,  in  strict  law,  not  in  the 
city.  One  of  the  early  consuls,  Valerius  Publicola,  carried  a 
law  that  in  cases  of  condemnation  to  death  an  appeal  must  be 
allowed  to  the  centuries.  This  Valerian  Law,  when  observed, 
was  a  great  safeguard  against  consular  tyranny ;  but  it  fre- 
quently became  a  dead  letter,  and  it  had  to  be  many  times 
reenacted. 

296.  The  Final  Check :  the  Political  Temperance  of  the  People 
and  Leaders. — After  all,  the  final  check  was  the  force  of  public 
opinion  and  the  self-control  of  the  consuls.  While  in  office 
the  consuls  were  legally  responsible  to  no  one;  and  neither  of 
them  could  be  lawfully  checked,  save  by  the  other,  even  if  he 
broke  all  customs  and  laws. 

This  held  good  even  as  to  the  term  of  office.  At  first,  the 
theory  was,  that,  when  the  consuls  laid  down  their  power  at 
the  end  of  the  year,  it  was  a  voluntary  abdication.  If  they 
refused  to  lay  down  office,  their  acts  continued  to  be  valid. 
Like  the  old  kings,  too,  they  themselves  nominated  their  suc- 
cessors; and,  by  proposing  only  two  names  to  the  centuries, 
they  could  compel  the  election  of  their  nominees.  Later  the 
centuries  secured  greater  freedom  of  election ;  and  commonly 
the  consuls  submitted  to  the  popular  will.  At  crises,  howe\  er, 
they  sometimes  forbade  the  centuries  to  vote  for  certain  candi- 
dates, or  declined  to  record  the  votes  given. 

Such  action  was  rare ;  and,  in  the  few  cases  when  the  con- 
suls  did  resort  to  extreme  measures  of  this  kind,  the  deliberate 
judgment  of  the  people  seems  to  have  indorsed  them.  The 
fact  is  a  striking  evidence  of  political  moderation. 

297.  The  Dictatorship:  a  Revival  of  the  Kingship  to  meet  a 
Crisis. — In  time  of  peril,  the  division  of  power  between  two 
consuls,  with  the  possibility  of  a  deadlock,  might  easily  be 


282  CONCLUSIONS   AS  TO   REGAL   ROME.  [§298 

fatal  to  the  city.  The  remedy  was  found  in  temporary  revivals 
of  the  old  kingship  under  a  new  name.  Either  consul,  after 
consulting  the  Senate,  might  appoint  a  dictator.  This  officer 
was  absolute  master  of  Rome,  save  that  his  term  of  office  could 
not  exceed  six  months.  He  had  power  of  life  and  death  in  the 
city  as  in  the  army ;  and  he  could  not  be  questioned  for  his 
acts  even  when  he  had  laid  down  his  powers.  He  could  not, 
however,  nominate  a  successor. 

298.  The  Senate,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  not  directly  affected 
by  the  expulsion  of  the  kings;  but  of  course  it  held  a  very 
different  relation  to  a  one-year  consul,  whose  highest  ambi- 
tion would  be  finally  to  get  into  its  ranks,  from  that  it  had 
held  to  a  life-king  jealous  of  its  power.  Its  advice  grew  more 
constant  and  imperative,  until  in  fact  it  became  the  directing 
body  in  the  state. 

VIII.     THE   DEBT  TO  REGAL  ROME. 

299.  The  chief  contributions  of  regal  Rome  to  the  Republic 
may  be  summed  up  under  six  heads :  — 

a.  The  Roman  city,  with  its  principle  of  federation  and 

with  extensive  territory. 

b.  The  Roman  character —  dignified,  legal-minded,  heroically 

devoted  to  the  state. 

c.  A  religion  shaped  into  an  admirable  political  instrument. 

d.  The  family,  with  its  peculiar  paternal  authority. 

e.  The  corresponding  authority  of  the  two  annual  consuls  in 

the  state. 
/.   The   basing  of  political   privilege  upon  wealth  in  the 
Comitia  Centuriata. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  References  for  the  more  important  or  diffi- 
cult points  have  been  given  in  foot-notes  or  by  Divisions. 

For  Divisions  I  -V  (Oldest  Roman  Society),  students  should  read  also 
Tighe's  Roman  Constitution,  chs.  ii  and  iii.  and  Fowler's  City  State,  chs. 
ii  and  iii.     Granrud's  Umixni   Constitution"!   History  is  an  excellent 


§299]  THE  DEBT  TO   REGAL    ROME.  283 

handbook,  and  should  be  accessible.  Advanced  students  -will  wish  to 
compare  in  full  the  treatments  in  Mommsen,  bk.  i,  chs.  v,  xi,  xii,  and  in 
Ihne's  Early  Hump,  chs.  v-ix,  and  History,  1,  ch.  xiii. 

For  Division  VI  (the  Early  Revolutions):  on  the  centuriate  organiza- 
tion, Ihne,  Early  Rome,  132-140.  Advanced  students  will  consult  [hne'a 
and  Mommsen's  histories,  and  note  the  difference  between  their  views. 
As  usual,  there  is  a  brilliant  treatment  in  Ooulanges'  City  Stale,  360-371 
and  379-387.  Coulanges  (324-330)  has  also  an  interest  inn  chapter  show- 
ing how  the  legends  of  the  expulsion  of  the  kings  may  be  rationalized. 

For  Division  VII,  advanced  students  may  compare  Mommsen,  bk.  ii, 
ch.  i,  and  lime's  History,  bk.  ii,  ch.  i,  or  Early  Rome,  ch.  x-xii. 

Review  Exercises  on  Divisions  II,  III,  IV  of  chapter  i  and  on  chap- 
ter ii.  —  (1)  Suggestive  questions  prepared  by  students  (see  page  72). 
(2)  List  terms  for  rapid  explanation  (see  page  251).  It  is  desirable  that 
the  important  points  in  these  two  chapters  be  fixed  thoroughly  by  frequent 
reference  and  review  before  the  class  advance  much  farther. 


CHAPTER   III. 

CLASS   STRUGGLES  IN   THE  REPUBLIC,  510-367  B.C. 

300.  The  Expulsion  of  the  Kings  followed  by  Class  Conflicts.  — 
The  first  century  and  a  half  of  the  Republic  was  a  period  of  stern  conflict 
between  patricians  and  plebeians.  Torn  and  distracted  by  the  internal 
struggle,  Rome  made  little  gain  externally,  and  indeed  for  a  time  she  lost 
territory. 

The  peculiar  mark  of  the  long  internal  struggle  was  the  absence  of 
extreme  violence.  The  vehement  class  conflicts  in  Greek  cities  were 
marked  by  bloody  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions ;  the  contest  in 
Rome  was  carried  on  "  with  a  calmness,  deliberation,  and  steadiness  that 
coi'responded  to  the  firm,  persevering,  sober,  practical  Roman  character." 
When  the  victory  of  the  plebs  was  once  won,  the  result  was  correspond- 
ingly permanent. 

I.    THE   POSITION   OF   THE   CLASSES   AFTER   510   B.C. 

301.  Rome  just  after  510  B.C.  a  Patrician  Oligarchy. —  TJie 
overthrow  of  the  kings  was  in  no  sense  a  democratic  movement.  It 
left  Rome  mi  oligarchy,  "nil  injured  the  plebs.  The  last  kings 
had  leaned  upon  the  lower  orders.  In  consequence,  they  had 
sought  to  strengthen  the  plebeians  by  grants  of  pnblic  land, 
by  securing  them  justice,  and  possibly  by  aiding  them  in  gain- 
ing political  power.  The  aristocratic  revolutionists  may  have 
bought  popular  support  at  first  by  some  superficial  conces- 
sions,1 but  the  plebeians  soon  found  themselves  the  losers  by 
the  change,  politically  and  economically. 

1  Livy  says  that  plebeians  were  admitted  to  the  Senate  t<>  till  the  vacancies 
created  by  the  tyrants.  Mun11ns.11  adopts  this  view,  and  speaks  as  if  they 
continued  to  have  seats  there;  but  Ihne  shows  that  such  a  supposition  will  not 
hold.     See  Ihne,  Early  Borne,  127-130,  or  History,  136-138. 

284 


§304]       POSITION   OF   THE   CLASSES  AFTER   500   B.C.  285 

302.  Political  Loss  to  the  Plebs.  —  No  direct  attack  was  made 
upon  their  political  rights,  it  is  true;  but  none  was  needed. 
The  plebeians  could  control  only  a  small  minority  of  votes  in 
the  Assembly  of  the  Centuries,  they  could  hold  no  office,  and 
they  had  no  way  even  to  get  a  measure  considered.  At  best, 
they  could  vote  only  upon  laws  proposed  by  patrician  magis- 
trates, and  they  could  help  elect  only  patrician  officers,  who 
had  been  nominated  by  other  patricians.  The  patrician  Senate, 
too,  had  a  final  veto  upon  any  vote  of  the  mixed  centuries, 
and,  in  the  last  resort,  the  patrician  consuls  could  always  fall 
back  upon  the  patrician  augurs  to  prevent  a  possible  plebeian 
victory.1 

Thus  the  political  loss  to  the  plebs  was  very  real,  though  it 
was  wholly  indirect.  So  far  as  the  multitude  was  concerned, 
the  despotism  of  a  jealous  class  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
despotism  of  a  paternal  king. 

303.  Loss  of  Standing  at  Law.  —  In  cases  at  law  there  was 
a  like  loss  to  the  plebeians.  The  kings  had  found  it  to  their 
interest  to  see  justice  done  the  plebs;  but  now  law  became 
again  a  patrician  possession.  It  was  unwritten,  and  to  the 
plebs  almost  unknown ;  and  it  was  easy,  therefore,  in  any  dis- 
pute with  a  plebeian,  for  a  patrician,  before  patrician  judges, 
to  take  shameful  advantage  of  its  intricacies. 

304.  Ecoaomic  Loss  and  Danger  to  the  Plebs.  —  The  proof 
as  to  economic  results  of  the  revolution  is  not  so  clear.  But  it 
appears  probable  that  the  victorious  patricians  sought  to  bring 
back  the  mass  of  poor  plebeians  to  a  kind  of  slavery  —  to 
reduce  them  to  the  position  of  clients  dependent  upon  patrician 
patrons.2 

The  laws  regarding  debt  were  cruelly  severe,3  and  here 
the  patricians  found  their  opportunity  for  oppression.     The 

1  The  augurs  could  prevent  a  vote  or  an  election  by  declaring  the  auspices 
unfavorable. 

2  Coulanges,  Ancient  City,  387-389. 

8  See  the  extract  from  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  (§  315)  in  Munro's 
Source  Book,  54,  55. 


CLASS   STRUGGLES    IN   THE    REPUBLIC.  [§304 

plebeians  were  more  liable  than  formerly  to  fall  into  debt  for 
two  reasons. 

I'ln  patrician*  now  robbed  tin  plebeians  of  their  share  in  tin  public 

land.     When  Rome  conquered  a  hostile  city,  even  if  she  did  not  destroy 

it.  she  took  away  a  half  or  a  third  of  its  territory.     The  kings  sometimes 

L  colonies  of  landless  plebeians  upon  this  land;  sometimes  part  of 

the  plow  land  was  divided  between  the  soldiers  who  had  won  it;  but,  the 

■  r  portion  of  the  new  territory  became  a  common  pasture  ground.    It 

belonged  to  the  state,  and  a  small  tax  was  paid  for  the  right  to  graze 

upon  it. 

Strictly,  even  under  the  kings,  only  the  patricians  had  the  right  to  use 

this  grazing  land,  but  the  kings  had  extended  the  privilege  to  the  plebs 

also.     The  patricians  now  resinned  their  sole  right,  and  thus  reduced  to 

painful  straits  the  i rer  plebeians  who  had  eked  out  a  scanty  income 

from  their  small  farms  by  such  aid.1    At  the  same  time,  the  sending  out 
:  mies  of  landless  plebeians  was  stopped,  partly  because  little  land 
was  won  now  for  a  long  time,  and  partly  because  the  patricians  insisted 
upon  keeping  for  themselves  any  that  was  secured.2 

//.    The  conditions  of  warfare,  also,  bor>   mon  heavily  upon  the  small 
farmer  than  upon  the  great  landlord.     He  was  called  away  frequently  to 
battle;  he  had  no  servants  to  till  his  fields  in  his  absence;  and  his  pos- 
oa  were    more    i  to   hostile  forays   than  were   the  strongly 

fortified  holdings  of  bis  greater  neighbor.  Thus  he  might  return  to  find 
his  crops  ruined  by  delay  or  his  homestead  in  ashes,  and  he  could  no 
longer  apply  to  the  king  —  the  patron  of  the  plebs  —  for  assistance. 

Thus,  more  and  more  the  poorer  plebeians  were  forced 
tn  borrow  tax  money  from  patrician  money  lenders  or  to  get 
advances  of  seed  corn  and  cattle  from  a  neighboring  patri- 
cian landlord.  The  debtor's  land  and  person  were  both 
mortgaged  for  paymenl  ;  and,  on  failure  to  pay,  the  patrician 
courts  gave  the  creditor  possession.  The  plebeian  debtor  be- 
came a  client;  or,  it  he  refused  to  accept  this  result,  he  was 
into  a  dungeon,  Loaded  with  chains,  and  torn  with  stripes. 

1  To  make  matters  worse,  the  patrician  officers  ceased  to  collect  the  grazing 
Thus  the  public  land  was  enjoyed  l>j  tin-  patricians  as  private  property, 
without  purchase  or  tax.  while,  as  a  result,  the  tax  mi  plebeian  farms  had  to 
In-  increased,  to  supply  the  deficiency  in  the  treasury. 

'  \n  excellent  brief  treatment  of  the  public  land  is  given  in  Tighe,  82-88. 
[omnuen,  1,  343  346. 


§307]  TRIBUNES   <>F   THE    PLEBS.  287 

305.  Dissatisfaction  of  the  Rich  Plebeians.  —  There  were  many 
plebeians,  moreover,  who  were  bitterly  dissatisfied,  although 
they  were  rich  in  goods  and  lands.  This  was  true  especially 
of  the  descendants  of  the  old  riding  families  in  the  conquered 
Latin  towns  whose  population  had  been  removed  to  Rome. 
These  men  were  aggrieved  because  they  were  do1  allowed  to 
hold  office  or  to  intermarry  with  the  old  Roman  families. 
Thus  they  became  the  natural  leaders  and  organizers  of  the 
mass  of  poorer  plebeians. 

306.  Objects  of  the  Struggle.  —  Against  all  these  unfavorable  condi- 
tions (§§  302-305)  the  plebeians  rose  in  a  struggle  that  filled  a  century 
and  a  half  (510-367  B.C.).  At  first  their  demands  seem  chiefly  to  havi 
concerned  relief  from  the  unjust  debtor  laws  ami  their  right  to  share  in 
the  public  lands.  Probably  the  leaders. cared  more  fur  equality  with  the 
patricians  in  the  law  courts,  for  rights  of  intermarriage,  and  for  political 
power.  Gradually  the  whole  plebeian  body,  also,  began  to  demand  these 
things,  because  they  found  that  whatever  economic  rights  they  won  were 
of  no  value,  so  long  as  the  laws  were  carried  out  only  by  patrician  officers. 

II.     STEPS   IN   THE   STRUGGLE. 
A.   Tribunes  op  the  Plebs. 

307.  The  First  Secession  of  the  Plebs.1  —  In  ten  chapters 
Livy  gives  a  graphic  story  of  the  first  clash  between  the 
orders.     The  account  may  be  summarized  brief!}'. 

The  plebs,  driven  to  despair  by  the  cruelty  of  patrician  creditors,  refuse 
to  serve  in  a  war  against  the  Volscians,  until  the  consul  wins  them  over 
by  freeing  all  debtors  from  prison.  But  when  the  army  returns  victo- 
rious, the  other  consul  refuses  to  recognize  his  colleague's  acts  ;  he  arrests 
the  debtors  again,  and  enforces  the  law  with  merciless  cruelty.     On  a 

1  Two  views  exist  as  to  the  original  uprising.  The  older  and  more  common 
one  holds  that  the  plebeians  revolted  to  escape  being  enslaved,  almost  as  a 
class,  for  debt.  The  later  holds  that  in  so  simple  a  society  so  much  debl  was 
impossible,  and  that  the  plebeians  i-ose  to  secure  protection  againsl  the  arbi- 
trary despotism  of  patrician  magistrates  in  individual  cases.  Sec  Mom 
(1,345-346)  for  the  first  view;  Ihne  presents  the  second  idea  {Early  Rome, 
129,  141,  142,  and  History,  I,  147-14H). 


288  CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN   THE    REPUBLIC.  [§308 

renewal  of  the  war.  the  betrayed  plebs  again  decline  to  fight;  but  finally 
Manius  Valerius  (of  the  great  Valerian  house  "that  loves  the  people 
well  "  )  is  made  dictator,  and  him  they  trust,  Victory  again  follows  ;  but 
Valerius  is  unable  t<>  get  the  consent  of  the  Senate  to  his  proposed  changes 
in  the  law.  So  the  plebeian  army,  still  in  array  outside  the  gates,  rises  in 
revolt  and  marches  away  to  a  hill  across  the  Anio,  some  three  miles  from 
Rome,  where,  they  declare,  they  will  build  a  Rome  of  their  own.  This 
would  have  meant  the  conquest  of  both  the  old  and  new  cities  by  neigh- 
boring foes;  so  a  compromise  is  patched  up,  and  the  plebs  return  from 
the  ••  Sacred  Mount." 

308.  The  Tribunes  and  their  Veto,  493  B.C.  —  Whether  the 
details  of  the  story  of  the  secession  are  true,  we  do  not  know; 
but  the  result  is  certain.  The  letter  of  the  law  was  not 
changed,  but  the  plebeians  secured  means  to  prevent  its  exe- 
cution in  any  given  case.  Two  plebeian  tribunes,  it  was  agreed, 
should  be  chosen  each  year.  The  person  of  these  officers  was 
declared  inviolable,  and  a  curse  was  invoked  upon  the  man 
who  should  interfere  with  their  acts.  In  order  that  they 
might  protect  the  plebeians,  they  were  given  a  portion  of  the 
consular  veto.  That  is,  they  could  stop  any  magistrate  in  any 
act  of  government,  and  so,  whenever  they  saw  fit,  they  could 
prevent  the  arrest  or  punishment  of  a  plebeian.  But  this  veto 
could  be  exercised  only  within  the  city,  and  by  the  tribunes  in 
person.1  Hence  a  tribune's  door  was  left  always  unlocked,  so 
that  a  plebeian  in  trouble  might  have  instant  admission. 

809.  Subsequent  Growth  of  the  Tribuneship.  —  In  consecpience 
of  later  disturbances,  the  number  of  tribunes  was  increased  to 
five,  and  finally  to  ten,  so  as  to  afford  more  efficient  protection. 
Their  power,  also,  greAv,  until  they  came  even  to  forbid  acts  like 
the  putting  of  a  vote  in  the  centuries  or  in  the  Senate.  Thus 
they  could  bring  the  whole  government  to  a  standstill. 

"Absolute  prohibition  was  in  the  most  stern  and  abrupt  fashion 
opposed  to  absolute  command  ;  and  the  quarrel  was  settled  (?)  by  recog- 
oizingand  regulating  the  discord."  —  Mommsen,  r.  354,  355. 

1  It  la  notable  that  this  arrangement  was  not  established  by  law  but  by  a 
treaty  between  the  two  orders,  as  if  they  had  been  separate  states.  (Seelhne, 
Early  !{<■„<<- .  142,  143.) 


§310]  RISE   OF  THE   PLEBEIAN    ASSEMBLY.  289 

Besides  this  power  of  impeding  action  in  the  government, 
the  tribunes  came  to  have  a  terrible  judicial  power.  It.sei 
probable  that  even  before  the  treaty  of  the  Sacred  Mount  the 
plebs  had  had  their  own  chosen  rulers  to  act  in  plebeian  gather- 
ings, as  the  consuls  did  in  the  Comitia  of  the  Centuries,  — 
proposing  rules  and  impeaching  offenders  against  them.1  Now 
the  plebeian  tribunes  came  to  accuse  in  this  way  the  patricians 
also,  —  even  consuls,  —  and  to  arrest  and  fine  them,  with 
appeal  only  to  the  Assembly  of  the  plebeians,  where  patricians 
could  expect  little' favor. 

B.   Rise  op  the  Plebeiax  Assembly. 

310.  Ancient  Organization  of  the  Plebeians.  —  It  is  plain  that 
the  plebeians  must  have  possessed  some  such  organization  as 
has  just  been  referred  to,  with  regular  meetings  and  officers,  or 
they  could  never  have  waged  the  long  constitutional  struggle 
in  so  orderly  a  manner ;  but  the  matter  is  very  obscure.  Prob- 
ably the  organization  was  based  upon  certain  local  divisions 
called  "tribes." 

At  some  early  date,  the  city  and  territory  of  Rome  had 
been  divided  into  twenty-one  wards,  or  tribes,2  for  taxation, 
and  for  the  military  levy.  In  the  absence  of  a  complete  organi- 
zation in  gentes,  the  plebs  seem  to  have  availed  themselves 
of  these  local  units.  In  some  way,  a  plebeian  "  Assembly  of 
Tribes"  grew  up  and  became  a  real  governing  body  for  the 
plebeians,  though  the  patricians  tried  to  refuse  any  recognition 
to  its  acts.3 


1  See  Ihne,  History,  I,  183-187,  or  Early  Rome,  143,  144. 

2  These  local  tribes  had  no  connection  with  the  three  blood  tribes.  (Cf.  the 
"tribes"  of  Cleisthenes,  §  135.)  This  institution  is  attributed  to  Senilis. 
Four  of  the  tribes  were  within  the  city,  and  are  shown  on  the  map.  page  266. 

3  For  conflicting  views  as  to  the  original  nature  of  the  Assembly,  see  IhiieJ 
Early  Rome,,  144-147,  or  History,  I,  183-185,  206,  207,  and  Mommsen,  I 

360.  It  is  probable  that  the  patricians  had  the  right  to  attend  the  Assembly 
of  the  Tribes,  but  that  they  did  not  care  to  do  so  at  this  time,  when  theycoujfl 
accomplish  so  much  less  in  it  than  they  could  in  the  Assembly  of  Centuries. 


290  CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN   THE   REPUBLIC.  [§311 

311.  This  Plebeian  Assembly  wins  Recognition  in  the  State.  — 
The  plebeian  tribunes  of  the  "tribes"  had  now  been  put  along- 
side the  patrician  consuls  of  the  centuries.  The  next  step  was 
to  set  the  plebeian  Assembly  alongside  the  mixed  Centuriate 
Assembly. 

The  patricians  seem  to  have  provoked  the  struggle,  by  trying 
to  control  the  election  of  tribunes,  by  bringing  it  into  the  As- 
sembly of  the  Centuries  and  by  endeavoring  to  prevent  the 
plebeians  from  holding  their  separate  meetings. 

\  bitter  contest  of  twenty  years  was  closed  in  471,  by  the 
victory  of  the  plebs.  The  tribune  Publilius  Volero  secured  the 
consent  of  the  Senate  to  a  decree  known  as  the  Publilian  Law. 
This  legalized  the  old  plebeian  organization.  It  guaranteed  to 
the  Assembly  of  Tribes  the  right  to  elect  the  tribunes  and  to 
pass  decrees  (plebiscite/,)  which  should  have  the  force  of  law 
upon  the  plebeians.1 

312.  The  Result  a  Double  State;  Violence  over  Agrarian  Ques- 
tions.-—  Thus  the  first  struggle  of  the  plebs  for  admission  into 
the  state  had  set  up  instead  a  double  state — a  plebeian  state 
over  against  the  patrician  state,  each  with  its  own  Assembly 
and  leaders,  with  no  arbiter  between  the  two  and  no  check 
iiliDii  civil  war  except  mutual  moderation. 

The  device  was  clumsy,  and  could  not  have  been  worked 
at  all  by  a  people  of  low  political  capacity.  Even  with  the 
Etonians,  it  led  during  the  next  few  years  to  much  violence. 
Street  fights  between  the  orders  took  place;  consuls  and  lead- 
ing patricians  were  driven  into  banishment;  and  the  tribune 
Genucius  was  assassinated  by  patrician  daggers. 

During  this  period  Spurius  Cassius,  the  first  patrician  to 
dare  take  up  the  cause  of  the  people,  fell  a  victim  to  his  order. 
He    had    served   Home   gloriously  in  war   and   in  diplomacy 

326j  note).     Now,  as  consul,  he  proposed  a  reform  in  the 

1  This  power  \\:ts  a to  be  extended  so  that  the  decrees  of  the  plebeian 

Assembly  Bbonld  b< i squal  to  those  of  the  Comitia  Centuriata  in  all  niat- 

■  the  Horatian  Law,  §  317,  note). 
J  Mommsen.  I,  354  361. 


§3141  THE  DECEMVIRS.  291 

selfish  patrician  management  of  the  public  lands.  The  patri- 
cians raised  the  cry  that  he  was  trying  to  win  popular  favor  so 
as  to  make  himself  tyrant.1  The  foolish  plebeians  allowed 
themselves  to  be  frightened  by  the  charge;  they  deserted  their 
champion,  and  he  was  put  to  death.2 

None  the  less,  the  plebeians  made  some  small  gains.  Some 
colonies  of  poor  citizens  were  established  on  the  public  lands, 
and,  in  466,  the  Aventine  district  within  the  city  was  parceled 
out  into  building  lots  for  landless  plebeians. 

C.   The  Decemvirs. 

313.  The  Plebs  demand  Written  Laws.  —  In  462  the  plebeians 
asked  that  the  laws  be  written  down,  so  that  they  might  be 
known  by  all.3  This  demand  was  furiously  opposed  by  the 
patricians,  but  after  a  ten  years'  struggle  the  plebeians  won. 
Both  consuls  and  tribunes  were  set  aside  for  a  year;  and  the 
Assembly  chose  a  Board  of  ten  men  to  revise  and  write  down 
the  laws. 

314.  The  Two  Boards  of  Decemvirs. — From  their  number, 
ten,  these  men  were  known  as  decemvirs.  During  their  year 
they  were  to  govern  the  city  as  a  Board  of  <li<-/<i/<>rs.  Both 
plebeians  and  patricians  were  eligible  to  the  office,  but  in  the 
first  election  (451  b.c.)  the  patricians  secured  all  the  places. 
The  story  now  becomes  obscure.  It  seems  probable,  however, 
that  this  patrician  Board  neglected  to  reduce  the  laws  to 
writing.  But  the  next  year  Apphis  Claudius,  one  of  the  first, 
decemvirs,  joined  the  plebeians  and  secured  his  own  reelection, 
along  with  several  plebeian  colleagues. 

1  Under  like  conditions,  two  other  citizens,  Spurius  Maelius  and,  later. 
Manlius  (384  B.C.),  who  had  saved  the  capitol  from  the  Gauls,  fell  before  like 
charges.    Special  reports  should  be  assigned  upon  these  men. 

2  According  to  one  story,  the  father  of  Spurius,  a  proud  patrician,  put  his 
son  to  death  himself,  in  the  right  of  his  paternal  authority.  Tin  father's 
power,  however,  did  not  permit  this:  it  did  not  give  the  lather  control  over 
the  action  of  a  son  when  the  son  was  an  officer  of  the  state. 

3  Compare  with  the  Athenian  demands  in  the  time  of  Draco  (§  108). 


292  CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN   THE    REPUBLIC.  [§315 

315.  The  Twelve  Tables.  —  At  all  events  the  laws  did  finally 
get  published.  They  were  written  in  short,  crisp  sentences, 
engraved  on  twelve  stone  tables,  and  were  set  up  where  all 
might  read  them.  These  "Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables"  were 
the  basis  of  all  later  Roman  law.  Like  the  first  written  laws 
at  Athens,  they  were  very  severe,  and  were  for  the  most  part 
simply  old  customs  reduced  to  writing.  The  new  thing  about 
them  was  that  they  were  now  known  to  all,  and  that  they  ap- 
plied to  plebeian  and  patrician  alike.1 

316.  The  Patrician  Attempt  at  a  Counter-revolution.  —  Mean- 
time the  patricians  seem  to  have  tried  to  prevent  this  work  by 
violence.  They  put  Claudius  to  death,  as  a  traitor  to  their 
oiiler.  They  then  restored  the  consulship,  but  refused  to 
restore  the  tribunes,  —  perhaps  on  the  excuse  that  writing  down 
the  laws  had  made  such  officers  unnecessary. 

Later  patrician  inventions  obscure  all  this,  and  represent 
the  overthrow  of  Claudius  as  the  work  of  a  popular  rising. 
Claudius,  they  said,  seized  the  free  maid  Virginia  as  his  slave 
girl ;  her  father,  Yirginius,  a  popular  officer,  to  save  her  from 
Buch  shame,  slew  her  with  his  own  hand,  and  then  called  upon 
the  army  to  avenge  his  wrongs;  his  comrades  marched  upon 
the  tyrants  and  overthrew  them. 

The  story  of  Virginia  lias  become  so  famous  that  the  student  ought  to 
know  it.  We  cannot  tell  whether  or  not  there  is  any  truth  in  it.  Possi- 
bly Claudius  did  put  the  cause  of  the  people  in  danger  by  selfish  tyranny, 
and  gave  the  patricians  a  handle  against  him  ;  but  in  any  case  we  may  be 
sure  this  was  not  the  real  cause  of  his  overthrow.  See  Ihne,  Early  Borne, 
17."..  or,  more  fully,  History,  I,  192-199. 

317.  Another  Plebeian  Secession  and  New  Gains. — A  popular 
revolt  did  lake  place,  but  it  was  directed,  not  at  Claudius,  but 
at  the  usurping  patricians  who  had  overthrown  him  and  were 
trying  to  cheat  the  people  out  of  their  previous  victory.  Once 
more  (449  B.C.),  to  secure  their  rights,  the  plebeians  rose  in 

1  <  »ii  1 1,.-  Twel  \  <•  Tables,  read  Mommaen,  I,  364,  or  Tighe,  96-98.    Study  the 
-  in  Monro's  Source  Book,  54,  55. 


§  319]  SOCIAL   FUSION.  203 

arras  and  withdrew  to  the  Sacred  Hill  across  the  Anio.  The 
patricians  were  forced  to  yield.  The  tribunes  were  restored 
with  enlarged  powers,1  and  two  new  gains2  were  made  by  the 
people.  (1)  The  old  Valerian  right  of  appeal  (§  L'(J."Jj  was  ex- 
tended to  plebeians ;  and  (2)  the  Assembly  of  Tribes  was  reor- 
ganized (§  318)  and  made  a  ruling  Assembly  of  the  Roman 
people.  Thereafter  its  plebiscites  bound  patricians  as  well  as 
plebeians ;  though  of  course,  like  the  Centuriate  Assembly,  it 
was  legally  subject  to  the  veto  of  the  Senate. 

318.  The  reorganized  Comitia  Tributa  was  soon  to  become  the 
most  important  of  the  popular  assemblies.  At  this  time  it 
was  made  to  consist  of  all  landowners,  —  patricians  and  ple- 
beians. Each  tribe  voted  as  a  unit,  and,  in  determining  its 
vote,  each  man  within  it  had  an  equal  voice,  so  that  the  ple- 
beians held  an  overwhelming  control.3 

The  plebeian  state  had  now  won  an  equal  standing  with  the 
patrician  state.  The  next  work  was  to  fuse  the  two  into  one 
state  (§§  319-324). 

D.   Social  Fusion. 

319.  Mixed  Marriages.  —  The  plebeians  used  their  new  powers 
to  win  further  victories.  Four  years  after  the  recognition  of 
the  Assembly  of  Tribes,  that  Assembly  decreed  that  plebeians 
should  have  the  right  to  marry  with  patricians.  At  first  the 
Senate  refused  to  approve  this  plebiscite,  but,  by  the  threat  of 
another  secession,  the  point  was  carried. 

From  this  time  the  two  orders  began  to  mix  in  social  matters, 
and  of  course  this   prepared   the   way   for   political   fusion. 

1  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  tribunes  were  increased  to  ten,  and  were  given 
seats  just  outside  the  Senate  door,  so  that  they  could  shout  their  veto  upon 
any  action  by  that  body. 

2  These  new  gains  were  embodied  in  the  Valerio-Horatian  Law  of  449,  bo 
called  from  the  consuls  of  that  year. 

3  The  old  Tribal  Assembly,  of  plebeians  only,  is  known  after  this  as  the 
"Council  of  the  Plebs":  it  contained  all  plebeians,  landowners  or  not,  but  it 
ceased  now  to  have  anypolitical  importance. 

STATE  NORMAL  SOUUL, 
toQ»JUienkH»,cmj. 


294  (LASS   STRUGGLES   IX   THE    REPUBLIC.  [§320 

Those  patricians  who  had  pleheian  relatives  were  not  likely  to 
oppose  bitterly  the  demands  of  that  class  for  political  honors. 
Still  the  final  contest  was  a  long  one.  In  this  same  year 
I  1 15  B.C.)  the  plebeians  began  an  eighty-eight-year  struggle  for 
admission  to  the  office  of  consul  (§  320  ft'.). 

E.   Admission  to  the  Consulate. 

320.  Consular  Tribunes  and  Censors.  —  In  445  the  tribes  voted 
that  the  people  should  be  allowed  to  choose  a  plebeian  for  one 
of  the  consuls.  The  Senate  refused  to  allow  the  "religious" 
office  of  consul  to  be  "polluted,"  but  they  offered  a  compro- 
mise. Accordingly  it  was  decided  to  have  no  consuls  in  some 
vcars,  but  instead  to  elect  military  tribunes  with  consular 
power;  and  this  office  was  to  be  open  to  both  patricians  and 
plebeians. 

At  the  same  time,  with  their  old  stronghold  threatened,  the 
patricians  prepared  an  inner  fortress  for  defense  of  their 
privileges.  A  new  office,  the  censorship,  was  created,  to  take 
over  the  religious  part  of  the  consul's  duty  and  his  most  im- 
portant powers.  To  this  office,  only  patricians  could  be  elected. 
Every  fifth  year  two  censors  were  chosen,  with  power  to  revise 
the  lists  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  Senate.  By  their  simple 
order  they  could  deprive  any  man  of  citizenship,  or  degrade  a 
senator.  They  also  exercised  a  general  moral  oversight  over 
the  state.1 

321.  Patrician  Maneuvers.  —  The  patricians  had  not  intended 
to  sui render  even  the  military  powers  of  the  consulship;  and 
they  now  tried  to  snatch  back  with  one  hand  what  they  had  pre- 
tended  to  grant  with  the  other.  It  had  been  left  to  the  Senate 
to  decide  each  year  whether  consuls  or  consular  tribunes  should 
be  elected.      The  Senate  used   this   authority  to  secure  the 

1  (>n  (I,,,  censors,  read  lim.  .  Early  /.'<. me,  184-189.  Either  censor,  quite  in 
accord  with  Roman  genius,  could  vein  action  by  the  oilier.  Their  tremendous 
power  was  used  w  it Ii  moderation  and  not  to  any  considerable  degree  forparty 
ends. 


§323]  ADMISSION   TO   THE    CONSULATE.  295 

election  of  consuls  (who  of  course  had  to  be  patricians)  twenty 
times  out  of  the  next  thirty-five  years.  Ami  even  when  con- 
sular tribunes  were  chosen,  the  patrician  influence  in  the 
Assembly  of  Centuries,  together  with  their  advantages  in  con- 
trolling the  auspices,1  kept  that  office  for  their  own  order  every 
time  for  almost  half  a  century. 

322.  The  Licinian  Rogations,  367  b.c.  —  In  400,  399,  and  396, 
however,  the  plebeians  won  in  the  election  of  the  consular 
tribunes,  and  thereafter  they  never  lost  ground.  An  invasion 
by  the  Gauls  in  390  (§  325)  almost  ruined  Rome  and  thrusl 
aside  party  conflict  for  a  time;  but  in  377  the  final  campaign 
began.  Under  the  wise  leadership  of  the  tribune  Licinius 
Stolo,  the  whole  body  of  plebeians  united  firmly  on  a  group  of 
measures.  These  were  proposed  to  the  Assembly  by  Licinius. 
and  are  known  as  the  Licinian  Rogations. 

The  three  most  important  of  these  demands  were :  — 

(1)  that  the  office  of  consul  should  be  restored,  and  that 
at  least  one  consul  each  year  should  be  a  plebeian  ; 

(2)  that  no  citizen  should  hold  more  than  500  jugera  of  (he 
public  lands  (an  acre  is  nearly  two  jugera)  ; 

(3)  that  payment  of  debts  might  be  postponed  for  three 
years,  and  that  the  interest  already  paid  should  be  deducted 
from  the  amount  of  the  debt. 

The  first  measure  was  what  the  leaders,  like  Licinius,  cared  most  for. 
The  second  and  third  secured  the  support  of  the  masses.  Tins.  0 
ures,  also,  seem  to  have  been  wise  and  helpful.  The  one  regarding  debts 
had  been  made  necessary  by  the  distress  that  followed  the  invasion  by 
the  Gauls.  The  land  acts  were  not  acts  of  confiscation,  from  any  point 
of  view.  Like  the  early  attempt  of  Spurius  Cassius  (§  312),  they  were 
a  righteous  effort  to  recover  from  wealthy  patrician  squatters  what  was 
legally  and  morally  the  property  of  all. 

323.  The  Struggle  and  the  Final  Victory  of  the  Plebs.  —  Tin' 
proposal  of  these  reforms  was  followed  by  ten  years  of  bitter 
wrangling.     Each  year  the  plebeians  reelected  Licinius  and 

1  Read  Momnisen,  I,  377. 


296  CLASS   STRUGGLES   IN   THE    REPUBLIC.  [§324 

passed  the  Rogations  anew  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Tribes. 
Each  time  the  Senate  vetoed  the  measures.  The  tribunes,  by 
their  veto  power,  prevented  the  election  of  magistrates,  and  so 
lefl  the  state  without  any  regular  government.1 

At  last  the  patricians  tried  to  buy  off  the  masses,  by  offer- 
ing to  yield  on  the  matters  of  debts  and  lands  if  they  would 
drop  the  demand  regarding  the  consulship.  But  Licinius 
succeeded  in  holding  his  party  together  for  the  full  program 
of  reform ;  and,  in  367,  the  Senate  gave  way  and  the  Rogations 
became  law. 

324.  Political  Fusion  completed,  367-300  B.C.  —  The  long 
struggle  was  practically  over,  and  the  body  of  the  patricians 
soon  accepted  the  result  with  good  grace.  Just  at  first,  to  be 
sure,  they  tried  again  to  save  something  from  the  wreck  by 
creating  a  third,  and  patrician,  consul  —  called  the  praetor  — 
for  supreme  judicial  control  in  the  city.2  But  all  such  devices 
were  in  vain.  Plebeian  consuls  could  nominate  other  plebeian 
officers.  Plebeians  had  already  won  admission  to  the  quaestor- 
ship  (§  295).  Now  they  secured  the  office  of  dictator  in  356, 
nl  censor  in  351,  and  of  praetor  in  337.  In  300  even  the 
sacred  colleges  of  pontiffs  and  augurs  were  thrown  open  to 
them. 

Appointments  to  the  Senate  were  now  commonly  made 
from  those  who  had  held  office,  and  so  that  body,  also,  grad- 
ualty  became  plebeian.  By  the  year  300,  the  old  distinction 
between  patricians  and  plebeians  had  practically  died  out, 
and,  in  political  matters  at  least,  it  is  no  more  heard  of, 
except  that  tribunes  could  not  be  chosen  from  families  of 
patrician  descent. 


1  During  the  peril  of  a  foreign  attack,  however,  they  withdrew  from  this 
extreme  ground  and  permitted  consuls  to  he  chosen.  Read  Livy's  account  of 
the  long  contest  (Munro'a  Source  Book,  57-59). 

-  The  consul  bad  had  three  functions,  religious,  civil,  and  military.  As  the 
plebs  gained  ground,  the.  patricians  firsl  gave  the  religious  duties  to  the  censor, 
and  now  the  chief  civil  powers  to  the  praetor,  intending  to  share  with  the  plehs 
only  the  military  office. 


§325]  ADMISSION  TO  THE   CONSULATE.  J! '7 

325-  A  Catchword  Review  of  the  Struggle  of  Classes.  — Tribunes  of 
the  Plebs  (after  secession  to  the  Sacred  Mount),  493  :  veto  power  and 
judicial  attacks  upon  patrician  leaders. 

Plebeian  Assembly  of  Tribes:  plebiscites  binding  in  law  upon  the 
plebs,  471. 

Violence  between  the  patrician  and  the  plebeian  states :  Genucius, 
Spurius  Cassius ;  agrarian  gains  for  plebeians. 

Struggle  for  written  laws,  462-449 :  decemvirs,  451  ;  Appius  Claudius  ; 
the  Twelve  Tables  ;  patrician  counter-revolution  ;  secession  of  the  plebs  ; 
tribunes  restored ;  right  of  appeal  for  plebeians ;  Assembly  of  Tribes  re- 
organized (all  landowners)  and  given  equality  with  Centuriate  Assembly. 

Mixed  marriages,  445,  secured  by  threat  of  another  secession  :  social 
fusion. 

Political  fusion  (struggle  for  the  consulate,  445-367)  :  consular  trib- 
unes and  censors ;  patrician  maneuvers  ;  gradual  plebeian  gains  ;  Licinian 
Rogations  (consulship,  public  lands,  debts)  ;  a  ten-years'  struggle ;  trib- 
unes paralyze  the  state ;  plebeian  victory,  367,  followed  by  rapid  fusion 
of  the  two  orders. 


For  Further  Reading.  — Mommsen,  I,  341-394  ;  Ihne,  Early  Borne, 
135-151,  165-190,  and  History,  127-152,  175-226,  255-262,  302-:!:;  J  ; 
How  and  Leigh,  52-58,  65-77,  91-94.  Pelham  (Outlines  of  Soman  His- 
tory, 54-67)  presents  in  compact  form  a  somewhat  different  view  of  the 
struggle  of  classes  from  that  given  in  this  volume. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

jfe.     THE  UNIFICATION   OF  ITALY,   367-266  B.C. 
L    PROGRESS  BEFORE  3G7   B.C. 

326.  Gains  under  the  Kings,  and  the  Reaction  to  449  B.C.  — 
The  story  of  Rome's  early  wars  is  full  of  patriotic  legends,1 
but  the  general  trend  of  her  growth  is  fairly  clear.  Under 
the  kings  she  had  conquered  widely  ;  but,  after  510,  the  Latin 
towns  became  independent  again  and  much  territory  also  was 
seized  by  the  Etruscans.  For  the  next  sixty  years  Rome 
fought  for  life.  Etruscan,  Volscian,  and  Sabine  armies  often 
appeared  under  her  very  walls,  and  many  times  the  peril  was 
made  more  deadly  by  the  fierce  conflict  of  classes  within  the 
city. 

In  493,  it  is  true,  the  Latin  League  was  united  to  Rome, 
by  treaty,2  as  an  equal  ally,  and  so  a  bulwark  was  provided 
against  the  Vblscians  (map,  page  269).  But  the  main  danger 
was  in  the  Etruscans,  and  from  this  enemy  Rome  was  saved, 
mainly,  by  outside  events.  Just  at  this  time  the  Gauls  of  the 
north  broke  the  power  of  Etruria  on  land,  and  the  tyrants  of 
Syracuse  (§  218)  shattered  her  superiority  on  the  sea. 

327.  The  Period  449-367  :  Slow  Gains  ;  the  Brief  Interruption 
by  the  Gauls.  —  After  the  reforms  of  the  period  of  the  decem- 

when  the  bitterest  internal  dissensions  were  past,  Rome 
began  to  make  steady  gains.  By  slow  degrees  she  became 
again  the  mistress  of  the  Latin  League;  and,  in  396,  after 


1  Special  reports:  (1)  the  legend  of  Coriolanus  and  the  modern  criticism; 
Qcinnatus;   (3)  Camillus;    (4)   A  Roman   "triumph"   (see  especially 
Monro's  Source  Book,  38-40). 

•  This  important  treat;  is  .sai'l  to  have  been  the  work  of  Spnrius  Cassius 
■ 

298 


§328]  THE   REAL   ADVANCE,    367-266    B.C.  209 

fourteen  long  wars,  she  finally  destroyed  Veil,1  a  dangerous 
rival,  only  a  few  hours'  walk  distant,  in  Etruria. 

Six  years  later  the  city  was  again  for  a  time  in  dangei  of 
utter  destruction.  In  390,  a  horde  of  Gauls,  who  had  overrun 
Etruria,  defeated  the  Roman  army  in  the  battle  of  the  Allia, 
twelve  miles  from  the  walls,  and  cut  it  off  from  the  city. 
Fortunately,  the  barbarians  squandered  three  days  in  jiil 
and  so  gave  time  to  save  Rome.  The  sacred  fire  was  hastily 
removed;  the  helpless  inhabitants  fled;  and  a  small  garrison, 
under  the  soldier  Marcus  Manlius,  garrisoned  the  Capitoline 
citadel. 

The  Gauls  sacked  the  rest  of  the  city  and  held  it  seven 
months.  But  their  host  was  ravaged  b}r  the  deadly  malaria 
of  the  Roman  plain  (which  has  more  than  once  been  Rome's 
best  protection);  they  had  little  skill  or  patience  for  a  regular 
siege;  and  finally  they  withdrew  on  the  payment  of  a  ran- 
som.2   Rome  was  left  free  to  complete  her  work. 

II.     THE   REAL   ADVANCE,    367-266   B.C. 

328.  United  Rome  and  her  Rapid  Growth.  —  Rome  recovered 
rapidly  from  the  Gallic  conquest;  and  the  slow  growth  of 
territory  up  to  this  time  contrasts  strikingly  with  the  swift 
advance  that  was  to  come  in  the  next  hundred  years.  The 
difference  was  due  mainly  to  the  difference  in  internal  con- 
ditions. The  long  strife  of  classes  closed  in  367  B.C.  (§  323). 
The  process  of  amalgamation  that  had  originally  fused  the  three 
separate  hill  toivns  into  the  patrician  state  heal  at  length  fused  this 
patrician  and  the  neiver  plebeian  state  into  one  Roman  people. 
Now  this  united  Rome  turned  to  heirproper  work  of  uniting  Italy. 


1  Rome  began  at  Veii  the  merciless  policy  which  she  was  to  show  toward 
many  rival  capitals  in  time  to  come,  by  exterminating  the  population  and 
laying  waste  the  site  of  the  city. 

2  Special  reports :  the  sack  of  the  city;  the  geese  of  the  capitol;  Brennus, 
the  Gallic  chief,  and  his  sword  at  the  scales ;  the  later  fiction  of  the  Roman 
victory.    This  sack  by  the  Gauls  is  the  event  referred  to  in  §  322. 


:M0  THE    UNIFICATION   OF   ITALY.  [§329 

329.  Latium  and  Southern  Etruria.  —  The  Latin  towns  had 
seized  the  opportunity  of  the  Gallic  invasion  to  throw  off 
Roman  leadership.  War  followed  between  Rome  and  the 
Latins.  Several  cities  were  captured,  and  some  of  them  were 
incorporated  bodily  in  the  Roman  state.  For  all  the  rest,  the 
old  league  was  restored  in  a  new  form.  Rome  came  out  of 
the  struggle  the  acknowledged  mistress  of  Latium.  The 
southern  half  of  Etruria,  too,  was  soon  annexed  to  the  terri- 
tory of  Rome ;  and  on  both  north  and  south  the  new  acquisi- 
tions were  garrisoned  by  Roman  colonies. 

330.  The  Winning  of  Campania,  343  B.C.  —  Rome  was  now 
recognized  as  the  natural  champion  of  the  other  lowland  civil- 
ized states  against  the  ruder  tribes  of  the  mountains.  From 
this  fact  came  her  next  expansion.  Some  time  before,  the 
hill-Samnites  had  reconquered  the  fertile  plains  of  Campania 
from  Etruscans  and  Greeks.  They  had  themselves,  however, 
taken  on  the  lowland  civilization,  and  they  were  now  attacked 
by  the  other  Samnites  of  the  mountains.  In  these  straits  the 
men  of  Campania  appealed  to  Rome  for  aid.  Rome  repulsed 
the  mountain  tribes ;  and,  in  return,  the  cities  of  the  Campanian 
plain  became  her  tributaries. 

331.  The  Last  Latin  Revolt,  338  B.C.  — Now  that  the  Sam- 
nites were  no  longer  dangerous,  the  Latins,  ill  content  with 
the  recent  settlement  of  their  affairs  (§  329),  once  more  broke 
into  revolt.  This  led  to  the  great  Latin  War  of  338  b.c.  In 
the  end  the  rising  was  crushed  and  the  Latin  League  dissolved. 
1 1  s  public  land  became  Roman.  Some  of  its  cities  were  brought 
into  the  Roman  state, — their  inhabitants  being  listed  as  citi- 
zens in  the  Roman  "tribes."  All  the  remaining  cities  were 
bound  to  Rome  as  subjects,  each  by  its  sepax*ate  treaty,  and 
they  were  allowed  no  intercourse  with  each  other  (except 
through  Rome)  either  in  politics  or  in  trade. 

332.  The  Last  Struggle  for  Supremacy  in  Central  Italy:  the 
Samnite  Wars.  —  The  leadership  of  central  Italy  now  lay 
between  Rome,  the  great  city-state  of  the  lowlands,  and  the 
rude   Samnite    tribes,   which   were  spread  widely  over    the 


§332]  THE   REAL   ADVANCE,    3G7-2GG   B.C.  301 

southern  Apennines.  The  decisive  struggle  between  the  two 
began  in  326,  and  lasted,  with  brief  truces,  to  290.  The  com- 
batants were  both  warlike,  and  they  were  not  unequally 
matched.  The  Samnites  trusted  partly  for  defense  to  their 
mountain  fastnesses;  and  Rome  found  safety  in  the  chains  of 
fortress  colonies  she  had  been  building  (§  336  a). 

Early  in  the  war  (321  b.c.)  the  Samnites  won  an  over- 
whelming victory.  The  whole  Roman  army  was  entrapped 
at  the  Caudine  Forks  in  a  narrow  pass  between  two  precipices 
and  was  forced  to  surrender.  The  Samnite  leader,  Pontius, 
made  a  treaty  with  the  consuls  by  which  the  Romans  were  to 
withdraw  all  their  posts  from  Samnium  and  to  stop  the  war. 
He  then  let  the  captives  go,  after  sending  them  "under  the 
yoke." *  The  fruits  of  the  victory,  however,  were  lost,  because 
the  Romans  refused  to  abide  by  the  treaty. 

According  to  the  Roman  story,  the  Senate  declared  that  only  the  Roman 
Assembly,  not  the  consuls  alone,  had  power  to  make  such  a  treaty.  In 
place  of  their  rescued  army,  they  delivered  to  the  Samnites  the  two  con- 
suls, naked  and  in  chains,  saying,  through  the  herald  :  "  These  men  have 
wronged  you  by  promising,  without  authority,  to  make  a  treaty  with  you. 
Therefore  we  hand  them  over  to  you."  Then  one  of  the  consuls  (who  is 
said  to  have  suggested  the  whole  plan)  pushed  against  the  Roman  herald, 
and  said,  "I  am  now  a  Samnite,  and,  by  striking  the  Roman  herald,  I 
have  given  the  Romans  the  right  to  make  war  upon  the  Samnites.1'  The 
Romans  pretended  that  these  forms  released  them  from  all  obligation, 
and  resumed  the  war. 

Then  the  Samnites  built  up  a  great  alliance,  which  soon 
came  to  count  nearly  all  the  peoples  of  Italy,  together  with 
the  Cisalpine  Gauls.  But,  using  to  the  full  the  advantage  of 
her  central  position  (§  263),  Rome  beat  these  foes  in  detail; 
and  at  the  close  of  the  long  conflict  (290  b.c.)  she  had  become 
mistress  of  all  the  true  peninsula,  except  the  Greek  cities  of 
the  south. 


1  This  humiliation  consisted  in  obliging  the  captives  to  come  forth  one  by 
one,  clad  only  in  shirts,  and  pass,  with  bowed  bead,  between  two  upright 
spears  upon  which  rested  a  third. 


302  THE   UNIFICATION    OF   ITALY.  [§333 

333.  Magna  Graecia :  the  War  with  Pyrrhus. —  Ten  years 
later  began  the  last  great  war  for  territory  in  Italy,,  The 
Greek  cities  at  this  moment  were  harassed  by  neighboring 
mountaineers,  and  they  called  in  Roman  aid,  as  Campania  had 
(lone  sixty  years  before.  Thus  Roman  lordship  became  estab- 
lished throughout  the  south,  except  in  Tarentum.  That  great 
city  wished  to  keep  her  independence,  and  sought  help  from 
Pyrrhus,  the  chivalrous  king  of  Epirus. 

Pyrrhus  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  the  Greek  mili- 
tary adventurers  who  arose  after  the  death  of  Alexander. 
He  had  come  to  Italy  with  a  great  armament  and  with  great 
designs.  lie  hoped  to  unite  the  Greek  cities  of  Magna  Graecia 
and  Sicily,  and  then  to  subdue  Carthage,  the  ancient  enemy  of 
Hellenes  in  the  West.  That  is,  he  planned  to  play  in  western 
Hellas  and  in  Africa  the  part,  already  pla}red  by  Alexander  in 
eastern  Hellas  and  in  Asia. 

Pyrrhus  knew  little  of  Home;  but  at  the  call  of  Tarentum 
he  found  himself  engaged  as  a  Hellenic  champion  with  this 
new  power.  He  won  some  victories,  chiefly  through  his  ele- 
phants, which  the  Romans  had  never  before  encountered. 
Then  most  of  southern  Italy  deserted  Rome  to  join  him;  but, 

anxious  to  carry 
out  his  wider 
plans,  he  offered 
a  favorable  peace. 
Under  the  leader- 
|  ship  of  an  aged 
and  blind  senator, 
Appius  Claudius, 
de leafed  Rome  an- 

<  "l.v  OF  PTRBHU8,  struck  in   Sicily. 

swered    haughtily 

that  she  would  treat  with  no  invader  while  he  stood  upon 
Italian  soil  Pyrrhus  chafed  at  the  delay,  and  finally  hurried 
off  to  Sicily,  leaving  his  victory  incomplete.  The  steady 
Roman  advance  called  him  back,  and  a  great  Roman  victory 
Beneventum    (275  B.C.)    ruined  his  dream  of   empire  and 


§333]  THE    REAL   ADVANCE,   367-266    B.C.  303 

made  Rome  mistress  of  the  Italy  whose  sovereignty  she  had 
just  claimed  so  resolutely.  By  269,  the  last  resistance  from 
the  Greek  cities  had  ceased;  and  then,  in  266,  Rome  founded 
off  her  work  by  the  conquest  of  that  part  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 
which  lay  south  of  the  Po. 


Jh 


For  Further  Reading.  — The  best  compact  treatment  of  the  conq 
of  Italy  is  by  Pelham,  68-97.     Detailed  accounts  are  given  in  Mommsen, 
and  especially  in  Ihne.     Students  should  read  an  excellent  summary  of 
Home's  method  in  Smith's  Rome  and  Carthage,  27. 

Exercise. —  (1)  Review  the  growth  of  Rome,  510-266  B.C.  by  catch- 
words, with  the  important  dates.  (2)  Extend  the  list  of  terms  for  rapid 
explanation  from  chapters  i-iv,  especially  from  chapter  iii. 


CHAPTER   V. 

UNITED   ITALY  UNDER   ROMAN   RULE. 

This  chapter  breaks  into  the  story  of  Roman  expansion. 
That  story  will  be  continued  in  chapter  vi.  At  this  point 
it  is  necessary  to  understand  the  character  of  the  united 
Italy  into  -which  Rome  had  grown.  All  Italians  now  were 
either  members  of  the  Roman  state  proper  or  subjects  of  that 
state.  Each  of  these  classes,  with  its  subdivisions,  will  be 
described.  Divisions  I  and  II  in  particular,  treat  of  matters 
hard  for  young  readers  to  grasp,  and  should  be  read  over 
in  class  before  students  are  required  to  prepare  them  for 
recitation. 

I.    CLASSES  OF  POLITICAL  COMMUNITIES. 
A.   The  Roman  State. 

334.  Extent.  —  The  territory  of  Rome  comprised  one  third 
of  Italy,  and  her  citizens  counted  about  two  hundred  and 
ninety  thousand  of  the  million  adult  males.1  This  meant  a 
total  Roman  population  of  nearly  one  and  a  half  million. 

335.  Rights  and  Obligations  of  Citizens.  —  The  important 
rights  of  citizens  were:  — 

<i.  Private:  (1)  the  right  to  acquire  property,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Roman  law,  in  any  of  Rome's  possessions  (com- 
mercium) ;  and  (2)  the  right  of  intermarriage  in  any  Roman 
or  Bubject  community  (connubium). 

h.  Public:  (1)  the  right  to  vote  in  the  Assembly  of  Tribes; 
ligibility  to  any  office;  and  (3)  appeal  to  the  Assembly  if 
condemned  to  death  <>r  to  bodily  punishment. 

1  Tliis  does  ii.>t  include  the  slaves,  of  whom,  however,  there  were  not  yet 
a  large  number  in  Italy. 

304 


§336]  THE   ROMAN   STATE.  305 

By  way  of  burdens,  the  citizens  furnished  half  the  army  of 
Italy,  and  paid  all  the  direct  taxes. 

336.  Classes  of  Citizens.  —  It  had  come  to  pass  that  the 
majority  of  Roman  citizens  did  not  live  at  Home.  Large  parts 
of  Latium  and  of  Etruria  and  Campania  had  become  "  suburbs  " 
of  Rome  (although  in  the  midst  even  of  these  settlements 
there  were  many  subject  communities);  and  other  towns  of 
Roman  citizens  were  found  in  distant  parts  of  Italy.  Indeed, 
mainly  because  of  difference  in  place  of  residence,  the  citizens 
fall  into  three  classes,  (1)  the  inhabitants  of  Home  itself,  (2) 
members  of  Roman  colonies,  and  (3)  members  of  Roman  muni- 
cipia.    The  colonies  and  municipia  need  further  explanation. 

a.  From  an  early  date  (§  272)  Rome  had  planted  colonies 
of  her  citizens  about  the  central  city  as  military  posts.  The 
colonists  kept  all  the  rights  of  citizens.  Each  colony  had  con- 
trol over  its  local  affairs  in  an  Assembly  of  its  own ;  but  in  order 
to  vote  upon  matters  that  concerned  the  state  the  colonists  had 
to  come  to  Rome  at  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly  there.  This 
of  course  was  usually  impossible.  Representative  government 
had  not  been  worked  out;  and  hence  it  was  not  possible  for  the  peo- 
ple of  a  large  state  to  remain  really  equal  in  political  opportunity. 

b.  While  Rome  ruled  parts  of  her  conquests  as  subject  com- 
munities, there  were  also  many  conquered  towns  which  she 
incorporated  into  the  state  in  full  equality.  This  had  become  the 
case  with  most  of  the  Latin  cities,  with  the  Sabine  towns, 
and  with  some  other  communities. 

A  town  so  annexed  to  the  Roman  state  was  called  a 
municipium.  Like  a  Roman  colony,  the  inhabitants  of  a 
municipium  managed  their  own  local  affairs,  and,  by  coming  to 
Rome,  they  could  vote  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Tribes  upon  all 
Roman  and  imperial  questions.  They  had  also  all  the  other 
rights  of  citizens.  The  municipia  and  the  colonies  differed 
chiefly  in  the  matter  of  origin.1 


1  Besides  the  colonies  and  municipia,  there  were  also  many  small  hamlets 
of  Roman  citizens  settled  upon  the  public  lands  in  distant  parts  of  Italy. 


306  UNITED   ITALY    UNDER   ROMAN    11ULE.  [§837 

There  was  also  a  class  of  inferior  municipia,  with  the 
private,  but  not  the  public,  rights  of  Romans.  This  class, 
however,  gradually  disappeared.  They  either  rose  into  full 
municipia  or,  in  punishment  for  offences,  were  degraded  into 
praefectures  (§  340). 

The  municipia  represent  a  political  advance, — a  new  contribution  to 

empire-making.     Athens  had  had  cleruchies  corresponding  to  the  Roman 

.;;  118,  170),  but  she  had  never  learned  how  to  give  citizenship 

nquered  states.     At  a  later  date  Rome  extended  the  principle  to 

distant  parts  of  Italy,  and  finally  even  more  widely. 

337.  Organization  in  "Tribes."  —  To  suit  this  expansion  of 
the  slate,  the  twenty-one  Roman  "tribes"  (§  310)  were  in- 
creased gradually  to  thirty-five,  —  four  in  the  city,  the  rest  in 
adjoining  districts.  At  first  these  were  really  divisions  of 
territory,  and  a  man  changed  his  "'tribe"  if  he  changed  his 
residence.  At  the  point  we  have  reached,  however,  this  was 
no  longer  true.  The  tribes  had  become  conventional  units. 
A  man,  once  enrolled  in  a  given  tribe,  remained  a  member,  no 
matter  where  he  lived,  and  his  son  after  him. 

Thus  a  tribe  came  to  contain  great  numbers  of  citizens 
who  had  never  lived  within  its  territorial  limits.  As  new 
communities  were  given  citizenship,  they  were,  enrolled  in 
the  old  thirty-five  tribes,  —  sometimes  whole  new  municipia, 
far  apart,  in  the  same  tribe.  Each  tribe  kept  its  equal  vote  in 
the  Assembly.1 

B.   Tiik  Subjects. 

338.  Three  Classes  of  Subjects.  —  Rome  was  not  yet  ready  to  give  up 
the  idea  of  a  city-state;  and  so,  beyond  a  certain  limit,  all  new  acquisi- 
tions of  territory  were  necessarily  reduced  to  some  form  of  subjection. 
Outside  the  Roman  state  was  subject-Italy,  in  three  main  classes,  Latin 
Colonies,  Praefectures,  and  "Allies." 

339.  The  Latin  Colonies.  —  Highest  in  privilege  among  the 
subjects  stood  the  Latins.     This  name  did  not  apply  now  to 

1  On  the  vex.-.]  questions  as  to  (lie  tribes,  advanced  students  may  consult 
Mommsen,  1,  306  i'«>;  Dine,  I,  lis,  41'.t;  or  Early  Rome,  145-148  ami  177-178. 


§339]  THE   SUBJECTS.  301 

the  old  Latin  towns  (nearly  all  of  which  had  become  muni- 

cipia),  but  to  a  new  kind  of  colonies  sent  out  by  Rome  after 
338,  far  beyond  Latium. 

Because  of  the  distance,  the  colonists  were  nol  granted 
citizenship,  as  were  the  older  Roman  colonies,  but  only  the 
Latin,  right,  based  on  the  rights  enjoyed  by  the  towns  of 
the  Latin  Confederacy  under  the  ancient  alliance  with  Rome 
(§  274,  close,  note).  That  is,  their  citizens  had  the  private 
rights  of  Romans;  and  they  might  acquire  full  public  rights 
also,  and  become  Roman  citizens  in  all  respects,  by  removing 
to  Rome  and  enrolling  in  one  of  the  tribes.  At  hist  this 
removal  was  permitted  to  any  member  of  a  Latin  colon)-  who 
left  a  son  in  his  own  city  to  represent  him;  but  in  tin'  Later 
colonies  the  privilege  was  restricted  to  those  who  had  held 
some  magistracy  in  the  colony.  In  local  affairs,  like  the 
Roman  Colonies  and  the  Municipia,  the  Latin  Colonies  had 
full  self-government} 

There  were  thirty-five  Latin  colonies  before  the  Carthaginian 
invasion  of  Italy.  They  numbered  originally  from  three 
hundred  to  six  thousand  male  colonists  each,  and  they  grew 
from  the  populations  about  them.  They  are  notable  in  three 
respects. 

a.  They  were  a  chief  instrument  in  Romanizing  V><]ij,  in 
language  and  institutions.  Inscriptions  show  that  they  copied 
the  Roman  city  constitution,  even  to  such  names  as  consuls 
and  tribunes. 

b.  From  a  military  point  of  view,  like  the  Roman  colonies, 
they  were  garrisons,  protecting  the  distant  parts  of  the  penin- 
sula against  revolt  or  invasion.  An  enemy  could  rarely  assail 
their  walls  successfully;  and  he  was  rash  indeed  to  pass  on. 
leaving  them  to  fall  upon  his  rear. 


1  The  poorer  landless  citizens  of  Rome  had  little  political  power  (§§  286, 
318,  note,  and  34(5  a).  Thus  they  could  well  afford  the  slight  sacrifice  of  citi- 
zenship that  came  from  joining  a  Latin  colony,  in  return  for  the  gain  they 
secured  as  the  aristocracy  of  a  new  settlement. 


:;<is 


l  MIKI)    ITALY   UNDER   ROMAN   RULE. 


[§340 


c.  Politically,  they  added  a  new  element  of  elasticity  to  the 
rigid'  system  of  citizenship  common  in  ancient  states.  They 
formed  a  link  between  fall  citizens  a.ri&  permanent  subjects. 


ITALY 
About  200  B.  C. 

TO  SHOW 

Roman  Colonies 
and  Roman  Roads 


340.  The  class  of  praefectures  was  small  and  the  least  envi- 
able.  It  consisted  of  a  few  conquered  towns  too  distant  to  per- 
mit incorporation  in  the  city  and  too  deep  offenders  to  warrant 
them  in  asking  either  the  "  Latin  right"  or  "alliance."  They 
bore  all  the  burdens  of  Roman  citizenship,  and  some  of  them 


§342]  ROME   AND   HER   SUBJECTS.  309 

had  part  of  the  private  rights,  and  so  are  easily  confused  with 
"inferior  municipia"  (3366);  but  they  alone  of  all  cities  in 
Italy  had  their  government  administered  for  them  by  prefects 
sent  out  from  Rome. 

341.  The  Italian  "Allies."  —  Most  numerous  of  all  the  inhab- 
itants of  Italy,  and  next  to  the  Latins  in  privilege,  stood  the 
mass  of  subject  Greeks,  Italians,  and  Etruscans,  under  the 
general  name  of  Italian  Allies.  These  cities,  it  is  true,  differed 
greatly  in  condition,  according  to  their  respective  treaties  with 
Rome.  None  of  them,  however,  had  either  the  private  or  pub- 
lic rights  of  Romans,  and  they  were  isolated  jealously  one  from 
another.  In  general,  however,  they  bore  few  burdens  and 
enjoyed  local  freedom  and  Roman  protection. 


C.     Rome  and  her  Subjects  :  a  Summary. 
(A  Confederacy  under  a  Queen-city.') 

342.  Advantages  and  Restrictions  of  the  Subjects.  —  No  one 
of  the  subject  cities  had  any  one  of  the  three  great  rights  of 
("making  war,  concluding  treaties,  or  coining  money.  With  the 
exception  of  one  small  class  they  did  retain  nearly  complete 
self-government  in  other  matters.  Each  kept  its  own  Assembly, 
Senate,  and  magistrates  ;  and,  in  general,  each  retained  its  own 
law  and  custom.  They  paid  no  tribute,  except  to  provide  their 
small  share  of  troops  for  war. 

Thus,  where  Rome  refused  to  confer  citizenship,  she  did, 
with  rare  insight  and  magnanimity,  lessen  burdens  and  leave 
local  freedom.  At  the  same  time  she  bestowed  order,  tran- 
quillity, and  prosperity.  The  calamities  of  great  wars  strike 
our  imagination ;  but  they  cause  infinitely  less  suffering  than 
the  everlasting  petty  wars  of  neighbors,  with  pillage  and 
slaughter  diffused  every  where.  Roman  supremacy  put  a 
stop  to  these  endless  and  wasting  feuds.  Moreover,  so 
far  as  Italy  was  concerned,  the  theater  of  conflict,  even  in 
Rome's  great  wars,  was  thenceforth  to  be  mostly  beyond  her 
borders. 


310 


UNITED   ITALY    UNDER    ROMAN  RULE. 


[§  343 


343.  Power  and  Policy  of  Rome.  —  The  citizens  enrolled  in 
the  thirty-five  Roman  tribes  were  the  rulers  of  Italy.  None 
others  possessed  any  of  the  imperial  power.  They,  or  their 
officers,  decided  upon  war  and  peace,  made  treaties,  issued  the 
only  coinage  permitted,  and  fixed  the  number  of  soldiers  which 
the  subject  cities  must  furnish  for  war. 


VlEW    OF   THE    Al'PIAN    WAV    To-DAY,    WITH   RUINS   OF   THE    AQUEDUCT 

OF  Claudius  in  the  Distance.  (The  Aqueduct  was  carried  for 
long  distances  on  arches.  It  was  built  nearly  four  centuries  later 
than  the  Appian  Way.) 


It  should  be  noted  that  there  are  two  phases  of  the  Roman 
genius  for  rule,  —  one  admirable  and  the  other  at  least 
effective. 

".  Incorporation  and  Tolerance.  "Rome  grew  strong  first  by 
a  wise  and  generous  incorporation  of  her  conquests.  With  this 
strength,  she  won  wider  physical  victories.  And  over  her  sub- 
jects she  won  also  spiritual  dominion  by  her  intelligence,  jus- 
tice, and  firmness,  and  especially  by  a  marvelous  toleration  for 
local  customs  and  rights. 


§  344J  ROME   AND    HElt   SUBJECTS.  311 

b.  Jealousy  and  Isolation.  At  the  same  time,  she  strictly 
isolated  the  subject  communities  from  one  another.  She  dis- 
solved all  tribal  confederacies;  she  took  skillful  advantage  of 
the  grades  of  inferiority  that  she  had  created  among  her 
dependents  to  foment  jealousies  and  to  play  off  one  class  of 
communities  against  another.  Likewise,  within  each  city,  she 
set  class  against  class,  on  the  whole  favoring  an  aristocratic 
organization.  In  politics  as  in  war,  the  policy  of  her  statesmen 
was  "  Divide  and  conquer." 

Thus  the  rule  of  Rome  in  Italy  was  not  an  absolutism,  as  it 
was  to  be  later  over  more  distant  conquests.  The  whole  Italian 
stock  had  become  consolidated  under  a  leading  city.  In  form, 
and  to  a  great  degree  in  fact,  Italy  was  a  confederacy ;  but  it 
was  a  confederacy  with  all  the  connecting  lines  radiating  from 
Rome.  The  allies  had  no  connection  with  each  other  except 
through  the  head  city.  Even  the  physical  ties — the  famous 
roads  that  marked  her  dominion  and  strengthened  it  —  "all 
led  to  Rome." 

344.  Roman  Roads:  Bonds  of  Union.  —  Rome  began  her  system  of 
magnificent  roads  in  312  b.c.  by  the  Via  Appia  to  the  new  possessions  in 
Campania.  This  was  the  work  of  the  censor  Appius  Claudius  (§  346a). 
Afterward  all  Italy,  and  then  the  growing  empire  outside  Italy,  was 
traversed  by  a  network  of  such  roads.  Nothing  was  permitted  to  ob- 
struct their  course.  Mountains  were  tunneled;  rivers  were  bridged; 
marshes  were  spanned  for  miles  by  viaducts  of  masonry.  The  roads 
were  smoothly  paved  with  huge  slabs,  over  some  two  feet  of  gravel  ; 
and  they  made  the  best  means  of  communication  the  world  was  to 
see  until  the  time  of  railroads.  They  were  so  carefully  constructed, 
too,  that  their  remains,  in  good  condition  to-day,  still  "mark  the  lands 
where  Rome  has  ruled."  They  were  designed  for  military  purposes; 
but  they  helped  other  intercourse  and  bound  Italy  together  socially. 
(Cf.  §  64,  for  Persian  Roads.) 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Ihne,  I,  537-552;  Mommsen,  II,  46-02; 
Pelham,  97-107. 


312  UNITED   ITALY   UNDER    ROMAN   RULE.  [§345 

II.     THE   GOVERNMENT  OF  THE    ROMAN  STATE:    THE   PER- 
FECTED  REPUBLICAN   CONSTITUTION. 

A.     Growth  of  a  New  Aristocracy.1 

345.  The  "  Nobles."  —  No  sooner  had  the  old  distinction  be- 
tween plebeian  and  patrician  faded  away,  than  there  began  to 
grow  up  a  new  aristocracy  of  mixed  plebeian  and  patrician 
families.  These  new  aristocrats  were  known  as  the  nobles, 
or  the  senatorial  class.  They  were  the  descendants  of  office 
holders.  It  came  to  pass  that  a  man  was  considered  "  noble  " 
if  any  ancestor  had  been  a  curule  officer,  —  censor,  consul, 
praetor,  dictator,  aedile  (§  347). 

The  distinction  was  at  first  merely  social,  and  it  always  re- 
mained without  recognition  in  law.  Before  300,  however,  the 
nobles  began  to  be  jealous  of  the  admission  of  "new  men"  to 
their  ranks ;  and  by  their  influence  they  soon  controlled  nearly 
all  elections  in  favor  of  members  of  their  own  order.  Thus 
they  became  a  hereditary  oligarchy  of  a  few  hundred  families. 

B.     The  Political  Machinery  and  its  Working. 

346.  The  Assemblies :  Apparent  Growth  toward  Democracy.  — 
The  Assemblies  by  curias,  by  centuries,  and  by  tribes  continued 
to  exist  side  by  side;  but  the  center  of  gravity  shifted  again,  — 
as  once  before  from  the  curias  to  the  centuries,  so  now  from 
the  centuries  to  the  tribes.  The  political  function  of  the 
Curiate  Assembly  had  become  purely  formal  in  very  early 
times  (§  287).  The  Centuriate  Assembly  continued  to  elect 
consuls,  censors,  and  praetors;  but  its  law-making  power  and 
the  choice  of  all  other  officers  passed  to  the  Comitia  Tributa 
(§  318). 

Moreover,  during  the  century  between  the  Licinian  Eogations 
and  the  Avar  with  Pyrrhus,  three  or  four  legal  reforms  were 
adopted,  to  make  the  political  Assemblies  more  powerful  and 
more  democratic. 


1  Pelham,  170-17:.',  and  Mommsen,  III,  3-18. 


r  s 


J347]    THE   PERFECTED   REPUBLICAN   CONSTITUTION.       313 

a.  In  312,  a  reforming  censor,  Appius  Claudius,  enrolled  the 
landless  citizens  in  the  tribes.  Up  to  this  time,  only  land- 
holders had  a  voice  there  (§  318).  Appius  carried  this  ex- 
tension of  the  franchise  unconstitutionally,  in  defiance  of  the 
veto  of  his  colleague.  The  aristocratic  party  did  not  venture 
to  undo  the  act,  but  they  did  modify  it:  a  few  years  later 
another  censor  put  all  the  landless  class  into  the  four  city 
tribes  alone,  so  that  the  city  poor  might  not  outvote  the  rural 
landowners.  This  still  left,  however,  a  marked  democratic 
gain. 

b.  About  the  same  time  a  complicated  change  took  place 
in  the  Centuriate  Assembly,  by  which  each  of  the  five  classes 
secured  an  equal  voice,  and  wealth  was  deprived  of  most  of  its 
older  supremacy. 

c.  In  287,  after  some  dissension  and  a  threatened  secession, 
the  Hortensian  Law  took  from  the  Senate  its  veto  upon  the  plebi- 
scites of  the  tribes.  Somewhat  earlier  the  Senate  had  lost  all 
veto  over  the  elections  in  the  centuries. 

These  changes  made  Rome  a  democracy  in  law ;  but  in  prac- 
tice they  were  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  aristocratic 
control  of  the  Senate  and  of  the  curule  offices  (§§  347,  348). 
-    347.   The   Administrative    Officers.1  —  The    officers    of    chief 
dignity  in  Eome  were  as  follows,  from  least  to  greatest :  — 

Aediles  (four),  with  oversight  over  police  and  public  works ; 
Praetors  (two),  with  the  chief  judicial  power ; 
Consuls  (two),  commanders  in  war  and  leaders  in  foreign 
policy ; 

Censors  (two),  §  320 ; 

Dictator  (one),  in  critical  times  only  (§  292). 

These  five  were  called  curule  offices,  because  the  holders, 
dividing  among  them  the  old  royal  power,  kept  the  right  to 
use  the  curule  chair  —  the  ivory  throne  of  the  old  kings.  There 
were  also  the  inferior  aediles,  the  quaestors  (in  charge  of  the 

1  Mommsen,  I,  400-407;  Pelham,  103-107. 


314  UNITED    ITALY   UNDER   ROMAN   RULE.  [§  348 

i  reasury  and  with  some  judicial  power),  and  the  tribunes.  This 
last  office,  though  less  in  dignity  than  the  curule  offices,  was 
perhaps  most  important  of  all.  The  tribune's  old  duties  were 
but  he  had  become  the  political  leader  of  the  Comitia 
Tiilmta.  —  as  the  consul  was  of  the  less  important  Comitia 
( Jenturiata. 

Except  the  censor  and  dictator,  these  officers  held  author- 
ity for  only  one  year,  but  they  exercised  tremendous  power. 
The  magistrate  still  called  and  adjourned  Assemblies  as  he 
liked  ;  he  alone  could  put  proposals  before  them;  and  he  con- 
trolled debate  and  amendment. 

348.  The  Senate1  the  Guiding  Force  in  the  Roman  Govern- 
ment. —  Indirectly,  the  Senate  had  been  made  elective.  The 
censors  were  required  to  fill  vacancies  in  that  body  first  from 
those  who  had  held  curule  offices,  and  ordinarily  this  left  them 
little  discretion.  The  senatorial  veto  upon  the  Assemblies,  too, 
had  been  taken  away.  Thus,  so  far  as  written  law  was  con- 
eeined.  the  Senate  was  only  an  advisory  body, 

Nmie  the  less  it  was  really  the  ruling  body  in  the  state.  It 
contained  the  wisdom  and  experience  of  Rome.  The  pressure 
of  constant  and  dangerous  wars,  and  the  growing  complexity 
of  foreign  relations  even  in  peace,  made  it  inevitable  that  this 
far-seeing,  compact,  experienced  body  should  assume  authority 
which  in  theory  belonged  to  the  clumsy,  inexperienced  As- 
sembly.  "Rome,"  says  Ihne,  "became  a  complete  aristocracy 
with  democratic  forms;"  or,  as  Mommsen  puts  it,  "While  the 
burgesses  [cil  izens]  acquired  the  semblance,  the  Senate  acquired 
the  substance,  of  power." 

\    the  magistrate  controlled  the  Assemblies,  so  the  Senate 
controlled  the  magistrate.     No  consul  would  think  of  bringing 

a  law  before  the  \ pie  without  the  approval  of  the  Senate 

hat  indirectly  that  body,  rather  than  the  Assembly,  had 
become  the  real  legislature).  No  officer  would  draw  money 
from  the  treasury  without  its  consent.     It  declared  and  man- 

i  Read  Mommsen,  I.  106  U2,  or  Pelham,  159-167. 


§350]  SOCIETY   IN    ROME   AND   ITALY.  315 

aged  wars.  It  received  ambassadors  and  made  alliances.  And 
certainly  for  over  a  hundred  years,  by  its  sagacity  and  energy, 
this  "assembly  of  kings"  justified  its  usurpation,  earning 
Mommsen's  epithet,  — "  the  foremost  political  corporation  of 
all  time." 

C.   Summary. 

349.  Democratic  Theory  and  Aristocratic  Practice.  —  In  theory  the 
Democracy  was  supreme  through  its  popular  Assemblies.  In  practice 
the  Aristocrats  controlled  the  government  through  their  monopoly  of 
the  curule  offices  and  of  the  all-directing  Senate. 

This  condition  began  before  the  Pyrrhic  War,  or  about  300  b.c,  and 
it  lasted  nearly  three  hundred  years.  During  the  first  part  of  this  time 
(until  about  200  n.c.)  the  rule  of  the  nobles,  though  marked  sometimes 
by  a  narrow  class  spirit,  was  patriotic,  vigorous,  and  beneficent.  After 
the  year  200,  it  became  both  weak  and  selfish.  Then  power  slipped  from 
the  incapable  Aristocracy  into  the  hands  of  military  chiefs, — the  fore- 
runners of  the  Empire  (§  432  ff.). 

For  Further  Reading  ox  Divisions  I  and  II.  —  Polybius  describes 
the  Roman  constitution  as  he  saw  it  about  150  b.c.  Extracts  from  Poly- 
bius are  given  in  Monro's  Source  Book,  47-52.  Modern  authorities  have 
been  referred  to  in  the  footnotes. 


III.     SOCIETY   IN   ROME   AND   ITALY. 

350.  Economic.  —  From  367  to  about  200  is  the  period  of 
greatest  Roman  vigor.  The  old  distinction  between  patrician 
and  plebeian  had  died  out.  A  new  aristocracy,  it  is  true,  was 
growing  up,  and  there  was  soon  to  come  a  struggle  between 
rich  and  poor,  but  this  had  not  yet  begun.  The  rapid  gains 
of  territory  made  it  possible  to  relieve  the  poor  by  grants  of 
land  and  by  sending  out  colonies.  The  Roman  people,  in  the 
main,  were  still  yeoman-farmers,  who  worked  hard  and  lived 
plainly. 

There  were  few  citizens  of  great  wealth  or  in  extreme  pov- 
erty. Copper  was  the  only  coinage  until  the  Pyrrhic  War; 
and  even  later  a  senator  was  struck  from  the  list  because  he 


316  UNITED   ITALY    UNDER    ROMAN    KILE.  [§351 

owned  ten  pounds  of  silver  plate.  The  legend  of  the  patrician 
Cincinnatus1  of  the  fifth  century  (called  from  the  plow  on 
his  four-acre  farm  to  become  dictator  and  save  Rome  from  the 
Arquians.  and  returning  to  the  plow  again  in  sixteen  days) 
is  more  than  matched  by  the  sober  history  of  Manius  Curio, 
the  conqueror  of  the  Samnites  and  of  Pyrrhus. 

This  great  Roman  was  a  Sabine  peasant  and  a  proud  aristo- 
crat. Plutarch  tells  us  that,  though  he  had  "  triumphed  "  thrice, 
he  continued  to  live  in  a  cottage  on  a  little  four-acre  plot  which 
he  tilled  with  his  own  hands.  Here  the  Samnite  ambassadors 
found  him  dressing  turnips  in  the  chimney  corner  when  they 
came  to  offer  him  a  large  present  of  gold.  Curio  refused  the 
gift :  "  A  man,"  said  he,  "  who  can  be  content  with  this  supper 
hath  no  need  of  gold ;  and  I  count  it  glory,  not  to  possess 
wealth,  but  to  rule  those  who  do." 

351.  Moral  Character  and  Ideals.  —  Still,  it  is  cheap  moralizing 
to  point  out  the  barbaric  virtues  of  a  rude  society  in  compari- 
son with  the  luxury  of  refined  times,  and  omit  more  important 
contrasts.  Early  Rome  has  come  in  for  much  such  doubtful 
praise,  but  the  real  picture  is  by  no  means  without  shadows. 
The  Roman  was  abstemious,  haughty,  obedient  to  law,  self- 
controlled.  His  ideal  was  a  man  of  iron  will  and  stern  dis- 
cipline, devoted  to  the  state,  contemptuous  of  luxury,  of 
Buffering,  and  even  of  human  sympathy  if  it  conflicted  with 
his  <luty  to  Rome.  His  model  was  still  the  first  consul,  Brutus, 
who  in  legend  sent  his  guilty  sons  to  the  block  unmoved;2  and 
the  great  Latin  war  (338  b.c.)  furnished  a  historical  consul, 
Mni'/i'is,  who.  as  Livy  tells  us,  gloomily  executed  his  gallant 
sou  for  a  glorious  act  of  insubordination.8 

With  such  men  for  her  heroes,  it  is  not  strange  that  Rome 
made  some  peculiar  boasts.  For  instance,  the  noble  Samnite, 
Pontius,  the  victor  of  Caudine  Forks,  had  magnanimously 
spared  the  Roman  army;  but  when  he  became  prisoner  in  turn, 
I  Ionic  saw  only  cause  for  pride  in  basely  dragging  him  through 

1  §  326,  note.  2  Special  report.  3  Special  report 


- 


§353]  THE    ARMY.  317 

the  city  in  a  triumph,1  and  then  starving  him  to  death  in  a 
dungeon.     The  Romans  were  coarse,  cruel,  and  rapaciou 
well  as  lofty-minded,  brave,  and  obedient. 

352.  The  Reaction  of  Magna  Graecia  upon  Rome.  —  In  manners 
and  in  morals  Rome  was  a  fair  type  of  the  Italians  proper. 
The  Etruscans  and  Greeks  were  softer  and  more  luxurious, 
with  more  abject  poverty  among  the  masses. 

After  the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  the  connection  with  Magna 
Graecia  introduced  Greek  culture  into  Roman  society,  and 
wealth  and  luxury  began  to  appear.  At  first  the  Romans  as 
a  whole  did  not  show  to  advantage  under  the  change.  Too 
often  it  seemed  only  to  veneer  their  native  coarseness  and 
brutality.  At  the  same  time,  with  the  better  minds,  it  did 
soften  and  refine  character  into  a  more  lovable  type  than  Italy 
had  so  far  seen ;  and,  from  this  time,  Greek  art  and  thought 
more  and  more  worked  upon  Roman  society. 

IV.     THE   ARMY. 

353.  The  Flexible  Legion. — The  instrument  with  which  the 
Roman  state  conquered  the  world  can  best  be  surveyed  at  this 
point,  although  the  changes  to  be  noted  in  §  356  took  place 
somewhat  later. 

The  Roman  army  under  the  kings  was  similar  to  the  old 
Dorian  organization.  In  Italy,  as  in  Greece,  the  "knights"  of 
earlier  times  had  given  way  to  a  dense  hoplite  array,  usually 
eight  deep.  In  Greece  the  next  step  was  to  deepen  and  close 
the  ranks  still  further  into  the  massive  Theban  and  Mace- 
donian phalanx.  In  Italy,  instead,  they  were  broken  up  into 
three  successive  lines,  and  each  line  was  divided  further  into 
small  companies.  The  companies  were  usually  six  men  deep 
with  twenty  in  the  front  rank;  and  between  each  two  com- 
panies there  was  a  space  equal  to  the  front  of  a  company. 


1  Appian  describes  a  Roman  "  triumph  "  in  a  passage  quoted  in  Munro's 
Source  Book,  38-40. 


::i- 


UNITED   ITALY    UNDER   ROMAN   RULE. 


[§353 


Thus,  if  one  line  fell  back,  the  companies  of  the  line  behind 
could  advance  through  the  intervals.  Within  a  company,  too, 
each  soldier  had  about  twice  the  space  permitted  in  the 
phalanx. 


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The  Roman  Camp. 


The  arms  of  legion  and  phalanx  differed  also.  The  phalanx 
depended  upon  long  spears.  While  it  remained  unbroken  and 
could  presenl  its  front,  it  was  invulnerable;  but  if  disordered 
by  uneven  ground,  or  if  taken  in  flank,  it  was  doomed.  The 
legion  used  the  hurling  javelin  to  disorder  the  enemy's  ranks 
before  immediate  contact  (the  modern  musketry  fire),  and  the 
famous   Roman    short    sword   for   close  combat  (the   modern 


§356]  THE    ARMY.  319 

bayonet).     Flexibility,  individuality,  and  constancy  took   tin- 
place  of  the  collective  lance  thrust  of  the  unwieldy  phalanx.1 

The  legion  numbered  about  five  thousand,  and  was  made  up 
of  Roman  citizens.  Each  legion  was  accompanied  by  aboul 
five  thousand  men  from  the  Allies.  These  auxiliaries  served 
on  the  wings  of  the  legion  as  light-armed  troops,  and  they 
furnished  also  whatever  cavalry  the  army  had.  The  strength 
of  the  Roman  army,  however,  lay  in  the  infantry  and  especial  I  v 
in  the  legions. 

354.  The  Roman  camp  was  characteristic  of  a  people  win  - 
colonies, were  garrisons.  Where  the  army  encamped  —  even  if 
for  only  a  single  night  —  there  grew  up  in  an  hour  a  fortified 
city,  with  earth  walls  and  regular  streets.2  This  system 
allowed  the  Romans  often  "to  conquer  by  sitting  still,"  declin- 
ing or  giving  battle  at  their  own  option  ;  while,  too,  when  they 
did  fight,  they  did  so  "  under  the  walls  of  their  city,"  with  a 
fortified  and  guarded  refuge  in  their  rear. 

355.  Discipline."'  —  The  terrible  discipline  of  early  times  re- 
mained. Without  trial,  the  general  could  scourge  or  behead 
any  man  serving  in  his  camp.  Still  more  fearful  was  the 
practice  of  decimating  a  faulty  corps  (putting  to  death  every 
tenth  man). 

y"    356.    Changes  with  Extension  of  Service:  a  Professional  Army; 

'  Proconsuls.  —  Rome  was  now  to  begin  a  long  series  of  great 
wars,  waged,  for  the  most  part,  outside  Italy.  Great  changes 
resulted  in  the  army.  Service  with  the  legions  was  still  the 
highest  duty  of  the  citizen,  and  each  man  between  the  ages  of 
seventeen  and  forty-six  was  liable  to  active  duty.     But,  along- 


i  The  two  great  fighting  instruments,  legion  and  phalanx,  were  not  to  come 
into  final  conflict  until  after  200  B.C.  Meantime  they  remained  supreme  in 
the  East  and  West  respectively. 

2  Special  report:  the  importance  of  these  camps  as  the  sites  and  foundation 
plans  of  cities  over  Europe,  as  at  Chester  (Castra),  in  England. 

3  An  interesting  extract  from  Polybius  is  given  in  Munro's  Source  Book, 
28,  29.  Polybius  was  a  Greek  writer  who  lived  long  in  Italy  in  the  second 
century,  b.o.    For  an  outline  of  his  life,  see  Munro's  Source  Book,  245,  246. 


320  UNITED   ITALY    UNDER   ROMAN   RULE.  [§  350 

side  this  citizen-army,  there  was  to  grow  up  a  professional 
army.  New  citizen  legions  were  raised  each  year  for  the 
summer  campaigns,  as  before,  though  more  and -more,  even  in 
these  legions,  the  officers  were  veterans  and  were  becoming  a 
professional  class ;  but  the  legions  sent  to  Sicily,  Spain,  or 
A 1  rira  were  kept  under  arms  sometimes  for  many  years.1 

Such  facts  led  to  another  change,  with  important  political 
consequences.  To  call  home  a  consul  each  year  from  an 
unfinished  campaign  in  these  distant  wars  had  become  intoler- 
ably wasteful.  The  remedy  was  found  in  prolonging  the  com- 
mander's term,  under  the  title  of  proconsul.  This  office  was 
destined  to  become  the  strongest  force  in  the  Republic  and  a 
chief  step  toward  the  coming  Empire. 

For  Further  Reading. — Mommsen,  I,  894-412,  and  II,  47-95  (also, 
though  less  important,  ib.  9G-128)  ;  Ihne,  I,  428-451  and  537-575;  Tighe, 
eh.  vii ;  Pelham,  96-100 ;  Granrud,  Roman  Constitutional  History, 
86-121. 

Exercise.  —  The  list  of  terms  for  drill  and  explanations  should  be 
much  enlarged  from  this  chapter. 


1  In  particular,  the  long  struggle  in  Spain  after  the  close  of  the  War  with 
Hannibal  (§  385)  operated  in  this  way.  Some  twenty  thousand  soldiers  were 
required  for  that  province  each  year  for  half  a  century.  There  soon 
grew  up  a  practice  of  settling  such  veterans,  upon  the  expiration  of  their 
service,  in  military  colonies  in  the  provinces  where  they  had  served  —  the 
lands  thus  given  them  being  regarded  as  a  kind  of  service  pension.  In  this 
way,  communities  of  Roman  citizens  were  to  be  spread  over  the  provinces, 
to  Italianize  the  world,  as  a  like  system  of  colonization  had  already  Roman- 
ized Italy. 


'   CHAPTER   VI. 

THE   WINNING   OF   THE   WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN, 
264-146   B.C. 

I.     THE   RIVALS  — ITALY   AND   CARTHAGE. 

V357.  Italy  in  264  B.C.  one  of  Five  Great  Mediterranean  States. 
—  When  Rome  completed  the  union  of  Italy,  in  266  (§  333), 

Alexander  the  Great  had  been  dead  nearly  fifty  years.  The 
long  Wars  of  the  Succession  had  closed,  and  the  dominion  of 
the  eastern  Mediterranean  world  was  divided  between  the 
three  great  Greek  kingdoms,  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Macedonia, 
with  their  numerous  satellites  (§§  231-234).  In  the  western 
Mediterranean,  Carthage  held  undisputed  sway.  Now,  between 
the  three  powers  of  the  East  and  the  single  mistress  of  the 
West  stood  forth  a  new  state,  Roman  Italy,  destined  to  absorb 
them  all. 

The  struggle  for  supremacy  between  these  five  Mediterra- 
nean powers  filled  the  next  hundred  and  twenty  years.  The 
first  half  of  the  period  went  to  Roman  conquests  in  the  Wesl 
(cf.  §  257),  at  the  expense  of  Carthage. 

358.  Carthage  the  Natural  Rival  of  Rome  in  the  West.  —  (  ;u- 
thage  and  Rome  had  been  allied,  just  before,  against  Pyrrhus, 
their  common  enemy.  But  that  gallant  adventurer  had  seen 
that  they  were  natural  rivals ;  and,  as  he  abandoned  the  West, 
he  exclaimed  longingly,  "  How  fair  a  battle-field  we  are  leaving 
for  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians ! "  In  less  than  ten  years 
the  hundred-year  conflict  began. 

Carthage1  was  an  ancient  Phoenician  colony  on  the  finest 

1  An  excellent  treatment  of  Carthage  is  given  in  Mommsen,  bk.  iii,  ch.  i- 
A  more  favorable  view  is  found  in  Ihne,  II,  3-21.  See  also  Polybius,  bk.  i, 
chs.  li-lvi. 

321 


322 


WINNING    THE    WESTERN    MEDITERRANEAN. 


[§  358 


harbor  in  North  Africa.  Her  government,  in  form,  was  a 
republic,  somewhat  like  Borne,  but  in  reality  it  was  a  narrow 
oligarchy  controlled  by  a  few  wealthy  families.  Carthage  was 
now  at  the  height  of  her  power.  Polybius  called  her  the 
richest  city  in   the  world.     To  her  old  naval  supremacy  she 


Carthaginian  Coin  Struck  in  Sicily.  —  Head  of  Persephone. 


Coin  ok  Hiero  II  of  Syracuse. 
(Note  the  greater  delicacy  of  the  Greek  engraving.) 

had  added  a  vast  land  empire,  including  North  Africa,1  Sar- 
dinia, Corsica,  half  of  Sicily,  and  the  coasts  of  Spain.     The 
in   Mediterranean  she  regarded  as  a  Punic2  Lake;   for- 
eign sailors  caught  trespassing  there  were  cast  into  the  sea. 

1  In  Africa  alone  Carthage  ruled  three  hundred  cities,  and  her  territory 
merged  into  the  desert  where  tributary  nomads  roamed. 

'"Punic"  La  another  form  for  "Phoenician,"  and  is  used  as  a  shorter 
adjective  f'>r  "  Carthaginian." 


§359]  THE   RIVALS  — ITALY   AND   CARTHAGE. 

Her  Roman  foes  represented  Carthage  as  wanting  in  honesty  ; 
and  with  biting  irony  they  invented  the  term,  ''Punic  faith," 
as  a  synonym  for  treachery.  The  slander  became  embalmed 
in  speech,  but  it  seems  baseless.  Carthage  herself  is  "a  dumb 
actor  on  the  stage  of  history."  "She  once  had  poetry.,  oratory, 
and  philosophy,  but  none  of  it  escaped  Roman  hate,  to  tell  us 
how  Carthaginians  thought  and  felt.  Rome  wrote  the  history  ; 
but  even  from  the  Roman  story,  the  charge  of  faithlessness 
and  greed  is  most  apparent  against  Rome. 

However,  the  civilization  of  Carthage  was  of  an  Oriental 
type  (§  68).  Her  religion  was  the  cruel  and  licentious  worship 
of  the  Phoenician  Baal  and  Astarte.  Her  armies  were  a 
motley  mass  of  mercenaries.  And  though,  like  the  mother 
Phoenician  states  (§  50),  she  scattered  wide  the  seeds  of  a 
material  culture,  like  them  also,  she  showed  no  power  of  as- 
similating inferior  nations.  The  conquests  of  Rome  were  to 
be  Romanized,  but  six  centuries  of  Punic  rule  left  the  Berber 
tribes  of  Africa  (§  11,  note  2)  wholly  outside  Carthaginian 
society. 

The  contrast  between  the  political  systems  of  the  two  rivals 
is  equally  striking.  Even  her  nearest  and  best  subjects  Car- 
thage kept  in  virtual  slavery.     Says  Mommsen  (II,  155)  :  — 

"Carthage  dispatched  her  overseers  everywhere,  and  loaded  even  the 
old  Phoenician  cities  with  a  heavy  tribute,  while  her  subject  tribes  were 
practically  treated  as  state  slaves.  In  this  way  there  was  no;  in  the  com- 
pass of  the  Carthagino- African  state  a  single  community,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Utica,  that  would  not  have  been  politically  and  materially 
benefited  by  the  fall  of  Carthage;  in  the  Romano-Italic  there  was  not 
one  that  had  not  much  more  to  lose  than  to  gain  in  rebelling  against  a 
government  which  was  careful  to  avoid  injuring  material  interests,  and 
which  never,  at  least  by  extreme  measures,  challenged  political  opposition." 

359.  The  Issue  at  Stake. —  Thus,  whatever  our  sympathy 
for  Carthage  and  her  hero  leaders,  we  must  see  that  the  victory 
of  Rome  was  a  necessary  condition  for  the  welfare  of  the 
human  race.  The  struggle  was  the  conflict  of  Greece  and 
Persia  repeated  by  more  stalwart  actors  on  a  western  stage. 


324  WINNING  THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [J  360 

II.     THE    FIRST   PUNIC    WAR    (THE    WAR    FOR    SICILY). 

360.  Occasion.  —  When  Home  conquered  South  Italy,  she 
came  necessarily  into  relations  with  the  Greeks  in  Sicily,  and 
so  with  Cari  huge.  The  great  island  of  Sicily  is  really  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  Italian  peninsula.  It  reaches  to  within  ninety 
miles  of  the  African  coast.  A  sunken  ridge  on  the  bed  of  the 
sea  shows  that  it  once  joined  the  two  continents,  and  it  still 
forms  a  stepping-stone  between  them.  For  this  middle  land, 
European  and  African  struggled  for  centuries.  For  two  hun- 
dred years  now  it  had  been  divided  (§  218),  Syracuse  holding 
the  eastern  half,  Carthage  the  western. 

While  Rome  was  still  busy  with  the  Pyrrhic  war,  an  event 
happened  which  renewed  the  conflict  for  Sicily  and  drew  Rome 
in  as  a  chief  actor.  A  band  of  Campanian  mercenaries,  on  their 
way  home  from  service  under  the  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  seized 
the  city  of  Messana.  The  robbers  called  themselves  Mamer- 
tines  ("  Sons  of  Mars  "),  and  for  several  years  they  ravaged 
and  plundered  the  northeast  corner  of  Sicily.  Xow,  in  265, 
they  were  hard  pressed  by  Hiero  II,  the  ruler  of  Syracuse,  and 
one  faction  called  in  Carthage  while  another  party  appealed 
to  Rome. 

Both  Syracuse  and  Carthage  were  allies  of  Rome,  and  it  was 
not  easy  for  that  state  to  find  excuse  for  defending  the  robbers. 
The  desire  to  check  Carthage  and  to  extend  Roman  power, 
however,  outweighed  all  caution,  as  well  as  all  moral  consid- 
erations. The  Senate,  indeed,  could  come  to  no  decision;  but 
the  people,  to  whom  it  referred  the  question,  voted  promptly 
to  send  troops  to  Sicily,  and,  in  264,  Roman  legions  for  the 
first  time  crossed  the  seas.  The  war  with  Carthage  that  fol- 
lowed is  known  as  the  First  Punic  War. 

361.  Strength  of  the  Parties.  —  Carthage  was  mistress  of  an 
empire  huge  but  scattered  and  heterogeneous.  Rome  was  the 
head  of  a  small  but  compact  nationality.  The  strength  of 
Carthage  lay  in  her  wealth  and  navy.  Her  weak  points Vere: 
the  jealousy  felt  by  the  ruling  families  at  home  toward  their 


§  362] 


SICILY  — THE   FIRST   PUNIC    WAR. 


325 


own  successful  generals;  the  difficulty  of  dealing  with  her 
mercenaries;  the  danger  of  revolt  among  her  Libyan  subjects: 
and  the  fact  that  an  invading  army,  after  one  victory,  would 
find  no  resistance  outside  her  walls,  since  her  jealousy  had 
leveled  the  defenses  of  her  tributary  towns  in  Africa. 

Kome  was  strong  in  the  patriotism  and  vigor  of  her  people, 
in  the  discipline  of  her  legions,  and  in  the  fidelity  of  her  allies. 
Her  weakness  lay  in  the  want  of  a  better  military  system  than 


/^    ^{Syracuse 


^ge 


s 


THE  DOVIINIONSOF 

ROME    AND    CARTHAGE      <&«  -^ 

At  the  Beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars 
B.C.  264 
H]  Dominions  of  Rome      [    W\  Dominions  of  Carthage 

,-     8C»LE  OF  MILES      , 

0  100         200        Jftn         400         500 


the  one  of  annually-changing  officers  and  short-term  soldiers,1 
and  in  the  total  lack  of  a  navy. 

362.  General  Progress  ;  Value  of  the  Control  of  the  Sea.  —  The 
war  lasted  twenty-three  years,  and  is  ranked  by  Polybius  above 
all  previous  wars  for  severity.  Few  conflicts  illustrate  better 
the  value  of  naval  superiority.  At  first  the  Carthaginians  were 
undisputed  masters  of  the  sea.  They  therefore  reenforced 
their  troops  in  Sicily  at  pleasure,  and  ravaged  the  coasts  of 
Italy  to  the  utter  ruin  of  seaboard  prosperity.  Indeed,  for 
a  time  they  made  good  their  warning  to  the  Roman  Senate 


The  military  changes  referred  to  in  §  356  had  not  yet  taken  place. 


3 
tem 


326  WINNING    THE    WESTERN    MEDITERRANEAN.       [§363 

before  the   war   began,  —  that   against   their  will  no  Roman 
could  <lip  his  hands  in  the  sea. 

363.  Rome  becomes  a  Sea  Power.  —  But  the  Romans,  with 
sagacity  and  boldness,  built  their  hrst  war  fleet  and  soon  met 
the  ancient  Queen  of  the  Seas  on  her  own  element.  Winning 
command  there  temporarily,1  in  256,  they  invaded  Africa 
itself.  The  consul  Regulus  won  brilliant  successes  there,  and 
even  laid  siege  to  Carthage.  But,  as  winter  came  on,  the 
short-term  Roman  levies  were  mostly  recalled,  according  to 
custom,  and  the  weak  remnant  was  soon  crushed.2 

64.  Rome's  Patriotism  and  Enterprise.  —  Rome's  first  at- 
tempts upon  the  sea  had  been  surprisingly  successful,  but 
soon  terrible  reverses  befell  her  there  also.  In  quick  succes- 
sion she  lost  four  great  fleets  with  large  armies  on  board.  One 
sixth  of  her  citizens  had  perished;  the  treasury  was  empty; 
and,  in  despair,  the  Senate  was  about  to  abandon  the  effort  to 
secure  the  sea.  In  this  crisis  Rome  was  saved  by  the  public 
spirit  of  private  citizens.  Lavish  gifts  built  and  fitted  out  two 
hundred  vessels,  and  this  fleet  won  an  overwhelming  victory, 
which  closed  the  war. 

365.  Peace ;  Sicily  becomes  Roman.  —  Carthage  had  lost 
command  of  the  sea  and  could  no  longer  reenforce  her  armies 
in  Sicily.     Moreover,  she  was  weary  of  the  war  and  of  the 


1  Special  report :  the  new  naval  tactics  of  the  Romans  (Mommsen,  II,  173- 
176;  Hi i".  .  II,  50-55).  Despite  real  genius  in  the  device  by  which  Rome 
changed  a  naval  into  a  land  battle  to  so  great  a  degree,  her  immediate  victory 
al  sea  over  the  veteran  navy  of  Carthage  is  explicable  chiefly  on  the  supposi- 
tion thai  the  "Roman  "  navy  was  furnished  by  the  " allies "  in  Magna  Grae- 
cia.     The  story  of  Polybius  that  Home  built  her  fleet  in  two  months  on  the 

1 hi  of  a  stranded  Carthaginian  vessel,  and  meantime  trained  her  sailors 

to  row  Bitting  on  the  sand  (see  Munio.  79-80),  must  be  in  the  main  a  quaint 
invention.  See  lime.  II.  53-55,  or,  more  briefly,  Mow  and  Leigh,  152.  Momm- 
*  n  !H.  13  16)  outlines  the  history  of  the  Roman  navy  for  sixty  years  before 
the  war.  and  ill.  172-171'.)  gives  a  possible  meaning  to  the  old  account  by 
Polybius. 

pecial  report  :  the  story  of  Regulus,  and  modern  criticism  of  it  (Momm- 
sen, II.  184,  note:  lime.  II,  78-81).  The  lesson  of  the  need  of  a  more  perma- 
nent army  for  distant  warfare  was  not  forgotten.     Cf.  §  356. 


§367]  FROM  FIRST  TO   SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  327 

losses  it  brought  to  her  commerce;  and,  in  241,  she  sued  for 
peace.  To  obtain  it  she  withdrew  from  Sicily  and  paid  a 
heavy  war  indemnity.  Hiero,  who  after  the  first  years  of  the 
war  had  become  a  faithful  ally  of  Home,  remained  master  of 
Syracuse.     The  rest  of  Sicily  passed  under  the  rule  of  Rome. 

III.     FROM  THE   FIRST   TO   THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR, 
241-218  B.C. 

{The  Expansion  of  Italy  to  its  Natural  Borders,  and  the  Organi- 
zation of  the  Neiv  Conquests.) 

366.  The  Addition  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica.  —  Sagacious 
Romans  looked  forward  to  another  struggle  with  Carthage. 
That  conflict,  however,  did  not  come  for  twenty-three  years. 
Meantime  Rome  pushed  wider  the  borders  of  Italy.  When 
the  mercenaries  of  Carthage  were  withdrawn  from  Sicil \  to 
Africa,  they  were  left  unpaid  and  they  soon  broke  into  revolt. 
The  Libyan  tribes  joined  the  rising,  and  a  ferocious  struggle 
followed  between  Carthage  and  the  rebels.  The  war  is  known 
as  the  War  of  the  Mercenaries,  and  sometimes  as  the  Inexpi- 
able War.  At  last  the  great  Carthaginian  leader,  Hamttcar 
Barca,  stamped  out  the  revolt  in  Africa;  but  meantime  the 
movement  had  spread  to  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  and,  in  238, 
the  rebels  offered  these  islands  to  Rome. 

The  temptation  was  too  much  for  Roman  honor.  The  offer 
was  shamelessly  accepted,  and  a  protest  from  distracted  Car- 
thage was  met  sternly  by  a  threat  of  war.  The  islands 
became  Roman  possessions,  and  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea  was 
turned  into  a  Roman  lake. 

367.  The  Adriatic  a  Roman  Sea.  —  This  period  marks  also 
the  first  Roman  enterprise  on  the  east  of  Italy.  Illyria  had 
risen  into  a  considerable  state,  in  friendly  relations  with  Mace- 
donia. The  Illyrian  coasts  were  the  homes  of  countless 
pirates,  who  swarmed  forth  in  great  fleets  to  harry  tin'  com- 
merce of  the  adjoining  waters.  Finally  these  pirates  even 
captured  Corcyra.     Other  Greek  towns  complained  loudly  to 


328  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§  3G8 

Rome.  Rome  sent  a  haughty  embassy  to  demand  order  from 
the  Illyrian  queen.  The  embassy  was  assaulted  murderously, 
and  Rome  declared  war.  In  a  brief  campaign  (229  b.c.)  she 
swept  the  pirates  from  the  Adriatic  and  forced  Illyria  to  sue 
fox  peace.  The  Adriatic  had  become  a  Roman  water-way.  At 
this  time  Rome  kept  no  territory  on  the  eastern  coast ;  but  the 
Greek  cities  had  learned  to  look  to  her  for  protection,  and 
accordingly  Macedonia  begau  to  regard  her  with  a  jealous  eye. 

368.  The  Addition  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  — A  few  years  later  came 
a  great  addition  of  territory  on  the  north.  Rome  had  begun 
to  plant  colonies  on  the  border  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  Naturally 
the  Gauls  were  alarmed  and  angered,  and,  in  225,  for  the  last 
time  they  threatened  Italy.  They  penetrated  to  within  three 
days'  march  of  Rome;  but  Italian  patriotism  rallied  around 
the  endangered  capital,  and  the  barbarians  were  crushed. 

Then  Rome  resolutely  took  the  offensive,  and,  by  222,  Cisal- 
pine Gaul  had  become  a  Roman  possession,  garrisoned  by 
numerous  colonies  and  traversed  by  a  great  military  road. 
At  last  Rome  had  pushed  her  northern  boundary  from  the  low 
Apennines  to  tJie  great  crescent  wall  of  the  Alps.1 

369.  Organization  of  the  Conquests  outside  of  Italy :  the  Pro- 
vincial System.  —  On  the  whole,  Rome  had  been  generous  and 
wise  in  her  treatment  of  united  Italy;  but  all  her  conquests 
since  the  war  with  Pyrrhus  (Cisalpine  Gaul  as  truly  as  the 
islands)  were  looked  upon  as  outside  of  Italy  (§  255).  The 
distance  of  the  new  possessions  from  Rome  and  the  character 
of  the  countries  seemed  to  make  impossible  in  them  the  kind 

1  Exercise.  — Observe  carefully  the  steps  of  Roman  expansion  from  307  to 
222.  The  period  367-266  consolidated  Apennine  Italy  (§  255).  In  the  next 
fifty  years  this  narrow  "  Italy"  had  been  rounded  out  to  its  true  borders  by 
three  great  steps.  (1)  The  First  Punic  War,  filling  half  the  period,  added 
Sicily.  (•_')  The  other  great  islands  hounding  Italian  waters  on  tbe  west  were 
Beized  s<>on  after,  treacherously,  from  Carthage  in  the  hour  of  her  death- 
[•  with  her  revolted  troops.  (3)  Then,  having  provoked  the  Gauls 
to  war,  Home  became  mistress  of  the  valley  of  the  Po.  Meantime  Roman 
authority  bad  been  successfully  asserted,  also,  in  the  sea  bordering  Italy  on 
the  ea 


r" 


■> 


r 


. 


^ 


I 


§370]  SPAIN  — THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR.  329 

of  government  given  to  the  "  allies "  and  municipia  in  Italy 

proper.  Unfortunately,  Rome  proved  unable  to  devise  a  new 
form  of  government,  and  she  fell  back  upon  the  idea  of  pre- 
fectures (§  340).  The  new  acquisitions  became  strictly  subject 
possessions  of  Rome,  and  they  were  ruled  much  as  the  prae- 
fectures  were  in  Italy. 

Sicily,  the  first  possession  outside  of  Italy  (211  B.C.),  was  man- 
aged temporarily  by  a  Roman  praetor ;  but  in  227,  when  some 
semblance  of  order  had  been  introduced  into  Sardinia  and  Cor- 
sica, the  Senate  adopted  a  permanent  plan  of  government  for 
all  these  islands.  Two  additional  praetors,  it  was  decided, 
should  be  elected  each  year, —  one  to  rule  Sicily,  the  other 
for  the  two  other  islands.  The  two  governments  received  the 
name  of  provinces. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  provincial  system  that  was  to 
spread  finally  far  beyond  these  "  suburbs  of  Italy." 1  Soon 
afterward  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  organized  in  a  like  manner, 
though  it  was  not  given  the  title  of  a  province  until  much 
later. 

/TlV.     THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR   (SOMETIMES   STYLED   "THE 
WAR   FOR    SPAIN  "2),  218-202   B.C. 

370.  Occasion.  —  Carthage  was  not  ready  to  resign  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Western  Mediterranean  without  another 
struggle.  Rome's  policy  of  "blunder  and  plunder"  in  seizing 
Sardinia  gave  her  excuse  enough  to  renew  the  contest  if  she 
could  find  leaders  and  resources.  These  were  both  furnished 
by  the  great  Barca  family. 

Hamilcar  Barca  had  been  the  greatest  general  and  the  only 
hero  of  the  First  Punic  War.  From  Rome's  high-handed 
treachery  in  Sardinia  he  imbibed  a  deathless  hatred  for  that 
state ;  and  immediately  after  putting  down  the  War  of  the 
Mercenaries   he   began  to   prepare  for  another  conflict.      To 

1  The  features  of  the  system  are  treated  in  §§  414-417. 

2  Spain  was  the  important  territory  that  passed  to  Rome  as  a  result  of  the 
war,  but  the  struggle  did  not  begin  as  a  war  for  Spain. 


:;:;<>  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§371 

offsei  the  loss  of  the  great  Mediterranean  islands,  he  sought  to 
extend  Carthaginian  dominion  over  Spain.  The  mines  of  that 
country,  he  saw,  would  furnish  the  needful  wealth,  and  its 
hardy  tribes,  when  disciplined,  would  make  an  infantry  which 
might  meet  even  the  legions  of  Rome. 

371.  Hannibal.  —  When  Hainilear  was  about  to  cross  to 
Spain,  in  236,  he  swore  his  son  Hannibal  at  the  altar  to  eternal 
hostility  to  Rome.  Hannibal  was  then  a  boy  of  nine  years. 
He  followed  Hamilcar  to  the  wars,  and,  as  a  youth,  became  a 
dashing  cavalry  officer  and  the  idol  of  the  soldiery.  He  used 
his  camp  leisure  to  store  his  mind  with  all  the  culture  of 
Greece.  At  twenty-six  he  succeeded  to  the  command  in 
Spain.  In  rare  degree  he  possessed  the  ability  to  secure  the 
devotion  of  fickle,  mercenary  troops.  He  was  a  statesman  of 
a  high  order,  and  possibly  the  greatest  captain  in  history.  The 
Second  Punic  War  takes  its  keenest  interest  from  his  dazzling 
career,  and  even  the  Roman  historians  called  that  struggle  the 
"  War  with  Hannibal.'' 

No  friendly  pen  has  left  us  a  record  of  Hannibal.  Roman 
annalists,  indeed,  have  sought  to  stain  his  fame  with  envious 
slander.  But,  through  it  all,  his  character  shines  out  chival- 
rous, noble,  heroic.1  Says  Colonel  Dodge:  "Putting  aside 
1  Ionian  bate,  there  is  not  in  history  a  figure  more  noble  in 
purity,  more  radiant  in  patriotism,  more  heroic  in  genius,  more 
pathetic  in  its  misfortunes." 

372.  Hannibal  at  Saguntum ;  Rome  declares  War,  218  B.C. 
—  Hannibal  continued  the  work  of  his  great  father  in  Spain. 
He  made  the  southern  half  of  that  rich  land  a  Carthaginian 
province  and  organized  it  thoroughly.  Then  he  rapidly  car- 
ried the  Carthaginian  frontier  to  the  Ebro,  collected  a  mag- 
nificenl  army  of  over  a  hundred  thousand  men,  and  besieged 

utiim,   an    ancient    Greek   colony   near    the   east  coast. 


!  On  Hannibal,  read  Motomsen,  II.  •_'4:i-'_'4."1 ;  lime,  II,  H7-152,  170,  190,  101, 
-•"I    Smith's  Roim  and  Carthage ;  and,  if  accessible,  Dodge's  Hannibal,  614- 


§374]  SPAIN— THE    SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  331 

Fearing  Carthaginian  advance,  Saguntum  had  sought  Roman 
alliance;  and.  now,  when  Carthage  refused  to  recall  Hannibal, 
Rome,  in  alarm  and  anger,  declared  war  (218  B.C.). 

373.  Hannibal's  Invasion  of  Italy  to  Cannae.  —  The  Second 
Punie  War  (218-202  n.c.)  was  somewhat  shorter  than  tin- 
First,  but  it  was  an  even  more  strenuous  struggle.  Rome 
had  intended  to  take  the  offensive:  indeed,  she  dispatched 
one  consul  in  a  leisurely  way  to  Spain,  and  started  the  other 
for  Africa  by  way  of  Sicily.  But  Hannibal's  audacious  rapid- 
ity threw  into  confusion  all  his  enemy's  plans.  In  live  months 
he  had  crossed  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Rhone,  fighting  his  way 
through  the  Gallic  tribes ;  forced  the  unknown  passes  of  the 
Alps,  under  conditions  that  made  it  a  feat  paralleled  only  by 
Alexander's  passage  of  the  Hindukush;  and,  leaving  the 
bones  of  three  fourths  his  army  between  the  Ebro  and  the 
Po,  startled  Italy  by  appearing  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  with  twenty- 
six  thousand  "  heroic  shadows." 

With  these  "  emaciated  scarecrows  "  the  same  fall  he  swiftly 
destroyed  two  hastily  gathered  Roman  armies  —  at  the  Ticinus 
and  at  the  Trebia.  Then  the  recently  pacified  Gallic  tribes 
rallied  turbulently  to  swell  his  ranks.  The  following  spring 
he  crossed  the  Apennines,  caught  a  Roman  army  of  forty 
thousand  men,  blinded  with  morning  mist,  near  Lake  Trasi- 
mene,  and  annihilated  it,  and  then  carried  fire  and  sword 
through  Italy. 

374.  Cannae.  —  The  wary  Roman  dictator,  Quintus  Fabius 
Maximus,  adopted  the  wise  tactics  of  delay,1  to  wear  out  Han- 
nibal and  to  gain  breathing  time  for  Rome.  But  popular 
demagogues  murmured  that  the  Senate  protracted  the  war  to 
gain  glory  for  the  aristocratic  generals,  and  the  following 
summer  the  new  consuls  were  given  ninety  thousand  men  — 
far  the  largest  army  Rome  had  ever  put  in  the  field  —  with 
orders  to  crush  the  darinsr  invader.     The  result  was  the  battle 


1  From  which  we  get  the  term  "Fabian  Policy."     Fabius  was  given  the 
nickname  "  Cuuctator  "  (Laggard)  by  the  Roman  populace. 


332  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§375 

of  ( 'annae  —  "a  carnival  of  cold  steel,  a  butchery,  not  a  battle." 
Hannibal  lost  six  thousand  men.  Kome  lost  sixty  thousand 
dead  and  twenty  thousand  prisoners.  A  consul,  a  fourth  of 
the  senators,  nearly  all  the  officers,  and  over  a  fifth  of  the 
fighting  population  of  the  city,  perished.  The  camps  of  her 
two  armies  fell  into  Carthaginian  hands,  and  Hannibal  sent 
home  a  bushel  of  gold  rings  from  the  hands  of  fallen  Roman 
unities.1 

375.  Fidelity  of  the  Latins  and  Italians  to  Rome. —  The  vic- 
tory, however,  yielded  little  fruit.  Hannibal's  only  real  chance 
within  Italy  had  been  that  brilliant  victories  might  break  up 
the  Italian  confederacy  and  bring  over  to  his  side  the  subjects 
of  Rome.  Accordingly,  he  lived  his  Italian  prisoners  without 
ransom,  proclaiming  that  he  warred  only  on  Home  and  that  he 
came  to  liberate  Italy. 

The  mountain  tribes  of  the  south,  eager  for  plunder,  did  join 
him,  as  did  one  great  city,  Capua.  Three  years  later,  too,  a 
cruel  Roman  blunder  drove  some  of  the  Greek  towns  into  his 
anus,  lint  the  other  cities  —  colonies,  Latins,  or  Allies  — 
closed  their  gates  as  resolutely  as  Rome  herself,  —  and  so 
gave  marvelous  testimony  to  the  excellence  of  Roman  rule  and 
to  the  national  spirit  it  had  fostered. 

376.  Rome's  Grandeur  in  Disaster.  —  Rome's  own  greatness 
showed  grandly  in  the  hour  of  terror  after  Cannae,  when  any 
other  people  would  have  given  up  the  conflict  in  despair.  A 
plot  among  some  faint-hearted  nobles  to  abandon  Italy  was 
stifled  in  the  camp;  and  the  surviving  consul,  Varro,  coura- 
geously set  himself  to  reorganize  the  pitiful  wreckage  of  his 
army.-     Before  the  end  of  the  year,  another  army  under  a  new 


1  Special  reports:  (l)  The  heroic  story  of  the  marvelous  passage  of  the  Alps; 
Prasimene;  (3)  Cannae.  (Good  accounts  of  these  battles,  with  excellent 
maps,  Mir  given  in  How  and  Leigh.)  (4)  Why  « 1  i <  1  Hannibal  not  attack  Rome 
Itself  alter  Cannae?    (5)  Hannibal  in  South  Italy  after  Cannae. 

-  Varro  had  been  elected  in  a  bitter  partisan  struggle,  as  the  champion  of 
the  democratic  party,  against  the  unanimous  opposition  of  the  Aristocracy. 
With  undoubted  merits  in  personal  character,  he  had  proved  utterly  lack- 


§  377]  SPAIN  — THE    SECOND    PUNIC    WAR.  333 

consul  was  cut  to  pieces,  and  by  losses  elsewhere  the  Senate 

had  Fallen  to  less  than  half  its  numbers;1  but  with  stern  tem- 
per and  splendid  tenacity  Home  refused  even  to  receive  Hanni- 
bal's envoys  or  to  consider  his  moderate  proposals  for  peace.2 

A  third  of  the  adult  males  of  Italy  had  fallen  in  battle  in 
three  years  or  were  in  camp,  so  that  all  industry  was  demoral- 
ized. Still  taxes  were  doubled,  and  the  rich  gave  cheerfully 
even  beyond  these  crushing  demands.  The  days  of  mourning 
for  the  dead  were  shortened  by  a  decree  of  the  government. 
Home  refused  to  recall  a  man  from  Sicily  or  Spain.  Indeed, 
she  sent  out  new  armies  to  those  places,  and  by  enrolling 
slaves,  old  men,  boys,  and  the  criminals  from  the  prisons 
(arming  them  with  the  sacred  trophies  in  the  temples),  she 
managed  to  put  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  troops  into 
the  field. 

377.  Neglect  of  the  Sea  by  Carthage,  and  Lack  of  Concerted 
Action  by  her  Allies.  —  Hannibal's  other  possible  chance  (that 
outside  Italy)  lay  in  arousing  a  general  Mediterranean  war  and 
in  receiving  strong  reinforcements  from  Carthage.  Philip  V 
of  Macedon  did  ally  himself  with  Hannibal,  but  acted  timidly 
and  too  late.  Syracuse,  too,  joined  Carthage;  but  its  new 
tyrant  was  incapable,  and,  in  212,  the  city  was  taken  by  the 
Eomans,  after  a  memorable   three  years'  siege.3     Strangely, 


ing  in  military  talent.  Indeed,  lie  had  forced  his  wiser  colleague  f"  give 
battle,  and  his  poor  generalship  was  largely  responsible  lor  the  disaster.  Be 
now  returned  to  Rome,  expecting  to  face  stern  judges.  At  Carthage  a  gen- 
eral so  placed  would  probably  have  been  nailed  to  a  cross.  At  Rome,  faction 
and  criticism  were  silenced,  and  the  Senate  showed  its  own  nubility  bj  pub- 
licly giving  its  thanks  to  the  general  "because  he  had  not  despaired  of  the 
republic." 

1  One  hundred  and  seventy-seven  new  members  were  enrolled  the  next  year. 

2  According  to  a  somewhat  doubtful  story,  Rome  refused  in  this  crisis  to 
ransom  prisoners.  Much  as  she  needed  her  soldiers  back,  she  preferred,  so  the 
story  goes,  to  teach  her  citizens  that  they  ought  at  such  a  time  to  'lie  for  the 
republic  rather  than  surrender. 

3  A  siege  notable  for  the  scientific  inventions  of  Archimedes  (§  259)  used  in 
the  defense.  The  philosopher  was  killed  in  the  indiscriminate  massacre  that 
followed  the  capture. 


334  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§378 

Carthage  made  no  serious  attempt  to  secure  command  of  the 
sea,  and  so  failed  to  send  troops  to  Hannibal.1  On  the  other 
hand,  Rome  guarded  her  coasts  with  efficient  fleets,  and  trans- 
ported her  armies  at  will. 

378.  The  Scipios  and  Hasdrubal  in  Spain.  — Rome  now  strained 
every  nerve  for  success  abroad,  where  Hannibal  could  not  act 
in  person.  Step  by  step  the  Roman  generals,  the  Scipio 
brothers,  forced  back  the  Carthaginian  frontier  in  Spain,  and 
for  many  years  ruined  all  Hannibal's  hopes  of  reenforcement 
by  land.  At  last,  in  211,  Hasdrubal,  the  brother  of  Hannibal, 
won  a  great  victory,  and  the  two  Scipios  perished ;  but  Rome 
promptly  hurried  in  fresh  forces  under  the  young  Publius  Cor- 
nelius  Scipio,  who  in  masterly  fashion,  for  three  years  more, 
continued  the  work  of  his  father  and  uncle. 

379.  Changed  Character  of  the  War  in  Italy  after  Cannae.  — 
In  Italy  itself,  the  policy  of  Fabius  was  again  adopted,  varied 
by  the  telling  blows  of  the  vigorous  soldier,  Marcellus,  who 
was  called  the  "Sword"  of  Rome,  as  Fabius  was  called  her 
"Shield."  Hannibal's  hopes  had  been  blasted  in  the  moment 
of  victory.  Rome  fell  back  upon  an  iron  constancy  and  stead- 
fast caution.  Her  Italian  subjects  showed  a  steady  fidelity 
even  mure  ominous  to  the  invader.  Carthage  proved  neglect- 
ful, and  her  allies  lukewarm. 

A.gains1  such  conditions  all  the  great  African's  genius  in  war 
and  in  diplomacy  wore  itself  out  in  vain.  For  thirteen  years 
after  Cannae  he  maintained,  himself  in  Italy  without  reenforce- 
ment in  men  or  money,  —  always  winning  a  battle  when  he 
could  engage  the  enemy  in  the  field, — and  directing  operations 
as  besl  he  might  in  Spain,  Sicily,  Macedonia,  and  Africa.  But 
war  waged  by  one  supreme  genius  against  the  most 
powerful  and  resolute  nation  in  the  world. 

380.  '•  Hannibal  at  the  Gates."'  —  One  more  dramatic  scene 
marked  Hannibal's  career  in  Italy.    The  Romans  had  besieged 


1  Read  Malum,  Influence  of  Sea  Power  in  History,  14-21,  and  also  Introduc- 
tion, iv-vii. 


§382]  SPAIN  — THE   SECOND    PUNIC   WAR.  335 

Capua.  In  a  daring  attempt  to  relieve  his  ally,  Hannibal 
marched  to  the  very  walls  of  Koine,  ravaging  the  fields  aboul 
the  city.  The  Romans,  however,  were  not  to  be  enticed  oul  to 
a  rash  engagement,  nor  could  the  army  around  Capua  be  drawn 
from  its  prey.  The  only  result  of  Hannibal's  desperate  stroke 
was  the  fruitless  fright  he  gave  Rome,  —  such  that  for  genera- 
tions Roman  mothers  stilled  their  children  by  the  terror-bear- 
ing phrase,  "  Hannibal  at  the  Gates!"  Roman  stories  relate, 
however,  that  citizens  were  found,  even  in  that  hour  of  fear,  to 
show  a  defiant  confidence  by  buying  eagerly  at  a  public  sale  the 
land  where  the  invader  lay  encamped. 

381.  Hannibal's  Forces  Worn  Out. — And  so  the  struggle 
entered  upon  its  last,  long,  wasting  stage.  It  became  a  record 
of  sieges  and  marches  and  countermarches,  in  which  Hannibal's 
genius  was  as  marvelous  as  ever,  earning  him  from  modern 
military  critics  the  title,  "Father  of  Strategy,"  but  in  which 
there  are  no  more  of  the  dazzling  results  that  mark  the  first 
campaigns.  Hannibal's  Spanish  veterans  died  off,  and  had  to 
be  replaced  as  best  they  might  by  local  recruits  in  Italy  ;  and 
gradually  the  Romans  learned  the  art  of  war  from  their  great 
enemy. 

"  With  the  battle  of  Cannae  the  breathless  interest  in  the  war  ceases; 
its  surging  mass,  broken  on  the  walls  of  the  Roman  fortresses,  .  .  .  foams 
away  in  ruin  and  devastation  through  south  Italy,  — ever  victorious,  ever 
receding.  Rome,  assailed  on  all  sides  by  open  foe  and  forsworn  friend, 
driven  to  her  last  man  and  last  coin,  'ever  great  and  greater  grows'  in 
the  strength  of  her  strong  will  and  loyal  people,  widening  the  circle  round 
her  with  rapid  blows  in  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Spain,  and  Macedon,  while  she 
slowly  loosens  the  grip  fastened  on  her  throat  at  home,  till  in  the  end  .  .  . 
the  final  fight  on  African  sands  at  the  same  moment  closes  the  struggle 
for  life  and  seats  her  mistress  of  the  world."  —  How  and  Leigh,  109. 

382.  The  Second  Carthaginian  Invasion.  —  Meantime,  in  Spain, 
Hannibal's  brother,  Hasdrubal,  had  been  contending  against 
the  crushing  force  of  the  Scipios,  with  the  skill  and  devotion 
of  his  house.  Finally,  in  208,  by  able  maneuvers,  he  eluded 
the  Roman  generals,  and  started  with  a  veteran  army  to  reen- 


336  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§  38S 

Ei  >rce  I  Cannibal.  Rome's  peril  was  never  greater  than  when  this 
second  son  of  Barca  crossed  the  Alps  successfully  with  fifty-six 
thousand  men  and  fifteen  elephants. 

The  Republic  put  forth  its  supreme  effort.  One  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men  were  thrown  between  the  two  Carthaginian 
armies,  which  together  numbered  some  eighty  thousand.  By 
a  fortunate  chance  the  Romans  captured  a  messenger  from 
Hasdrubal  and  so  learned  his  plans,  while  Hannibal  was  still 
ignorant  of  his  approach.  This  gave  a  decisive  advantage,  and 
the  opportunity  was  well  used.  The  consul,  Claudius  Nero, 
with  audacity  learned  of  Hannibal  himself,  left  part  of  his  force 
to  deceive  that  leader,  and,  hurrying  northward  with  the  speed 
of  life  and  death,  joined  the  other  consul  and  fell  upon  Hasdru- 
bal with  crushing  numbers  at  the  Metaurus.  The  ghastly  head 
of  his  long-expected  brother,  flung  with  brutal  contempt  into 
his  cam]),1  was  the  first  notice  to  Hannibal  of  the  ruin  of  his 
family  and  his  cause. 

383.  Scipio  carries  the  War  into  Africa.  —  Still  Hannibal 
remained  invincible  in  the  mountains  of  southern  Italy.  But 
Home  now  carried  the  war  into  Africa.  After  Hasdrubal  left 
Spain,  Scipio  rapidly  subdued  the  whole  peninsula,  and,  in  204, 
he  persuaded  the  Senate  to  send  him  with  a  great  army  against 
Carthage  itself.  Two  years  later,  to  meet  this  peril,  Carthage 
recalled  Hannibal.  That  great  leader  obeyed  sadly,  "leaving 
the  country  of  his  enemy,"  says  Livy,  "  with  more  regret  than 
many  an  exile  has  left  his  own.*' 

This  event  marks  the  end  of  all  hope  of  Carthaginian  success. 
The  same  year  (202  b.c.)  the  struggle  closed  with  Hannibal's 
first  ami  only  defeat,  at  the  battle  of  Zama.2  Carthage  lay  at 
tie-  mercy  of  the  victor,  and  sued  for  peace.  She  gave  up 
Spain  and  the  islands  of  the  western  Mediterranean;  surren- 

1  This  deed  was  in  strange  contrast  to  the  chivalrous  treatment  that  Han- 
nibal gave  to  the  bodies  of  Marcellus  and  of  the  Roman  generals  at  Cannae 
and  elsewhere. 

ma  was  a  Tillage  a  little  to  the  south  of  Carthage.    Special  reports : 
the  si" rv  "f  the  hattle;  the  career  of  Hannibal  after  the  war. 


§384]  SPAIN  — T11K   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR.  337 

dered  her  war  elephants  and  all  her  ships  of  war  save  ten  ;  paid 
a  huge  war  indemnity,  which  was  intended  to  keep  her  poor 
for  many  years;  and  became  a  dependent  ally  of  Rome,  prom- 
ising to  wage  no  war  without  Roman  consent.  Scipio  received 
the  proud  surname  Africa  mis.1 

384.  Result  of  the  Second  Punic  War :  Rome  Mistress  of  the 
West.  —  Rome  had  been  fighting  for  existence,  but  she  had 
won  world-dominion.2  In  the  West  no  rind  remained,  and  her 
subsequent  warfare  there  was  to  be  only  with  unorganized 
barbarians.  In  the  East  the  result  was  to  show  more  slow  1\  ; 
but  there,  too,  Roman  victory  was  now  only  a  matter  of  time. 
No  civilized  power  was  again  to  threaten  Rome  by  invading 
Italy,  and  the  mighty  kingdoms  of  Alexander's  realms  were  to 
be  absorbed,  one  by  one,  into  her  empire. 

This  imperial  destiny  was  more  than  Rome  had  planned. 
Italy  she  had  designed  to  rule.     The  West  had  fallen  to  her  as 

1  A  Roman  had  at  least  three  names.  The  gentile  name  was  the  norm  n, 
the  most  important  of  the  three;  it  came  in  the  middle.  The  third  (th< 
nomen)  marked  the  family.  The  first  (praenomen)  was  the  individual  name 
(like  our  baptismal  names).  Then  a  Roman  often  received  also  a  surname  for 
some  achievement  or  characteristic.  Thus  Publius  Conn  lias  Scipio  African  US 
was  the  individual  Publius  of  the  Scipio  family  of  the  great  Cornelian  gens, 
surnamed  Africanus  for  his  conquest  of  Africa.  The  first  name  was  often 
abbreviated  in  writing.  The  most,  common  of  these  abbreviations  wen-: 
C.  for  Cains  (Gaius) ;  Cn.  for  Gnaeus;  L.  for  Lucius;  M.  for  Marcus;  P.  for 
Publius;  Q.  for  Quintus;  T.  for  Titus.  In  this  volume  these  names  are  always 
given  in  full,  but  the  student  will  find  this  table  convenient  in  reading  larger 
works. 

2  One  result  of  the  war  should  be  noted  beside  the  acquisition  of  new  terri- 
tory abroad.  This  is  the  terrible  vengeance  Rome  visited  upon  her  lew 
unfaithful  allies  at  home.  Syracuse  had  been  sacked  mercilessly  while  the 
war  was  in  progress.  Its  works  of  art,  the  accumulations  of  cent  uries,  were 
destroyed  or  removed  to  Rome;  and  it  never  recovered  its  former  eminence 
in  culture,  commerce,  or  power.  Still  more  harsh  was  the  fate  of  Capua, 
which  had  ranked  as  the  second  city  of  Italy.  As  a  city  it  ceased  to  exist. 
Its  leading  men  were  massacred  ;  most  of  the  rest  of  the  population  were  Bold 
as  slaves ;  the  few  remaining  settlers  were  governed  by  a  prefect  from  Rome; 
and  colonies  of  Roman  veterans  were  planted  on  its  lands.  The  Greek  cities 
of  the  south  and  the  mountain  tribes  that  had  joined  Hannibal  lost  lands  and 
privileges.  And  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  thoroughly  Romanized  by  many  a  cruel 
campaign. 


338  WINNING    THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§385 

the  heir  of  Carthage.  In  the  East  she  hesitated  honestly, 
until  events  thrust  dominion  upon  her  there  also.1  (Cf.  §§  393, 
394,  100.) 

The  Roman  policy  in  the  West  for  the  next  fifty  years  is 
the  topic  of  Division  V.  Logically  it  is  part  of  the  story  we 
have  been  telling-,  and  therefore  the  account  is  put  in  this 
chapter.  The  trend  of  events  in  the  East  is  so  different  that 
a  separate  chapter  (chapter  vii)  is  given  to  expansion  in 
that  direction,  although  the  story  covers  the  same  half 
century. 

V.    THE    WEST   FROM   201   TO   146   B.C. 
A.    Spaix. 

385.  Spain's  Heroic  War  of  Independence. — Rome  had  still 
much  work  fco  do  in  the  West.  A  land  route  to  Spain  had  to 
be  secured;  and  the  mountain  tribes  in  that  peninsula  and  in 
the  islands  had  to  be  thoroughly  subdued.  This  involved 
tedious  wars,  not  always  waged  with  credit  to  Roman  honor. 

In  Spain  two  new  provinces  were  created,  for  which  two 
governors  were  elected  annually  by  the  Roman  Senate.  Some 
of  these  governors  proved  rapacious;  others  were  incompetent; 
and  the  proud  and  warlike  tribes  of  Spain  were  driven  into  a 
Long  war   for  independence. 

The  struggle  was  marked  by  the  heroic  leadership  of  the 
Spanish  patriot,  Viriathus,  and  by  much  Roman  baseness.  A 
1  Ionian  general  massacred  a  tribe  which  had  submitted. 
A.nother  general  procured  the  assassination  of  Viriathus  by 
hired  murderers.  Rome  itself  rejected  treaties  after  they  had 
saved  Roman  armies.  Spanish  towns,  which  had  been  captured 
after  gallanl  resistance,  were  wiped  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
so  tli.ii  other  towns  chose  wholesale  suicide  rather  than  surren- 
der to  Roman  cruelty.2 

;  This  hesitancy  in  the  East  was  due,  In  part  at  least,  to  respect  for  Greek 
civilization,  to  which  Rome  was  beginning  to  owe  more  and  more. 
-  Read  Mommsen,  III,  215-234,  for  a  study  of  this  miserable  period. 


§387]  AFRICA  — THE   THIRD    PUNIC    WAR.  339 

386.  Final  Romanization.  —  Still,  despite  these  miserable 
means,  Roman  conquest  in  the  end  was  to  be  a  blessing  to 
Spain.  The  struggle  in  the  most  inaccessible  districts  wenl 
on  until  133,  but  long  before  that  year  the  greater  part  of  the 
land  had  been  Romanized.  Traders  and  speculators  flocked  to 
the  seaports;  the  Roman  legionaries,  quartered  in  Spain  for 
many  years  at  a  time,  married  Spanish  wives,  and,  when  re- 
lieved from  military  service,  settled  there.  No  sooner  were 
the  restless  interior  tribes  fully  subdued  than  there  appeared 
the  promise  —  to  be  well  kept  later  —  that  Spain  would  become 
"more  Roman  than  Rome  itself." 

Meantime  (about  188)  Rome  had  secured  a  land  road,  through 
southern  Gaul,  from  Italy  to  Spain.  Tins  was  obtained  in 
the  main  by  friendly  alliance  with  the  ancient  Greek  city 
Massilia ;  but  there  was  also  some  warfare  with  the  Gaulish 
tribes,  which  laid  the  foundations  for  a  new  Roman  province 
in  South  Gaul  in  the  near  future  (§  454,  note). 

B.   The  Third  Punic  War  (the  War  for  Africa). 

387.  Rome  seeks  Perfidious  Pretext  against  Carthage.  —  Even 

before  Spain  was  pacified,  hatred  and  greed  had  led  Rome  to 
seize  the  remaining  realms  of  Carthage.  That  state  was  now 
powerless  for  harm.  But  Roman  fear  was  cruel,  and  a  long 
series  of  persecutions  forced  a  needless  conflict  relentlessly 
upon  the  unhappy  Carthaginians.  The  Third  Punic  War  was 
marked  by  the  blackest  perfidy  on  the  part  of  Rome  and  by 
the  final  desperate  heroism  of  Carthage. 

First,  that  city  was  called  upon  to  surrender  Hannibal  to 
Roman  vengeance.1  Then  it  was  vexed  by  constant  annoy- 
ances in  Africa  on  the  part  of  Massinissa,  Prince  of  Numidia. 
Massinissa  had  been  Rome's  ally  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Second 

1  When  the  hero  escaped  to  the  East,  Roman  petty  hatred  followed  him 
from  country  to  country,  until,  to  avoid  falling  into  Roman  hands,  he  took 

his  own  life,  "proving  in  a  lifelong  struggle  with  fate,  that  success  is  in  no 
way  necessary  to  greatness." 


340  WINNING   THE   WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§388 

runic  War.  and  had  been  rewarded  by  new  dominions  carved 
out  of  Carthaginian  territory.  Now,  encouraged  by  Rome,  he 
encroached  more  and  mure,  seizing  piece  after  piece  of  the 
district  that  had  been  left  to  the  vanquished  city. 

Repeatedly  Carthage  appealed  to  Rome,  but  her  just  com- 
plaints brought  no  redress.  The  Roman  commissioners  that 
were  sent  to  act  as  arbiters  —  with  secret  orders  beforehand  to 
favor  Massinissa  —  carried  back  to  Rome  only  a  greater  fear 
of  the  reviving  wealth  of  Carthage,  and  told  the  astonished 
Roman  Senate  of  a  city  with  crowded  streets,  with  treasury 
and  arsenals  full,  and  with  its  harbors  thronged  with  shipping. 
From  this  time  (157  b.c.)  the  narrow-minded  but  zealous  Cato 
closed  every  speech  in  the  Senate,  no  matter  what  the  subject, 
with  the  phrase  " Delenda  est  Carthago"  (Carthage  must  be 
blotted  out). 

388.  Rome  declares  War ;  Carthage  is  treacherously  disarmed. 
—  Still  the  caution  of  Carthage  gave  no  handle  to  Roman  hate; 
until  at  last,  when  Massinissa  had  pushed  his  seizures  almost 
up  to  the  gates,  Carthage  took  up  arms.  By  her  treaty  with 
Borne  she  had  promised  to  engage  in  no  war  without  Roman 
permission;  and  Rome  at  once  snatched  at  the  excuse  to  de- 
clare war. 

In  vain,  terrified  Carthage  punished  her  leaders  and  offered 
abject  submission.  The  Roman  Senate  would  only  promise 
thai  the  city  should  be  left  independent  if  it  complied  with 
the  further  demands  of  Rome,  to  be  announced  on  African 
soil.  The  Roman  fleet  and  army  proceeded  to  Carthage, 
and  an  act  of  masterful  treachery  was  played  out  by  succes- 
sive steps. 

First,  at  the  demand  of  the  Roman  general,  Carthage  sent 
to  the  Roman  camp  three  hundred  boys  from  the  noblest  fami- 
lies, as  hostagi  .  amid  the  tears  and  outcries  of  the  mothers. 
Then,  on  further  command,  the  city  dismantled  its  walls  and 
Btripped  its  arsenals,  sending  in  long  lines  of  wagons  to  the 
Roman  army  3000  catapults  and  1'oo.ikmi  stand  of  arms,  with 
military  supplies.     Next  the  shipping  was  all  surrendered. 


§390]  AFRICA  — THE   THIRD    PUNIC    WAR.  341 

Finally,  now  that  the  city  was  supposed  to  be  utterly  defense- 
less, came  the  announcement  that  it  must  be  destroyed  and  the 

people  removed  to  some  spot  ten  miles  inland  from  the  sea 
on  which  from  dim  antiquity  they  had  founded  their  wealth 
and  power. 

389.  The  Heroic  Resistance  of  Carthage.  —  Despair  blazed  into 
passionate  wrath,  and  the  Carthaginians  fitly  chose  death  ral  her 
than  ruin  and  exile.  Carelessly  enough,  the  Roman  army  re- 
mained at  a  distance  for  some  days.  Meanwhile  the  dis- 
mantled and  disarmed  town  became  one  great  workshop  for 
war.  Women  gave  their  hair  to  make  cords  for  catapults ;  the 
temples  were  ransacked  for  arms,  and  torn  down  for  timber 
and  metal;  and  to  the  angry  dismay  of  Rome,  Carthage  stood 
a  four-years'  siege,  holding  out  heroically  against  famine,  pesti- 
lence, and  war. 

At  last,  in  146,  the  legions  forced  their  way  over  the  Avails. 
For  seven  days  more,  the  fighting  continued  from  house  to 
house,  until  at  last  a  miserable  remnant  surrendered,  —  fifty 
thousand  of  a  population  of  seven  hundred  thousand.  The 
commander  Hasdrubal1  at  the  last  moment  made  his  peace 
with  the  Roman  general;  but  his  disdainful  wile,  taunting 
him  from  the  burning  temple  roof  as  he  knelt  at  Scipio's  feet. 
slew  their  two  boys  and  cast  herself  with  them  into  the  ruins. 
Numbers  more  chose  likewise  to  die  in  the  flames  rather  than 
pass  into  Roman  slavery. 

390.  Carthage  is  "  blotted  out"  ;  the  Province  of  Africa.  —  For 
many  days  the  city  was  given  up  to  pillage.  Then,  by  express 
orders  from  Rome,  it  was  burned  to  the  ground,  and  its  site 
"was  plowed  up,  sown  to  salt,  and  cursed. 

To  carry  out  this  crime  fell  to  the  lot  of  one  of  the  puresl 
and  noblest  characters  Rome  ever  produced, —  Publius  <  'ornelius 
Scijno  Aemilianns,  the  nephew  and  adopted  grandson  of  Scipio 
Africanus,  known  himself  as  Africanus  the  Younger.  As  he 
watched  the  smoldering  ruins  (they  burned  for  seventeen  days) 

1  Not  the  Barcide  Hasdrubal,  of  course. 


342  WINNING   THE    WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN.       [§  390 

with  his  friend  Polybius  the  historian,  Scipio  spoke  his  fear 
that  some  day  Rome  might  suffer  a  like  fate,  and  he  was  heard 
to  repeat  Homer's  lines :  — 

"  Yet  come  it  will,  the  day  decreed  by  fate, 
The  day  when  thou,  Imperial  Troy,  must  bend, 
And  see  thy  warriors  fall,  thy  glories  end." 

What  was  left  of  the  ancient  territory  of  Carthage  became 
the  Province  of  Africa,  with  the  capital  at  Utica.  Two  centu- 
ries later,  under  the  Roman  Empire,  North  Africa  became  a 
chief  seat  of  Roman  civilization.1 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Ancient  writers:  With  the  beginning  of 
the  Second  Punic  War,  Livy  becomes  an  important  authority  (his  account 
of  the  First  War  unfortunately  is  among  the  lost  books  of  his  History). 
Polybius  wrote  nearer  the  times  (at  the  close  of  the  Third  War),  and  is 
the  greater  historian  ;  some  valuable  extracts  are  given  in  Munro's  Source 
Book,  79-91.  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Fabius,"  "Marcellus")  make  fascinat- 
ing reading. 

Mommsen  (bk.  iii,  chs.  i-ii,  iv-vii)  and  Ihne  (II,  3-115,  143-484,  and 
III,  320-407)  continue  to  be  the  two  great  modern  guides.  Pelham's 
excellence  for  certain  parts  of  the  story  is  noted  in  the  text ;  his  arrange- 
ment is  admirable.  How  and  Leigh  gives. a  clear  and  full  narrative.  For 
the  struggle  with  Carthage,  Smith's  Home  and  Carthage  (Epochs)  is  con- 
venient ;  and  students  will  enjoy  Church's  Carthage  (Story  of  the  Nations). 
For  the  First  Punic  War,  Freeman's  Story  of  Sicily  (ch.  xiv)  is  good. 
For  Hie  Second  Funic  War,  Arnold's  History  is  perhaps  the  best  nar- 
rative. See,  also,  Dodge's  Hannibal  (Captains)  and  Morris'  Hannibal 
(Hemes). 

Review  Exercise. — Catchword  review  of  Roman  expansion  in  the 
West  from  264  to  146. 


1  Special  reports:  the  final  siege  of  Carthage;  Massinissa  and  the  kingdom 
he  created  ;  Africanua  the  Younger,  character  and  work. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE  WINNING   OF   THE  EAST,  201-146   B.C. 
I.     AN   ATTEMPT   AT   PROTECTORATES. 

391.  Earlier  Beginnings  :  the  Illyrian  Pirates  ;  the  First  Mace- 
donian War. —  Ever  since  the  repulse  of  Pyrrhus,  Rome  had 
been  drifting  into  contact  with  the  Greek  kingdoms  of  the 
East.  With  Egypt  she  had  a  friendly  alliance  and  close  com- 
mercial intercourse.  Between  the  First  and  the  Second  Punic 
War,  too,  she  had  chastised  the  formidable  pirates  of  the 
Illyrian  coasts,  and  so,  as  the  guardian  of  order,  had  come  into 
friendly  relations  with  some  of  the  cities  in  Greece  (§  367). 

Further  than  this,  Rome  showed  no  desire  to  go.  But  Mace- 
donia, the  nearest  of  the  great  Greek  kingdoms,  was  growing 
fearful  of  Roman  encroachment;  and,  in  214,  Philip  V  of 
Macedonia  joined  himself  to  Hannibal  against  Borne  (§  377). 
The  war  with  Macedonia  which  followed  is  known  as  the  First 
Macedonian  War.  Rome  entered  upon  it  only  to  prevent  a 
Macedonian  invasion  of  Italy,  and  she  waged  it  by  means  of 
her  iEtolian  allies.1  It  closed  in  205,  without  any  especial 
change  in  Eastern  affairs,  but  it  made  later  struggles  natural. 

392.  Second  Macedonian  War.  —  In  205,  Philip  V  of  Macedon 
and  Antiochus  of  Syria  tried  to  seize  Egypt,  left  just  then  to 
a  boy  king.  Egypt  was  an  ally  of  Rome.  Moreover,  it  was 
already  becoming  the  granary  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  Rome 
could  not  wisely  see  it  pass  into  hostile  hands.  Philip  also 
attacked  Athens,  another  of  Rome's  allies,  and  as  soon  as 
Rome's  hands  were  freed  by  the  peace  with  Carthage  (201  B.C.), 

1  Aetolia  had  sought  Roman  protection  against  Macedonia  and  had  been 
recognized  as  an  "ally"  (§  251). 

313 


34-1  WINNING   THE   EAST,   201-140   B.C.  [§393 

the  Senate  persuaded  the  wearied  Assembly  to  enter  upon  the 
Second  Macedonian   War  (201-196  B.C.). 

At  first  Philip  won  some  success,  and  began  to  overrun 
Greece:  but  in  108  the  Senate  intrusted  the  war  to  Flamininus, 
who  was  to  be  the  first  Roman  conqueror  in  the  East.  Fla- 
mininus was  one  of  the  group  of  young  Romans  about  Scipio 
A.emilianus  imbued  with  Hellenic  culture  and  chivalrous 
ideals.  His  appointment  proved  particularly  grateful  to  the 
Greek  allies  of  Rome,  and  his  excellent  generalship  quickly 
put  Philip  on  the  defensive. 

The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Cynoscephalae  (Dog's  heads), 
a  group  of  low  hills  in  Thessaly;  and  the  result  was  due,  not 
to  generalship,  but  to  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  soldiery. 
The  two  armies  were  of  nearly  equal  size.  They  met  in  mist 
and  rain,  ami  the  engagement  was  brought  on  by  a  chance 
encounter  of  scouting  parties.  The  pliable  legion  proved  its 
superiority  over  the  unwieldy  phalanx  (§353).  The  Roman 
loss  was  700 ;  the  Macedonian,  13,000. 

Philip  was  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  victor,  but  the  chivalrous 
Flamininus  gave  generous  terms.  Macedonia,  it  is  true,  sank 
into  a  second-rate  power,  and  became  a  dependent  ally  of 
Rome.  But  Rome  herself  took  no  territory.  Macedonia's 
possessions  in  (Jreece  were  taken  from  her,  and  Flamininus 
proclaimed  that  the  Greeks  were  ''free."  The  many  Greek 
states,  along  with  Rhodes  and  Pergamum  and  the  other  small 
states  of  Asia,  became  Rome's  grateful  allies.  In  name  they 
were  equals  of   Rome;  in  fact,  they  were  Roman  protectorates.1 

393.  The  War  with  Antiochus  of  Syria. — •  Meanwhile  Anti- 
ochus  had  sheltered  Hannibal  and  had  been  plundering 
l'.j\  pt's  possessions  in  Asia.  Now  he  turned  to  seize  Thrace, 
Greece,  Pergamum,  and  Rhodes.  Rome  sincerely  dreaded  a 
conflict  with  the  "Greal  Kin-/'  the  Lord  of  Asia,  but  she  had 
no  choice.     The  struggle  proved  easy  and  brief.    In  the  second 


1  Thai  i-.  Rome  controlled  all  tin-  foreign  relations  of  each  of  these  states, 
at  least .  u  nenever  Bhe  cared  to  do  so. 


§394]  AN   ATTEMPT   AT   PROTECTORATES.  345 

campaign,  in  190,  Roman  legions  for  the  first  time  invaded 
Asia,  and  at  Magnesia?  in  Lydia,  they  shattered  the  power  of 
Syria.  That  kingdom  was  reduced  in  territory  and  power, 
somewhat  as  Macedonia  had  been,  but  Rome  still  kept  nothing 
for  herself.  Her  allies  were  rewarded  with  gifts  of  territory  ; 
and  most  of  the  Greek  cities  and  small  states  of  Asia  were 
declared  free,  and  really  became  friendly  dependents  of  Rome, 

394.  Rome  drawn  on,  against  her  Will,  to  this  System  of 
Eastern  Protectorates.2  —  Thus,  in  eleven  years  (200-190  B.C.) 
after  the  close  of  the  Second  Runic  War,  Rome  bad  set  up  a 
virtual  protectorate  over  all  the  realms  of  Alexander's  succes- 
sors. This  had  come  about,  too,  without  definite  self-seeking 
on  her  part;  and  so  far  she  seemed  unwilling  to  aimer  any 
eastern  territory. 

But  this  position  was  unstable.  The  Greek  states  were  em- 
broiled ceaselessly  in  petty  quarrels  among  themselves,  and 
they  were  endangered  constantly  by  the  greed  of  their  greater 
neighbors.  From  all  sides  came  appeals  to  Rome  to  prevent 
injustice.  The  disturbing  powers  were  Macedonia,  Syria,  and 
the  Aetolian  and  Achaean  Leagues.  The  forces  which  stood  for 
peace  were  Egypt,  Rhodes,  Rergamum,  and  the  small  states  of 
European  Greece.  It  was  these  pacific  powers  which  especially 
claimed  protection  from  Rome. 

It  is  true  that  the  weakness  of  the  eastern  states  drew  the 
great  western  power  on  and  on,  and  that  her  own  methods 
became  less  and  less  scrupulous.  Cruelty  and  cynical  disre- 
gard for  obligations  more  and  more  stamp  her  conduct.  But, 
after  all,  as  How  and  Leigh  well  say,  "compared  with  the 
Ptolemies,  Seleucids,  and  Antigonids,3  her  hands  were  clean  and 
her  rule  bearable.     In  that  intolerable  eastern  hubbub,  men's 


1  The  Roman  commander  was  Lucius  Scipio,  who  took  the  name  Asiaticus  : 
but  credit  was  really  due  to  his  brother  Publius  Scipio  Aemilianus,  who 
accompanied  the  expedition. 

2  Of.  §  376.  Read  Mommsen,  II,  363  and  413-415,  to  support  the  quotations 
in  this  section. 

3  A  ruling  family  in  Macedonia. 


346  WINNING   THE    EAST,   201-14G   B.C.  [§395 

eyes  turned  still  with  envy  and  wonder  to  the  stable  and  well- 
ordered  Republic  of  the  West." 

"The  Roman  senate,  which  so  lately  sat  to  devise  means  to  save  Rome 
from  l  lie  grasp  of  Hannibal,  now  sits  as  a  Court  of  International  Justice 
tor  the  whole  civilized  world,  ready  to  hear  the  causesof  every  king  or  com- 
monwealth that  has  any  plaint  against  any  other  king  or  commonwealth. 
.  .  .  The  Roman  Fathers  judge  the  causes  of  powers  which  in  theory  are 
the  equal  allies  of  Rome ;  they  judge  hy  virtue  of  no  law,  of  no  treaty  ; 
they  judge  because  the  common  instinct  of  mankind  sees  the  one  uni- 
versal judge  in  the  one  power  which  has  strength  to  enforce  its  judg- 
ments."—  Freeman,  Chief  Periods,  58. 

II.     THE   PROTECTORATES   BECOME   PROVINCES. 

395.  A  Gradual  Process  — Rome  could  not  stop  with  protec- 
torates. They  had  neither  the  blessings  of  real  liberty  nor 
the  good  order  of  provinces;  and  gradually  Rome  was  led  into 
a  process  of  annexation  in  the  civilized  East,  as  already  in  the 
barbarous  West.  By  146,  this  process  was  well  under  way; 
and  in  the  next  hundred  years  —  before  the  day  of  the  Caesars 
—  the  old  power  of  influence  over  "allies"  had  everywhere  been 
transformed  into  dominion  over  provinces. 

Long  before  the  close  of  that  period,  there  took  place  a 
deplorable  change  in  Roman  policy.  Appetite  for  power  gf^w 
with  its  exercise.  Jealousy  appeared  toward  t"he  prosperity 
of  even  the  most  devoted  ally.  And  finally,  to  complete  the 
extension  of  her  sway  in  the  East,  where  she  had  at  first  hesi- 
tated over-modestly,  Rome  sank  to  treacheries  and  violences  as 
base  and  high-handed  as  those  that  marked  her  treatment  of 
<  larthage. 

To  tell  in  full  the  story  of  this  Roman  expansion  is  not 
possible  in  a  book  like  tins.     We  can  note  only  a  few  great 

steps  in  the  process. 

396.  Macedonia  a  Province,  146  B.C.  —  The  plots  of  Perseus, 
king  of  Macedonia,  made  inevitable  a  Third  War  with  Mace- 
donia,  and  the  Roman  victory  of  Pydna  (168  b.c.)  closed  the 
life  of    that   ancient   kingdom.     It  was  broken  up  into  four 


§397]      THE  PROTECTORATES  BECOME    PROVINCES.  347 

petty  republics,  which  were  declared  free,  but  which  were 
provinces  of  Rome  in  all  but  name  and  good  order.  They 
paid  tribute,  were  disarmed,  and  were  forbidden  intercourse 
with  one  another;  but  they  did  not  at  first  receive  a  Ronton 
governor  or  obtain  the  benefits  of  firm  administration.  Sum.. 
years  later  a  pretended  son  of  Perseus  tried  to  restore  the 
monarchy ;  and  this  attempt  led  to  the  full  establishment  of 
the  Roman  "Province  of  Macedonia,"  with  a  Roman  magis- 
trate at  its  head  (146  B.C.). 

397.  Rearrangements  in  Greece.  —  The  same  year  witnessed 
important  rearrangements  in  Greece.  Various  factious  there 
had  sympathized  with  Perseus  in  his  hopeless  struggle,  and 
had  been  sternly  or  cruelly  punished.  In  the  years  that 
followed,  the  Roman  Senate  was  called  upon  to  listen  to  cease- 
less wearisome  complaints  from  one  Greek  city  or  party  against 
another.  The  Roman  policy  was  sometimes  vacillating,  some- 
times contemptuous.  Finally  a  clash  came  with  the  Achaeans, 
who  recklessly  defied  repeated  Roman  warnings.  The  Achaean 
Confederacy  fell  easily  before  Roman  arms,  in  146  e.g.  Corinth 
had  been  the  chief  offender.  By  order  of  the  Senate,  that  city 
was  burned  and  its  site  cursed.1 

Greece  was  not  yet  made  a  province,  but  it  was  treated  as 
Macedon  had  been  just  after  Pydna,  and  was  virtually  ruled 
by  the  Roman  governor  of  Macedon.2  Thus  the  one  year 
146  b.c.  saw  the  last  territory  of  Carthage  made  a  Roman  prov- 
ince  and  the  first  province  formed  in  the  old  empire  of  Alex- 
ander, together  with  the  destruction  of  the  ancient  cities  of 
Carthage  and  Corinth. 

1  The  destruction  of  Corinth  was  a  greater  crime  than  that  of  Carthage, 
Syracuse,  Capua,  or  the  other  capitals  that  Roman  envy  laid  low.  Corinth 
was  the  great  emporium  of  Greece,  and  its  ruin  was  due  mainly  to  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  commercial  class  in  Rome.  Its  art  treasures,  so  far  its  preserved, 
became  the  plunder  of  the  Roman  state;  but  much  was  lust.  Polybius  saw 
common  soldiers  playing  at  dice,  amid  the  still  smoking  ruins,  on  the  paint- 
ings of  the  greatest  masters. 

2  A  century  later,  Greece  became  the  Province  of  Achaea.  About  the  same 
time,  Corinth  was  rebuilt  by  Caesar  (§  464),  and  Carthage  by  Octavius  (§  175). 


348 


WINNING   THE   EAST,    201-146  B.C. 


[§  398 


398.  The  Province  of  Asia.  —  A  few  years  later  (133  b.c.)  the 
king  of  Pergamum  willed  to  Koine  his  realms,  which  became 
the  Province  of  Asia.1  Further  progress  in  the  East  in  this 
period   consisted   in   jealously   reducing   friendly   allies,   like 


Nu 


Ml 


146  B.C. 

Roman  Dominions 
Roman  Dependence 


% 


Rhodes,  to  the  condition  of  subjects,  and  in  openly  setting  up 
protectorates  over  Egypt  and  Syria. 

It  is  in  this  last  series  of  events  that  Rome's  lust  for  power 
begins  to  show  most  hatefully.  She  had  no  more  generosity 
for  a  faithful  ally  than  she  had  magnanimity  toward  a  fallen 
foe,  and  her  treatment  of  Pergamum  gains  little  by  contrast 
with  her  perfidious  dealings  with  Carthage. 


III.    GENERAL  RESULT  IN   146  B.C.— A  GRAECO-ROMAN 
WORLD   UNDER   ROMAN   SWAY. 

399.  Rome  the  Sole  Great  Power.  —  In  264  b.c.  Rome  had 
been  one  of  Jive  Great  Powers  (§  357).  By  the  peace  of  201, 
after  Zama,  Carthage  disappeared  from  that  list.  In  the  next 
fifty  years,  Cynoscephalae,  Magnesia,  Pydna,  and  Roman  diplo- 

1  After  flic;  battle  of  Magnesia  (§  393),  Pergamum  had  been  enlarged,  so 
thai  ii  included  mosl  <>f  western  Asia  Minor.  This  region  was  now  known  as 
"  \-ia.''  Ii  is  in  this  sense  that  the  word  Asia  is  used  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  as.  for  instance,  when  Paul  says,  that,  after  going  through  Phrygia, 
In-  was  Forbidden  "to  pass  into  Asia,"  and  again,  later,  that  "all  they  who 
dwell  in  Asia"  heard  t lie  word. 


§4()ii]     GRAECO-ROMAN  WORLD  UNDER   ROMAN  SWAY.    349 

macy  removed  three  of  the  others.  In  146,  Rome  was  the  sole 
Great  Power.  She  had  annexed  as  provinces  all  the  dominions 
of  Carthage  and  of  Macedonia.  Egypt  and  Syria  had  become 
protectorates.  All  the  smaller  states  had  been  brought  within 
her  "sphere  of  influence."  She  held  the  heritage  of  Alex- 
ander as  well  as  that  of  Carthage.  There  remained  no  state 
able  to  dream  of  equality  with  Rome. 

400.  Distinction  between  the  Latin  West  and  the  Greek  East.—  At 
the  same  time,  while  Rome  was  really  mistress  in  both  East  and  West, 
her  relations  with  the  two  sections  were  widely  different.  In  the  West, 
Rome  appeared  on  the  stage  as  the  successor  of  Carthage  ;  and  to  the 
majority  of  her  western  subjects,  despite  terrible  cruelties  in  war,  she 
brought  better  order  and  higher  civilization  than  they  had  known.  Thus 
the  western  world  became  Latin. 

In  the  East,  Rome  appeared  first  as  the  liberator  of  the  Greeks.  Her 
provincial  system  and  the  good  Roman  order  were  introduced  slowly ; 
and  to  the  last,  the  East  remained  Greek,  not  Latin,  in  language,  customs, 
and  thought.  The  Adriatic  continued  to  divide  the  Latin  and  Greek  civili- 
zations when  the  two  shared  the  world  tinder  the  sway  of  Home. 


For  Further  Reading.  — An  admirable  brief  treatment  of  the  expan- 
sion in  the  East  is  given  in  Pelham,  140-157.  Mommsen  and  Ihne  give 
sharply  opposed  views  of  Rome's  intentions  in  Greece  ;  their  works  may 
be  consulted  for  the  period  by  advanced  students.  The  histories  of  Greece 
that  deal  with  this  period  are  useful,  especially  Holm,  Thirlwall,  and 
Mahaffy.  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Aemilius  Paulus,"  "  Flamininus,")  as 
usual.  All  should  read  the  noble  summary  of  the  whole  period  oi  Ro 
man  expansion  in  Freeman's  Chief  Periods,  45—59. 

Review  Exercises.  —  1.   Catchword  review  of  Rome's  progress  in  the 
East. 

2.  Connected  review  of  the  general  topic  of  Rome's  growth  by  large 
periods  ;  thus,  — 

(1)  Growth  under  the  Kings,  753-510  (?). 

(2)  Growth   during   the   strife   between   patricians   and   plebeians, 

510-367. 

(3)  Growth  of  united  Rome  (under  the  guidance  of  the  Senate), 

367-146. 

3.  Catchword  review  of  the  same  topic,  — Roman   expansion,  from 
legendary  times  to  146  b.c. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

NEW   STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C. 
I.     PRELIMINARY   SURVEY. 

401.  A  Summary  of  Periods  of  History  under  the  Republic. — 
The  history  of  the  Koman  Republic  falls  into  three  great 
divisions. 

a.  The  internal  conflict  between  plebeians  and  patricians  (a 
century  and  a  half,  510-367).  This  period  closed  with  the 
fusion  of  the  old  classes  into  a  united  people. 

b.  The  expansion  of  this  united  Rome  (a  little  more  than 
two  centuries):  over  Italy,  367-2G6;  over  the  Mediterranean 
coasts,  l'G4-14G. 

c.  A  hen-  internal  strife  (something  less  than  a  century, 
146-49).  This  time  the  conflict  was  between  rich  and  poor,1 
between  Rome  and  her  "Allies,"  and  between  Italy  and  the 
provinces. 

The  first  two  periods  we  have  already  surveyed.  The  third 
is  the  subject  of  the  present  chapter. 

402.  The  Great  Evils  of  the  Period.  —  We  have  noted  that 
Rome  v  ;is  governed  by  a  new  "nobility"  (§  345).  This  sena- 
torial oligarchy  carried  Rome  triumphantly  through  her  great 

•.II-,  but  it  failed  to  devise  a  plan  of  government  fit  for  the 
conquests  outside  Italy.  It  knew  how  to  conquer,  but  not 
how  to  rule.  There  followed  a  century  of  gross  misgovernment 
abroad.  This  corrupted  the  citizens  and  lowered  the  moral 
tone  at  hum.-,  until  the  Republic  was  no  longer  fit  to  rule  even 

lt;ilv  oi-  herself.     There  resulted  a  threefold  conflict:  in  Rome, 

'■  Observe  thai  this  class  struggle  bears  more  closely  upon  questions  of  our 
own  day  than  did  the  earlier  conflict  of  plebeians  and  patricians. 

350 


§404]  THE    EVILS  IN    ROME.  ',.",1 

between  rich  and  poor ;  in  Italy,  between  Rome  and  tin-  "  Allies"; 
in  the  empire  at  large,  between  Italy  and  the  provinces. 

Moreover,  Rome  had  left  no  other  state  able  to  keep  the  seas 
free  from  pirates  or  to  guard  the  frontiers  of  the  civilized 
world  against  barbarians.  It  was  therefore  her  plain  duty  to 
police  the  Mediterranean  lands  herself.  But  ere  long  this 
simple  duty  was  neglected:  the  seas  swarmed  again  with  pirate 
fleets,  and  new  barbarian  thunderclouds,  unwatched,  gathered 
on  all  the  frontiers. 

403.  The  Plan  of  the  Chapter.  — Each  of  these  evils  will  be  surveyed 
In  detail  (§§  404-417).'  Then  we  shall  notice  how  the  senatorial  oligarchy 
grew  more  and  more  irresponsible  and  incompetent.  It  was  not  able 
itself  to  grapple  with  the  new  problems  which  expansion  had  brought,  and 
it  jealously  crushed  out  each  individual  statesman  who  tried  to  heal  the 
diseases  of  the  state  in  constitutional  ways  (§§  420-431).  Thus,  when 
the  situation  became  unbearable,  power  fell  to  a  series  of  military  chiefs 
. —  Marius,  Sulla,  Pompey,  Caesar.  The  despotic  usurpations  of  these 
leaders  led  to  a  new  system  of  government  which  we  call  the  Empire. 


II.     THE   EVILS   IN   DETAIL. 

A.   Ix  Rome. 

404.  Economic  and  Moral  Decline  due  to  the  Great  Wars.  — 
Rome  had  begun  to  decline  in  morals  and  in  industry  before 

the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War.  Even  a  glorious  war  lends 
to  demoralize  society.  It  corrupts  morals,  and  creates  ex- 
tremes of  wealth  and  poverty.  Extreme  poverty  lowers  the 
moral  tone  further.  So  does  quick-won  and  illegitimate 
wealth.  Then  the  moral  decay  of  the  citizens  shows  in  the 
state  as  political  disease.  The  Second  Punic  War  teaches  this 
lesson  to  the  full. 

In  that  war  Italy  lost  a  million  lives  —  the  flower  of  the  citi- 
zen body.  The  adult  Roman  citizens  fell  off  from  298,000  to 
214,000.  Over  much  of  the  peninsula  the  homesteads  had  been 
hopelessly  devastated ;  while  years  of  camp  life,  with  plunder 
for  pay,  had  corrupted  the  simple  tastes  of  the  old  yeomen.     I  o 


352  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    140-49   B.C.  [§  405 

the  ruin  of  the  small  farmer,  Hannibal  had  dealt  his  enemy  a 
deadlier  blow  than  he  ever  knew. 

Trade,  too,  had  stagnated,  and  illegitimate  profits  were 
eagerly  sought.  The  merchants  who  had  risked  their  wealth 
so  enthusiastically  to  supply  their  country  in  her  dire  need 
after  Cannae  (§  376),  began  to  indemnify  themselves,  as  soon 
as  that  peril  was  over,  by  fraudulent  war  contracts.  We  are 
told  even  that  sometimes  they  over-insured  ships,  supposed 
to  be  loaded  with  supplies  for  the  army  in  Spain  or  Africa, 
and  then  scuttled  them,  to  get  the  insurance  money  from  the 
state.  Later  conquests  gave  this  merchant  class  still  further 
opportunities. 

Thus  the  farmers  had  been  impoverished,  and  in  the  cities 
there  gathered  a  starving  rabble,  while  between  these  masses 
and  the  old  senatorial  oligarchy  sprang  up  a  new  aristocracy 
of  wealth.  Its  members  were  known  as  equites  (knights).1 
Its  riches  were  based  on  rapacious  plunder  of  conquered  coun- 
tries, mi  fraudulent  contracts  with  the  government  at  home, 
on  reckless  speculation,  and  on  unjust  appropriation  of  the 
public  lands.2 

405.  The  Rise  of  Luxury.  —  With  the  equites  and  the  nobles, 
the  old  Roman  simplicity  gave  way  to  sumptuous  luxury.  There 
was  growing  display  in  dress  and  at  the  table,  in  rich  draperies 
and  couches  and  other  house  furnishings,  in  the  celebration  of 
marriages,  and  at  funerals.  As  the  Roman  Juvenal  wrote 
later:  "Luxury  has  fallen  upon  us  —  more  terrible  than  the 
sword;  the  conquered  East  has  avenged  herself  by  the  gift 
of  her  vices."  The  economic  phenomena,  good  and  bad,  that 
had  occurred  in  the  Greek  world  (§§  227,  235)  after  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander,  were  now  repeated  on  a  larger  scale  in 
Italy  —  with  this  difference,  that  the  coarser  Roman  resorted 
too  often  to  tawdry  display  and  to  gluttony  or  other  brutal 

1  This  order  must  nol  be  confused  with  the  earlier  military  class  of  knights 

-  The  restriction  of  the  Licinian  law  (§  322)  had  soon  become  a  dead  letter, 
and  the  wealthy  classes  i tinned  to  use  the  state  lands  as  private  property. 


§407]  THE   EVILS    IN    ROME.  353 

excesses,  from  which  the  more  refined  and  temperate  Greek 
turned  with  disgust. 

Alongside  this  private  luxury,  there  grew  the  practice  of 
entertaining  the  populace  with  public  shows.  These  were 
often  connected  with  religious  festivals,  and  were  of  in;in\ 
kinds.  It  was  the  special  duty  of  the  aediles  to  care;  for 
public  entertainment,  but  gradually  many  candidates  for 
popular  favor  began  to  give  shows  of  this  kind. 

406.  Gladiatorial  Games.  —  Among  these  new  shows  were  the 
horrible  gladiatorial  games.  These  came,  not  from  the  Greek 
East,  but  from  neighbors  in  Italy.  They  were  an  old  Etruscan 
custom  (§  260,  close),  and  were  introduced  into  Rome  about  the 
beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars.  A  gladiatorial  contest  was  a 
combat  in  which  two  men  fought  each  other  to  the  death  for 
the  amusement  of  the  spectators.  The  practice  was  probably 
connected  with  ancient  human  sacrifices  for  the  dead,  and  at 
Home  the  first  contests  of  this  kind  took  place  only  at  the 
funerals  of  nobles.  By  degrees,  however,  they  became  the  most 
popular  of  the  public  amusements  and  were  varied  in  character. 
A  long  series  of  combats  would  be  given  at  a  single  exhibition, 
and  many  couples,  armed  in  different  ways,  would  engage  at  the 
same  time.  Sometimes  wild  beasts,  also,  fought  each  other, 
and  sometimes  beasts  fought  with  men. 

At  first  the  gladiators  were  captives  in  war,  and  fought  in 
their  native  fashion,  for  the  instruction  as  well  as  the  entertain- 
ment of  the  spectators.  Later,  slaves  and  condemned  criminals 
were  used.  Finally  this  fighting  became  a  profession,  for  which 
men  prepared  by  careful  training  in  gladiatorial  schools. 

407.  Greek  Culture.  —  Alongside  these  evil  features  there 
was  some  compensation  in  a  new  inflow  of  Greek  culture. 
Men  like  Mamininus  and  the  Scipios  absorbed  much  of  the 
best  spirit  of  Greek  thought;  and  there  was  a  general  ad- 
miration for  Greek  art  and  literature.  For  a  long  time  to 
come,  however,  this  did  not  make  Home  herself  productive 
in  art  or  literature.  Greek  became  the  fashionable  language; 
Greek  marbles  and  pictures  were  carried  off  from  Greek  cities 


354  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49  B.C.  [§  408 

to  adorn  Roman  palaces.  But  Rome,  in  this  period,  produced 
few  great  sculptors  or  painters,  and  such  books  as  appeared 
were  mainly  the  work  of  Greek  adventurers  (§  523). 

408.  The  Continued  Decline  of  the  Yeomanry  after  the  Wars.1  — 
Aiter  the  great  wars  were  over,  the  rift  between  rich  and  poor 
went  on  widening.  Rome  soon  had  its  hungry  masses  of  un- 
employed laborers  in  the  city  and  its  land  question  in  the 
country. 

The  yeomanry  who  had  survived  the  ruin  of  war  wrere  fast 
scpieezed  off  the  land  by  new  economic  conditions  which  the 
ruling  classes  did  not  try  to  correct.  Sicily  and  other  provinces 
supplied  Italian  cities  with  corn  cheaper  than  the  Italian 
fanner  could  raise.  The  large  landlord  in  Italy  turned  to 
cattle-grazing,  or  to  wine  and  oil  culture.  The  small  farmer 
had  no  such  escape,  for  these  forms  of  industry  called  for 
large  tracts  and  slave  labor.  For  grazing,  or  often  simply  for 
pleasure  resorts,  the  new  capitalists  and  the  nobility  wranted 
huge  domains,  and  sought  to  buy  out  the  poor  farmers.  The 
decreased  profits  of  grain  raising  usually  made  this  class  ready 
to  sell.  At  the  same  time,  the  wars  in  the  East  furnished 
an  abundance  of  cheap  slaves  for  the  wealthy  class,  so  that 
the  landless  freeman  could  find  no  employer. 

Thus  we  have  a  group  of  factors,  all  tending  to  the  same  end:  — 

a.  the  cheap  grain  from  the  provinces; 

b.  the  introduction  of  a  new  industry  better  suited  to  large 
holdings  and  to  slave  labor; 

c.  the  growth  of  large  fortunes  eager  for  landed  investment ; 
</.  the  growth  of  a  cheap  slave  supply. 

And  so  great  ranches,  with  slave  herdsmen  and  their  flocks, 
took  tin'  place  of  many  cottages  on  small,  well-tilled  farms,  each 
of  which  once  supported  its  independent  family  of  Italian  citi- 
zens. The  small  farmers,  formerly  the  backbone  of  Italian 
society  in  peace  and  war  alike,  drifted  from  the  soil  to  form 
a   miserable   rabble  at  the   capital.      There  they   became  the 

1  Bead  Mommsen,  III,  304-308,  311-314,  or  Ihne,  IV,  eh.  xii. 


§410]  THE   EVILS   IN    ROME.  355 

allies  and   finally   the    masters   of   cunning  politicians,   who 

amused  them  with  festivals  and  gladiatorial  shows,  ami  who 
were  finally  to  support  them,  at  state  expense,  with  free 
grain.  The  lines  of  an  English  poet,  two  thousand  years 
later,  regarding  similar  phenomena  in  his  own  country,  apply 
to  this  Italy  :  — 

"  111  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 
Where  wealth  accumulates,  and  men  decay  !  " 

409.  Violent  Seizure  of  Land  by  the  Rich.  —  When  the  small 
farmer  would  not  sell,  the  rich  and  grasping  landlord  some- 
times  had  recourse  to  force  or  fraud,  to  get  the  coveted  patch 
of  land.  This  was  especially  true  in  the  more  secluded 
regions,  where,  despite  all  discouragements,  the  yeomen  clung 
stubbornly  to  their  ancestral  fields.1  In  pathetic  words  the 
Latin  poet  Horace  (§  525)  describes  the  violence  and  trickery 
used  by  the  great  man  toward  such  helpless  victims. 

410.  Political  Results:  Growth  of  the  Mob  and  Decay  of  the 
Constitution. — The  economic  changes  had  replaced  the  rugged, 
honest  citizen-farmer  with  an  incapable,  effeminate  nobility 
and  a  mongrel,  hungry  mob,  reenforced  by  freed  slaves.  With 
this  moral  decline  came  political  decay.  The  constitution  in 
theory  remained  that  of  the  conquerors  of  Pyrrhus  and  of 
Hannibal,  but  in  reality  it  had  become  a  plaything  tossed 
back  and  forth  between  factions  in  the  degenerate  state.  Old 
ideas  of  loyalty,  obedience,  regard  for  law,  self-restraint,  grew 
rare.  Young  nobles  flattered  and  caressed  the  populace  for 
votes.2  Bribery  became  undisguised  and  rampant.  Statesmen 
came  to  disregard  all  checks  of  the  constitution  in  order  t<> 
carry  a  point. 

1  Read  Moramsen,  III,  313. 

2  On  the  rabble,  see  Mommsen,  III,  35-40  and  329-332.  Few  were  those  w  ho 
could  defy  the  hissings  as  did  the  younger  Africanus:  "Silence,  ye  step- 
children of  Italy.  Think  ye  I  fear  those  whom  I  myself  brought  in  chains  to 
Rome?"  Special  report:  the  incident  in  which  Africanus  used  these  words. 
Observe  the  suggestion  as  to  the  mixed,  non-Italian  character  of  the  Roman 
populace. 


356  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    116-49   B.C.  [§411 

411.  Political  Results  :  Decline  of  the  Senate.  —  Meantime  the 

senatorial  oligarchy  closed  up  its  ranks.  A  law  provided  that 
the  great  offices  could  be  held  only  in  a  certain  order;  and,  by 
custom,  the  lowest  curule  office,  the  aedileship,  was  so  burdened 
with  costly  spectacles  for  the  populace  that  only  men  of  great 
wealth  or  the  most  reckless  gamesters  could  start  upon  a  politi- 
cal career.1  Thus  secure  in  their  own  fortunes,  the  nobles  let 
tilings  go  at  will,  grasping  for  themselves  the  profits  of  empire, 
but  shirking  its  responsibilities. 

Of  course,  among  the  cowardly  and  dissolute  aristocrats 
there  were  noble  exceptions ;  but  Mommsen,  who  so  generously 
applauded  the  Senate  of  200  b.c.  (§  .348),  says  of  its  successor 
eighty  years  later :  — 

"It  sat  on  the  vacated  throne  with  an  evil  conscience  and  divided 
hopes,  indignant  at  the  institutions  of  the  state  which  it  ruled,  and  yet 
incapable  of  even  systematically  assailing  them,  vacillating  in  all  its  con- 
duct except  where  its  own  material  advantage  prompted  a  decision,  a 
picture  of  faithlessness  toward  its  own  as  well  as  the  opposite  party,  of 
inward  inconsistency,  of  the  most  pitiful  impotence,  of  the  meanest 
selfishness,  —  an  unsurpassed  ideal  of  misrule."2 

B.   Ix  Italy. 

412.  The  distinction  between  citizens  and  subjects  (§  334  ff.) 
was  drawn  more  sharply.  Admission  to  Roman  citizenship 
from  without  almost  ceased.  New  Latin  colonies  were  no 
longer  founded.  -Laws  restricted  the  old  freedom  of  Latin 
migration  to  Rome,  and  confounded  the  Latins  with  the  other 
••  Allies."'  The  grade  of  inferior  municipalities,  too,  disap- 
peared,  partly  by  promotion,  partly  by  degradation.3 


Mime,  II,  181;  Mommsen,  HI,  40-12  ami  124-126.  Special  report:  new 
games  ami  Festivals  in  (his  pcri.nl.  On  the  effect  of  the  lack  of  salary  for 
public  sen  ice,  cf.  §§  177  ami  244. 

-  To  kiip  cleat  tin-  significance  <>f  this  decline  of  the  Senate,  let  the  student 
reread  (with  reference  to  dates)  §§  348,  349,  K>3,  ill. 

ad  Mommsen,  111,23  29.     Ii  maj  be  well  I'm- the  student  to  prepare  for 
'^  412-413  bj  reviewing  §§  334-349. 


§414]  MISGOVERNMENT  IN  THE    PROVINCES.  307 

413.  Growth  of  Roman  Insolence  toward  the  "  Subjects."  — 
This  sharpening  of  the  line  between  Romans  and 
tended  to  create  envy  on  one  side  and  haughtiness  on  the  other. 
Rome  began  openly  to  treat  the  "Allies"  as  subjects.  They 
were  given  a  smaller  share  of  the  plunder  in  war  than  formerly, 
and  they  were  ordered  to  double  their  proportion  of  soldiers 
for  the  army. 

Worse  than  this,  was  the  occasional  insolence  or  brutality 
of  a  Roman  official.  In  one  town  the  city  consul  was  stripped 
and  scourged  because  the  wife  of  a  Roman  magistrate  felt 
aggrieved  that  the  public  baths  were  not  vacated  quickly  enough 
when  she  desired  to  use  them.  In  another,  a  young  Roman 
idler,  looking  on  languidly  from  his  litter,  caused  a  free  herds- 
man to  be  whipped  to  death  for  a  light  jest  at  his  expense.1 

C.   In  the  Provinces.2 

414.  Irregular  Growth  of  the  Provincial  System  and  its  Dete- 
rioration.—  The  growth  of  provincial  government  had  been  a 
matter  of  patchwork  and  makeshifts.  There  had  been  no  com- 
prehensive views  of  Roman  interests  and  no  earnest  desire  to 
govern  for  the  good  of  the  provincials.  Both  these  things  had 
to  wait  for  the  Caesars.  The  Republic  began  its  world-rule  by 
adopting,  with  some  changes,  the  systems  of  taxation  it  found 
in  force  in  its  different  conquests.  At  first,  to  be  sure,  1 1n- 
Roman  administration  was  more  honest,  capable,  and  just,  than 
the  Carthaginian  or  the  Greek.  But  irresponsible  power  bred 
recklessness  and  corruption.     Deterioration  soon  set  in;  and, 

i  These  incidents  were  stated  by  Caius  Gracchus  (§  426)  in  the  year  123,  in 
his  fiery  pleas  for  reform. 

2  Mommsen,  III,  29-35;  Ihne,  IV,  197-208;  Pelham,  174-186,  327-329;  Arnold, 
Roman  Provincial  Administration.  40-88.  On  the  governor's  tyranny, 
Cicero's  Oration  against  Verves,  or  the  chapter  on  "ARoman  Magistrate"  in 
Church's  Roman  Life  in  the  Days  of  Cicero.  By  133,  there  were  eighl  prov- 
inces, —  Sicily,  Sardinia  and  Corsica,  Hither  Spain.  Farther  Spain,  Africa, 
Illyria  (which  had  been  conquered  after  the  third  Macedonian  War),  Mace- 
donia, and  Asia.  Cisalpine  Gaul,  Southern  Caul,  and  Greece  were  Roman 
possessions  and  were  soon  to  be  provinces. 


358  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-4'J   B.C.  [§415 

before  the  year  100,  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  West  had 
gained  by  the  fall  of  Carthage.  It  took  the  Empire  with  its 
better  aims  and  methods  to  dispel  the  doubt. 

415.  Marks  of  a  Province. — At  the  worst,  existing  institu- 
tions were  everywhere  respected,  with  true  lioman  tolerance. 
As  in  Italy,  however,  the  different  cities  were  jealously  isolated 
in un  one  another.  As  in  Italy,  too,  there  were  various  grades 
of  cities.  To  most  of  them  was  left  their  self-control  for 
purely  local  concerns,  and  some  nominally  were  independent 
allies,  with  special  exemption  from  taxes.  But  in  general, 
the  distinctive  marks  of  a  province,  as  opposed  to  Italian 
communities,  were  (1)  payment  of  tribute  in  money  or  grain,1 
1 1' i  disarmament^  and  (3)  the  absolute  rule  of  a  Roman  governor. 

416.  The  Governor.  —  The  actual  working  of  the  s}^stem 
rested  with  the  governor,  and  everything  tended  to  make  him 
a  tyrant.  He  was  appointed  by  the  Senate  from  those  who 
had  just  held  consulships  or  praetorships,  and  he  had  the  title 
of  pro-consul  or  pro-praetor.  His  power,  even  in  peace,  was  as 
great  as  the  consul  exercised  at  the  head  of  an  army.  He  had 
no  colleague.  There  was  no  appeal  from  his  decrees.  There 
was  no  tribune  to  veto  his  act.  He  had  soldiery  to  enforce  Ids 
commands.  His  whole  official  staff  went  out  with  him,  and 
were  strictly  subordinate  to  him. 

The  persons  of  the  provincials  were  at  his  mercy.  In  Cisal- 
pine Gaul  a  governor  caused  a  noble  Gaul,  a  fugitive  in  his 
cam] i,  to  he  beheaded,  merely  to  gratify  with  the  sight  a  worth- 
less favorite  who  lamented  that  he  had  missed  the  gladiatorial 
games  at  Rome.  There  was  even  less  check  upon  the  gov- 
ernor'.-, financial  oppression.  All  offices  were  unpaid;  the  way 
to  them  was  through  vast  expense;  and  the  plundering  of  a 
province  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  natural  means  of  repay- 
ing one's  self  for  previous  outlay  and  for  a  temporary  exile 


1  The  "  Allies"  iii  Italy  furnished  men.  but  <liil  not  pay  tribute.  The  posi- 
tion of  tin'  provincial  cities  was  less  honorable  in  Reman  eyes,  and  it  was 
more  liable  to  abuse  (§  U6). 


§417J  MISGOVERNMENT    IN   THE    PROVINCES  359 

from    Rome.     In  short,  the  senatorial  nobility   passed  around 
the  provinces  among  themselves  as  so  much  spoil. 

A  governor  might  be  brought  to  trial,  it  is  true  ;  but  only  after 
his  term  had  expired;  and  only  at  Rome.  Poor  provincials, of 
course,  had  to  endure  any  abuse  withoui  even  seeking  red] 
and  in  any  case  it  was  rarely  possible  to  secure  conviction  even 
of  the  grossest  offenders.  The  only  court  for  such  trials  was 
made  up  of  senators.1  Thus  many  of  the  judges  wnc  them- 
selves interested  in  similar  plunderings;  and,  with  the  best  of 
them,  class  spirit  stood  in  the  way  of  convicting  a  noble. 

When  other  means  failed  to  secure  acquittal,  the  culprit 
could  fall  back  on  bribery.  When  Verres  was  given  the  prov- 
ince of  Sicily  for  three  years,  Cicero  tells  us,  he  cynically 
declared  it  quite  enough:  "In  the  first  year  lie  could  secure 
enough  plunder  for  himself;  in  the  second  for  his  friends;  in 
the  third  for  his  judges." 

417.  The  Provinces  the  " Estates  of  the  Roman  People.'' — It 
was  not  the  senatorial  class  alone,  however,  who  enriched  them- 
selves from  the  provinces.  All  Rome,  and  indeed  all  Italy, 
drew  profit  from  them. 

The  state  now  secured  its  immense  revenues  mainly  from 
taxation  of  the  provincials,  and  from  its  domains  and  mines  in 
the  provinces.  The  equites,  organized  in  companies  (■•publi- 
cans'') or  as  private  speculators,  with  their  agents,  swarmed  by 
tens  of  thousands  in  every  rich  province.  They  conducted  all 
public  works,  with  corrupt  contracts.  They  "  farmed  "  the  taxes 
(that  is,  they  paid  the  Roman  treasury  a  fixed  amount,  and 
then  squeezed  from  the  province  as  much  more  as  they  could  i. 
They  loaned  money  at  infamous  interest;  and.  dividing  their 
ill-gotten  plunder  with  the  governor,  they  robbed  the  unhappy 
provincials  mercilessly  in  many  ways.-  Thr  populact  looked 
to  the  provinces  for  cheap  grain,  and  for  wild-beast  shows  and 
other  spectacles. 

1  Later  on,  the  equites  were  admitted  to  these  courts;  §  4'J7,  close. 

2  Head  Aruold,  Provincial  Administration,  82,  83. 


300  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§418 

"  Italy  was  to  rule  and  feast ;  the  provinces  were  to  obey  ami 
pay."  And  withal  it  was  nobody's  business  in  particular  to 
see  that  these  "farms  of  the  Eoman  people"  were  not  rapidly 
and  wastefully  exhausted. 

D.     Slavery. 

We  have  now  surveyed,  the  first  three  of  the  four  great 
evils  mentioned  in  §  402.  The  fourth  (the  danger  of  barba- 
rian inroads)  can  be  best  dealt  with  in  the  narrative  to 
follow  (§§  434,  441,  450,  etc.).  But  Rome's  most  dangerous 
barbarians  were  in  her  midst ;  and  a  few  words  must  be 
given  now  to  the  evils  of  Roman  slavery. 

418.  The  Extent  and  Brutal  Nature  of  Roman  Slavery.1  —  In 
the  last  period  of  the  Republic,  slavery  was  unparalleled  in  its 
immensity  and  degradation.  Mommsen  is  probably  right  in 
saying  that  in  comparison  with  its  abyss  of  suffering  all  negro 
slavery  is  but  as  a  drop.  Captives  in  war  were  commonly  sold 
by  the  state  or  given  away  to  wealthy  nobles.  To  keep  up 
the  supply  of  slaves,  man  hunts  were  regularly  organized  on 
the  frontiers,  and  some  of  the  provinces  themselves  were  deso- 
lated by  kidnappers.  At  the  market  in  Delos  ten  thousand 
slaves  were  sold  in  a  single  day. 

The  slaves  came  in  part  from  the  cultured  East,  but  they 
came  also  from  the  wildest  and  most  ferocious  barbarians, — 
Gauls,  Goths,  .Moors.  The  more  favored  ones  became  school- 
masters, secretaries,  stewards.2  The  most  unfortunate  were 
savage  herdsmen  and  the  hordes  of  branded  and  shackled 
laborers,  who  were  clothed  in  rags  and  who  slept  in  under- 
ground dungeons. 

The  maxim  of  even  the  model  Roman,  Cato  (§  420),  was  to 
work  them  like  so  many  cattle,  selling  off  the  old  and  infirm. 


1  Mommsen,  III.  68-73,  305-311;  or  Beesly,  The  Gracchi,  10-14. 

-  Tin-  student  niii-t  m>t  think  of  slaves  in  ancient  times  as  usually  of  a 
different  color  and  race  from  the  masters.  The  fact  that  they  were  commonly 
of  like  blood,  and  often  of  higher  culture,  gave  to  ancient  slavery  a  peculiar 
character,  when  compared  with  more  modern  slavery. 


§410]  SLAVERY.  361 

"The  slave,"  said  he,  "should  be  always  either  working  or 
sleeping."     With  the  worst  class  of  masters  the  brutal  Roman 
nature  vented  itself  in  inhuman  cruelties.      The   result    was 
expressed  in  the  saying  —  "  So  many  slaves,  so  many  enen 
The  truth  of  this  maxim  was  to  find  too  much  proof. 

419.  Slave  Wars.  —  In  the  year  135  came  the  first  of  a  long 
series  of  slave  revolts.  Seventy  thousand  insurgenl  slaves 
were  masters  of  Sicily  for  four  years.  They  defeated  army 
after  army  that  Home  sent  against  them,  and  desolated 
the  island  with  indescribable  horrors  before  the  revolt  was 
stamped  out. 

Thirty  years  later,  when  Rome  was  trembling  before  the 
Teutonic  invasion  (§  434),  occurred  a  Second  Sicilian  Slave 
War  —  more  formidable  even  than  the  first,1  lasting  five  years. 
Other  slave  risings  took  place  at  the  same  time.  Another 
thirty  years,  and  there  came  the  terrible  slave  revolt  in  Italy 
itself,  headed  by  the  gallant  Spartacus.  Spartacus  was  a 
Thracian  captive  who  had  been  forced  to  become  a  gladiator. 
Escaping  from  the  gladiatorial  school  at  Capua,  with  a  few 
companions,  he  fled  to  the  mountains.  There  he  was  joined 
by  other  fugitive  slaves  and  outlaws  until  he  was  at  the  head 
of  an  army  of  seventy  thousand  men.  He  kept  the  field  three 
years,  and  for  a  time  threatened  Rome  itself. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  For  an  early  authority,  see  Appian,  II 
(White's  translation).     Very  full  surveys  are  given  in  Ihne,    IV,   and 

Mommsen,  bk.  iii,  chs.  xi-xiii,  and  bk.  iv,  first  part  of  ch.  ii.     A   g I 

brief  account  maybe  found  in  Beesly's  The  Gracchi,  opening  pagi 

in  Merivale's  Fall  of  the  Soman  Bepublic,  ch.  i.     The  more  important 

matters  are  given  full  references  in  the  footnotes. 

Special  Reports.  — The  Second  Sicilian  Slave  War,  and  the  revolt  of 
Spartacus. 

Review  Exercise. — General  topical  review  of  the  development  of 
the  government  of  Rome,  from  510  to  146  h.c. 

1  Mommsen,  III.  382-387,  and  Freeman's  Story  of  Sicily. 


362  STRIFE    OF    CLASSES,    140-49   B.C.  [§420 

III.     THE    GRACCHI:    ATTEMPTS   AT   PEACEFUL   REFORM. 

A.    Tiberius  Gracchus,  133  b.c. 

420.  Attempts  at  Reform  before  the  Time  of  the  Gracchi.  —  The 
evils  that  have  been  described  had  not  come  upon  Rome  with- 
out being  observed  by  thoughtful  men.  The  chief  needs  of 
the  state  may  be  summed  up  under  two  heads:  (1)  the  govern- 
ment needed  to  be  taken  from  the  incapable  senatorial  class 
and  given  to  some  organization  that  would  more  truly  repre- 
sent all  classes  in  the  state;  (2)  the  poor  in  the  cities  needed 
to  be  restored  to  the  land  as  farmers.  No  attempt  had  been 
made  to  accomplish  either  of  these  things,  but  there  had  been 
one  notable  effort  at  another  kind  of  reform. 

This  was  the  work  of  Marcus  Porcius  Oato.  Cato  was  a 
Roman  of  the  old  school,  —  austere,  upright,  energetic,  patriotic, 
but  coarse  and  narrow.  From  a  simple  Sabine  farmer,  he  had 
risen  to  the  highest  honors  of  the  state.  He  had  been  just  old 
enough  to  join  the  army  at  the  beginning  of  the  Second  Punic 
War,  in  which  he  fought  valiantly  for  sixteen  years  from  Tra- 
simene  to  Zama;  and,  half  a  century  later,  as  we  saw  (§  387),  he 
had  a  chief  part  in  bringing  on  the  Third  Punic  War.  Thus 
his  long  public  life  covered  the  period  of  chief  Roman  decline. 

Cato  longed  ardently  to  restore  "  the  good  old  days "  of 
1  Ionian  virtue  and  simplicity.  As  censor  (195  B.C.)  he  tried 
in  a  way  to  bring  back  those  days.  He  repressed  luxury 
sternly,  and  struck  from  the  Senate  some  of  the  proudest 
names  because  of  private  vices.  But  he  had  no  far-reaching 
views.  He  spent  his  force  foolishly  in  fighting  the  new  Hel- 
lenic culture  and  the  rising  standard  of  comfort.  He  did  not 
touch  the  real  evils,  or  suggest  any  remedy  for  their  causes. 
Indeed,  instead  of  himself  remaining  a  yeoman  farmer,  like 
the  Manius  (§  351)  whom  he  took  for  his  model,  he  became 
the  owner  of  great  plantations  worked  by  slave  labor.1 

1  Mi.imii-.iii  (III.  117  If.)  gives  ;i  charming  picture  of  the  best  side  of  Cato. 
The  Btudent  should  read  Plutarch's  "  Cato  "  in  the  Lives. 


§422]  TIBERIUS   GRACCHUS,    L33    B.C. 

For  a  time  there  seemed  one  other  chance.  After  1  |<;  b.c. 
Scipio  Africanus  the  Younger  was  the  foremost  man  in  Rome. 
He  was  liberal,  virtuous,  cultivated.  .Many  looked  hopefully 
to  hiin  for  reform.  But  though  more  of  a  statesman  than 
Uato,  he  lacked  Cato's  courage.  He  shrank  from  a  stru 
with  his  order;  and  when  he  laid  down  his  censorship,  he  be- 
trayed his  despair  by  praying  the  gods,  not  in  the  usual  words, 
to  enlarge  the  glory  of  Rome,  but  to  "preserve,  the  state. 

Some  slight  reforms  there  were.  For  instance,  the  ballot 
was  introduced  into  the  Assembly,  so  that  the  rich  might  have 
less  chance  for  bribery.1  But  such  measures  did  not  reach 
the  root  of  the  disease  of  the  state.  For  this  the  older  states- 
men were  too  narrow  or  too  timid;  and  the  great  attempt  fell 
to  two  youths,  the  Gracchi  brothers,  throbbing  with  the  fire  of 
genius  and  with  noble  enthusiasm. 

421.  Tiberius  Gracchus-  was  still  under  thirty  at  his  death. 
He  was  one  of  the  brilliant  circle  of  young  Romans  about 
Scipio.  His  father  had  been  a  magnificent  aristocrat.  His 
mother,  Cornelia,  a  daughter  of  the  older  Africanus,  is  as 
famous  for  her  Hue  culture  and  noble  nature  as  for  being  the 
"Mother  of  the  Gracchi."  Tiberius  himself  was  early  distin- 
guished  in  war  and  marked  by  his  uprightness  and  energy. 
This  was  the  first  man  to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  economic, 
moral,  and  political  decay  of  Italy,  by  trying  to  rebuild  the 
yeoman  class. 

422.  The  Agrarian3  Proposals  of  Tiberius.  —  Tiberius  obtained 
the  tribuneship  for  the  year  133,  and  at  once  brought  forward 
an  agrarian  law.  This  was  simply  the  land  clause  of  the  old 
Licinian  law  (§  322)  in  a  gentler  but  more  effective  form.  That 
ancient  enactment  had  become  obsolete,  and  the  public  land 
had  again  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  wealthy,  who  paid  no 
return  for  its  use.     The  proposal  of  Gracchus  was  threefold. 

1  On  these  reforms,  read  Mommsen,  III,  299  ff. 

2  Read  Beesly's  The  Gracchi,  23-37.  See  Mommsen,  III.  320-333,  tor  a  lesa 
cordial  view. 

3  "  Agrana+k'^-eieMjtoJaBiLesnaciayy  s^duul/,,ra'  ,a'"' :  '"""  ,ali"  '"''  '"• 


'S 


3(54  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§423 

a.  Each  holder  of  state  land  was  to  surrender  all  that  he 
held  in  excess  of  500  jugera  (cf.  §  322),  receiving  in  return 
absolute  title  to  the  five  hundred  left  him.1 

b.  The  land  so  reclaimed  was  to  be  given  in  small  holdings 
(30  jugera  each)  to  poor  applicants,  so  as  to  re-create  a  peas- 
antry. And  to  make  the  reform  lasting,  these  holders  were 
to  possess  their  land  in  perpetual  lease  without  right  to  sell.  In 
return,  they  were  to  pay  a  small  rent  to  the  state. 

c.  To  provide  for  changes,  and  to  keep  the  law  from  being 
neglected,  there  was  to  be  &  permanent  hoard  of  three  commis- 
sioners to  superintend  the  reclaiming  and  distributing  of  land. 

423.  The  Struggle.  —  Gracchus  urged  his  law  with  fiery 
eloquence. 

"The  wild  beasts  of  Italy  have  their  dens,  but  the  brave  men  who  spill 
their  blood  for  her  are  without  homes  or  settled  habitations.  Their  gen- 
erals do  but  mock  them  when  they  exhort  their  men  to  fight  for  their 
sepulchers  and  the  gods  of  their  hearths  ;  for  among  such  numbers  there 
is  perhaps  not  one  who  has  an  ancestral  altar.  The  private  soldiers  tight 
and  die  to  advance  the  luxury  of  the  great,  and  they  are  called  masters 
of  the  world  without  having  a  sod  to  call  their  own." 

The  Senate  of  course  opposed  the  proposal,  and  the  wealthy 
men,  who  had  so  long  enjoyed  what  did  not  belong  to  them, 
cried  out  that  the  measure  was  confiscation  and  robbery.  Tibe- 
rius brought  the  question  directly  before  the  tribes,  as  he  had 
the  right  to  do.  The  Senate  fell  back  upon  a  favorite  device. 
It  put  up  one  of  the  oilier  tribunes,  Oetavius,  to  forbid  a  vote. 
After  many  pleadings,  Tiberius  resorted  to  a  revolutionary 
measure.  In  spite  of  his  colleague's  veto,  he  put  to  the 
inbly  the  question  whether  he  or  Oetavius  should  be 
deposed;  and  when  the  vote  was  given  unanimously  against 
ins.  Tiberius  had  him  dragged  forth  from  his  seat.2  Then 
i  be  greal  law  was  passed. 


1  Tlii-  was  a  mild  measure,  and  neither  confiscation  nor  demagogism.    It 
was  farther  provided  that  an  old  holder  mighl  keep  250  jugera  more  if  he  had 
0,  and  still  another  250  it  he  had  two  sons. 
-  <  >n  tin-  morality  of  this  act,  cf.  Beesly's  The  Gracchi,  32,  3:?,  and  Momm- 
iil,  323  and  :;:;<). 


§425]  TIBERIUS   GRACCHUS,    133  B.C.  365 

424.  Further  Conflict;  Gracchus  murdered.  —  At  this  ti the 

last  king  of  Pergamum,  by  will,  left  his  treasure  to  the  Roman 
people.  Gracchus  proposed  to  divide  the  money  among  the 
new  peasantry  to  stock  their  farms.  He  also  desired  to  extend 
Roman  citizenship  to  all  Italy.  The  Senate  accused  him  of 
trying  to  make  himself  king  (cf.  §  312),  and  threatened  to  try 
him  at  the  end  of  his  term.  To  complete  his  work,  and  pos- 
sibly to  save  himself,  Gracchus  asked  for  reelection.  The  first 
two  tribes  voted  for  him,  and  then  the  Senate,  having  failed  in 
other  methods,  declared  his  candidacy  illegal.1  The  election 
was  adjourned  to  the  next  day,  and  the  end  was  not  difficult  to 
foresee. 

Tiberius  put  on  mourning  and  commended  his  infant  son  to 
the  protection  of  the  people.  It  was  harvest  time,  and  the 
farmers  were  absent  from  the  Assembly,  which  was  left  largely 
to  the  worthless  city  rabble.  On  the  following  day  the  elec- 
tion was  again  forbidden.  A  riot  broke  out,  and  the  more  vio- 
lent of  the  senators  and  their  friends,  charging  the  undecided 
mob,  put  it  to  flight  and  murdered  Gracchus  —  a  patriot-martyr 
worthy  of  the  company  of  the  Cassius,  Manlius,  and  Maelius 
of  earlier  days.  Some  three  hundred  of  his  adherents  also 
were  killed  and  thrown  into  the  Tiber.  Rome,  in  all  her 
centuries  of  stern,  sober,  patient,  constitutional  strife,  had 
never  witnessed  such  a  day  before. 

425.  The  Work  of  Gracchus  lived.  — Partisanship  ran  so  high 
that  the  whole  aristocratic  party  approved  the  outrage,  rather 
than  abandon  their  champions  to  popular  vengeance.  Accord- 
ingly the  Senate  declared  the  murder  an  act  of  patriotism,  and 
followed  up  the  reformer's  partisans  with  mock  trials  and  per- 
secutions (fastening  one  of  them,  says  Plutarch,  in  a  chest 
with  vipers). 

It  did  not  dare,  however,  to  interfere  with  the  great  law  that 
had  been  carried.  A  consul  for  the  year  132  inscribed  on  a 
monument,  that  he  was  the  first  who  had  installed  farmers  in 


i  Read  Beesly,  35. 


STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,   140-49   B.C.  [§  426 

place  of  shepherds  on  the  public  domains.  The  land  commis- 
sion (composed  of  the  friends  of  Tiberius)  did  its  work  zeal- 
ously,  and  in  125  b.c.  the  citizen  list  of  Rome  had  increased  by 
eighty  thousand  farmers.  The  movement  certainly  constituted 
a  vast  and  healthful  reform.1 

If  it  could  have  been  kept  up  vigorously,  it  might  have 
turned  the  dangerous  rabble  into  sturdy  husbandmen,  and 
so  abolished  Rome's  chief  danger.  But  of  course  to  reclaim 
so  much  land  from  old  holders  led  to  many  bitter  disputes  as 
to  titles ;  and,  after  a  few  years,  the  Senate  took  advantage  of 
this  fact  to  abolish  the  commission. 

B.   Caius  Gracchus2  (123-121  b.c). 

426.  Character  and  Aims.  —  Immediately  after  this  reaction, 
and  just  nine  years  after  his  brother's  death,  Caius  Ghracchus 
took  up  the  work.  He  had  been  a  youth  when  Tiberius  was 
assassinated;  now  he  was  Rome's  greatest  orator,  —  a  daunt- 

.  resolute,  clear-sighted  man,  long  brooding  on  personal 
revenge  and  on  patriotic  reform.  Tiberius,  he  declared,  ap- 
peared to  him  in  a  dream  to  call  him  to  his  task:  "  Why  do 
you  hesitate  ?  You  cannot  escape  your  doom  and  mine  —  to 
live  for  the  people  and  to  die  for  them  !  " 

Tiberius  had  striven  only  for  economic  reform.  Caius  saw 
the  necessity  of  buttressing  that  work  by  political  reform. 
Apparently  he  meant  to  overthrow  the  Senate  and  to  set 
up  a  new  constitution  something  like  that  of  Athens  under 
Pericles. 

427.  Political  Measures,  to  win  Allies. — The  city  mob  Grac- 
chus secured  by  a  corn  law  providing  for  the  sale  of  grain  to 
the  poor  in  the  capital  at  half  the  regular  market  price,  the 
other  half  to  be  made  up  from  the  public  treasury.3    Perhaps 

1  Read  Mommsen,  III,  ::.;i  335,  or  Beesly,  39. 

-  Mommsen,  l)k.  iv,  ch.  iii :  Beeslj  .  12  65;  Ihne,  bk.  vii,  eh.  iv;  Plutarch's 
TAfe. 

■  Cf.  Mommsen,  III,  :;44,  ami  Beesly,  48-50,  for  differing  views. 


§429]  CAIUS  GRACCHUS,    123-121    B.C.  367 

he  regarded  this  as  a  necessary  poor-law,  and  as  a  compensa- 
tion for  the  public  lands  that  still  remained  in  the  bands  of 

the  wealthy.  It  did  not  pauperize  the  poor,  since  such  dis- 
tributions by  private  patrons  were  already  customary  on  a 
vast  scale.  It  simply  took  this  charity  into  the  hands  of  the 
state.  If  Gracchus'  other  measures  could  have  been  carried 
through,  the  need  for  such  charity  would  have  been  removed  ; 
but,  however  well-meant,  this  measure  certainly  introduced  a 
vicious  system  of  legislative  bribery,  where  in  the  end  the 
well-meaning  patriot  W;as  sure  to  be  outbidden  by  the  reck- 
less demagogue.  For  the  moment,  however,  it  won  the 
Assembly. 

The  equites  also  Cains  won,  by  taking  the  law  courts  from 
the  Senate  to  place  in  their  hands  —  a  measure  that  did  some- 
thing, perhaps,  to  secure  better  government  in  the  provinces. 
(Cf.  §  41G.) 

428.  Economic  Reform.  —  Then,  with  these  political  alliances 
tu  back  him,  Cains  took  up  his  brother's  work.  The  land  com- 
mission was  reestablished,  and  its  work  was  extended  to  the 
founding  of  Roman  colonies  in  distant  parts  of  Italy.  Still 
more  important,  —  Cains  introduced  the  plan  of  Roman  coloniza- 
tion outside  Italy.  He  sent  six  thousand  colonists  from  borne 
and  other  Italian  towns  to  the  waste  site  of  Carthage;  and  he 
planned  other  such  foundations.  The  colonist*  were  to  keep 
full  Roman  citizenship. 

If  this  statesmanlike  measure  had  been  allowed  to  work,  it 
would  not  only  have  provided  for  the  landless  poor  of  Ital; 
would  also  have  Romanized  the  provinces  rapidly,  and  have 
broken  down  the  unhappy  distinctions  between  them  and  Italy. 

429.  Personal  Rule;  an  Uncrowned  "  Tyrant." — Then  Caius 
turned  to  attack  senatorial  government.  To  a  great  degree  he 
drew  all  authority  into  his  own  howls.  By  various  laws  he  took 
away  power  from  the  Senate,  and  himself  ruled  in  its  place. 
He  had  tried  to  provide  against  his  brother's  fate  by  a  law 
expressly  legalizing  reelection  to  the  tribuneship,  and  he 
served  two  terms,  virtually  as  dictator. 


368  STRIFE   OF  CLASSES,    146-49  B.C.  [§430 

"With  unrivaled  activity,"  says  Mommsen,  "he  concentrated  the 
most  varied  and  complicated  functions  in  his  own  person.  He  himself 
watched  over  the  distribution  of  grain,  selected  jurymen,  founded  colo- 
nies  in  person,  notwithstanding  that  his  magistracy  legally  chained  him 
in  the  city,  regulated  highways  and  concluded  business  contracts,  led  the 
discussions  of  the  Senate,  settled  the  consular  elections  ;  in  short,  he 
accustomed  the  people  to  the  fact  that  one  man  was  foremost  in  all 
things,  and  threw  the  lax  and  lame  administration  of  the  Senate  into  the 
shade  by  the  vigor  and  dexterity  of  his  personal  rule."  1 

430.  Attempt  to  extend  Citizenship  to  Italians :  Fall  of  Caius. 
—  Caius  also  pressed  earnestly  for  political  reform  outside  the 
city.  He  proposed,  wisely  and  nobly,  to  confer  full  citizenship 
upon  the  Latins,  and  Latin  rights  upon  all  Italy.  But  the 
tribes,  jealous  of  any  extension  of  their  privileges  to  others, 
were  quite  ready  to  desert  him  on  these  matters. 

The  Senate  seized  its  chance.  It  set  on  another  tribune, 
DrusuSj  to  outbid  Caius  by  promises  never  meant  to  be  kept. 
Drusus  proposed  to  found  twelve  large  colonies  at  once  in  Italy 
and  to  do  away  with  the  small  rent  paid  by  the  new  peasantry. 
There  was  no  land  for  these  colonies,  but  the  mob  thoughtlessly 
followed  the  treacherous  demagogue  and  abandoned  its  true 
leader.  When  Gracchus  stood  for  a  third  election  he  was 
defeated. 

Now  that  he  was  no  longer  protected  by  the  sanctity  of  the 
tribuneship  (§308),  the  nobles,  headed  by  the  consul  (a  fero- 
cious personal  enemy),  were  bent  upon  Caius'  ruin.  The  chance 
was  soon  found.  The  Senate  tried  to  undo  the  law  for  the  col- 
ony at  Carthage.  This  attempt  caused  many  of  the  old  sup- 
porters of  Caius  to  come  into  the  Assembly  from  the  country. 
Remembering  the  fate  of  Tiberius,  some  of  them  came  in  arms. 
The  nobles  cried  out  that  this  meant  a  conspiracy  to  overthrow 
the  government.  The  consul  called  the  organized  senatorial 
party  to  arms,  offered  for  the  head  of  Gracchus  its  weight  in 
gold,'-'   and    charged   the  unorganized  and  unprepared  crowd. 

Mommsen,  III,  355  361,  as  to  the  constitutional  designs  of  < laius. 
'-  I  li\-  is  the  firsl  instance  of  head  money  in  Roman  civil  strife. 


§432]  MARIUS   AND   SULLA,   100-78    B.C.  369 

A.  bloody  battle  followed  in  the  streets.  Gracchus,  taking  no 
part  in  the  conflict  himself,  was  slain.  Three  thousand  of  his 
adherents  were  afterward  strangled  in  prison. 

431.  Overthrow  of  the  Work  of  the  Two  Brothers.  —  The  victo- 
rious Senate  struck  hard.  It  resumed  its  sovereign  rule  The 
proposed  colonies  were  abandoned,  and  the  great  land  reform 
itself  was  undone.  The  peasants  were  permitted  to  sett  their 
land,  and  the  commission  was  abolished.  The  old  economic 
decay  began  again,  and  soon  the  work  of  the  Gracchi  was 
but  a  memory. 

Even  that  memory  the  Senate  tried  to  proscribe.  Men  were 
forbidden  to  speak  of  the  brothers,  and  Cornelia  was  not  al- 
lowed to  wear  mourning  for  her  sons.  One  lesson,  however, 
had  been  taught:  the  Senate  had  drawn  the  sword;  and  when 
a  Marius  or  a  Caesar  should  attempt  again  to  take  up  the 
work  of  the  Gracchi,  he  would  appear  as  a  military  master, 
to  sweep  away  the  wretched  oligarchy  with  the  sword  or  to 
receive  its  cringing  submission. 

"The  net  result  of  the  work  [of  Cains]  was  to  demonstrate  the  hope- 
lessness of  any  genuine  democracy.  .  .  .  The  two  Gracchi,  ...  in  their 
hope  to  regenerate  Italy,  were  drawn  on  to  attempt  a  political  revolution, 
whose  nature  they  did  not  realise.  .  .  .  They  were  not  revolutionists,  but 
they  were  the  fathers  of  revolution.  They  aimed  at  no  tyranny,  hut 
they  were  the  precursors  of  the  principate  [Empire].  "• — How  and  Leigh. 

For  Further  Reading.  — Ancient  writers  :  Plutarch,  Lives  ("Tiberius 
Gracchus"  and  "Caius  Gracchus");  Appian,  Civil  Wars  (opening). 
Modern  writers:  Beesly,  The  Gracchi,  Marius  and  Sulla;  Mommsen, 
bk.  iv,  chs.  ii,  iii ;  Ihne,  V;  Merivale,  Fall  of  tin-  Roman  Republic,  ch.  i  ; 
How  and  Leigh,  331-359. 

IV.     MILITARY   RULE:    MARIUS   AND   SULLA,  106-78   B.C. 

432.  The  Biographical  Character  of  Roman  History  in  the  Last 
Century  of  the  Republic.  —  In  earlier  times  Rome  had  been 
greater  than  any  of  her  citizens.  But  after  146,  the  history 
of  the  Republic  is  summed  up  in  a  series  of  biographies  ;  and 
soon  the  only  question  is,  which  man  will  finally  seize  the  sover- 


370  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    140-4<J   B.C.  [§433 

eignty.  This  phase  of  the  Roman  Republic  really  begins  with 
the  younger  Africanus and  closes  with  Julius  Caesar;  but  it  is 
with  .Marius  and  Sulla  (halfway  between)  that  the  new  charac- 
t  >r  first  shows  without  disguise,  because  these  men  were  the 
first  to  carry  political  measures  by  the  use  of  the  army. 

433.  The  War  with  Jugurtha :  New  Leaders.  —  For  some 
twenty  years  after  the  murder  of  the  Gracchi,  the  Senate's 
misrule  was  undisturbed.  Rut  a  prolonged  fourteen-year  border 
war  in  Africa  again  revealed  in  glaring  colors  its  corruption 
and  incapacity,  and  brought  military  masters  to  the  front. 

Jugurtha,  grandnephew  of  Massinissa  (§  387),  —  brave, 
crafty,  cruel,  —  had  made  himself  king  of  Numidia  by  the 
assassination  of  a  series  of  princes  dependent  upon  Rome. 
He  bribed  Roman  investigating  commissioners;  bought  a  con- 
sul who  had  been  sent  to  attack  him  ;  and,  being  summoned 
to  Koine  after  massacring  thousands  of  Italians  and  Romans 
in  Africa,  he  bought  his  acquittal  from  the  Senate  itself.  But 
an  indignant  tribune  brought  the  matter  directly  before  the 
tribes  and  so  stirred  their  indignation  that  war  at  last  was 
prosecuted  in  earnest. 

Its  progress  revealed  the  utter  corruption  of  the  army,  but  it 
finally  called  out  two  great  captains.  One  was  the  rude  soldier 
Mn rins,  son  of  a  Volscian  day  laborer,  who  had  risen  from  the 
ranks,  and  who  by  the  votes  of  the  people,  without  having  been 
praetor^  was  made  consul  to  prosecute  the  war;  the  other  was 
his  aristocratic  lieutenant,  Sulla. 

By  skill  and  good  fortune,  and  by  a  daring  exploit  of  Sulla's, 
Marius  was  able  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close  during  his  year  of 
oilier.  Jugurtha  was  captured.  Marius  was  given  a  splendid 
triumph2  at  Rome  (January  1,  104  b.c).  With  characteristic 
Roman  cruelty  the  captive  king  was  dragged  through  the  streets 
in  chains  at  the  wheel  of  his  conqueror's  chariot,  and  then  cast 
into  an  underground  dungeon  to  starve. 

1  This  was  contraq  to  law,  Bee  §  409.    Special  report:  the  Jugurthine War. 
uote. 


§4:JG]  MARK'S   AM)   SULLA,    L06-78    B.C.  37] 

434.  The  Invasion  by  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones.  —  Meantime 

a  storm  had  broken  upon  the  northern  frontier,  where  Rome 
now  had  need  of  Marius.  The  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  two  Ger- 
man peoples,  migrating  slowly  with  families,  flocks,  and  goods, 
in  search  of  new  homes  in  the  fertile  south,  had  reached  the 
passes  of  the  Alps  in  the  year  113.  These  barbarians  were 
huge,  flaxemhaired,  with  fierce  blue  eyes,  and  they  terrified  the 
smaller  Italians  by  their  size,  their  terrific  shouts,  and  their 
savage  customs. 

A  Roman  consul  who  tried  to  entrap  the  strangers  treach- 
erously, was  defeated  and  slain;  but,  leaving  Italy  on  one  side 
for  the  time,  the  Germans  crowded  into  Gaul.  There  they  har- 
ried the  native  tribes  at  will,  and,  after  defeating  four  more 
Roman  armies  (the  last  with  slaughter  that  recalled  the  day  of 
( 'annae),  they  finally  threatened  Italy  itself.  At  the  same  time 
the  Second  Slave  War  had  broken  out  in  Sicily  (§  417). 

435.  Marius  the  "Saviour  of  Rome."  —  Rome  had  found  a 
general  none  too  soon.  Marius  was  just  finishing  his  work  in 
Africa.  In  his  absence  he  was  reelected  consul  —  despite  the 
law,  which  required  a  candidate  to  appear  in  person  and  which 
forbade  an  immediate  reelection  in  any  case  —  and  was  intrusted 
with  the  defense  of  Italy.  Happily,  the  Germans  gave  him 
time,  by  turning  for  two  years  more  into  Spain. 

Marius  used  the  interval  in  raising  and  drilling  troops,  and 
in  reorganizing  the  military  system.  Then,  in  the  summer  of 
102,  at  Aquae  Sextiae  (Aix),  in  southern  Gaul,  he  annihilated 
the  two  hundred  thousand  warriors  of  the  Teutones,  with  all 
their  women  and  children,  in  a  huge  massacre  ;  and  the  next 
summer  he  destroyed  in  like  manner  the  vast  horde  of  the 
Cimbri,  who  had  penetrated  to  the  Po.  The  first  German 
nation  to  attack  Rome  had  been  given  graves  in  her  soil,  and 
Italy  was  saved  for  five  hundred  years.1 

436.  Civil  Disorder:  Retirement  of  Marius. —  in  defiance  of 
the  constitution,  Marius  had  been  reelected  consul  each  year 

1  Ou  this  first  German  attack,  see  Mommseu,  bk.  iv,  ch.  v,  or  lime,  V.  ch.  ix. 


372  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§437 

while  the  peril  lasted.  Thus  he  had  held  the  consulship  five 
successive  years.  To  some  Romans  this  began  to  look  like  a 
military  monarchy.  Perhaps  it  would  have  been  well  for  Rome 
if  Marius  had  made  himself  king.  Or,  had  he  been  enough  of 
a  statesman,  he  might  have  used  his  great  power  to  secure  the 
reforms  needed  by  the  Republic.  He  did  not  try  to  do  either 
of  these  things. 

Marius  was  given  another  consulship;  but  he  was  as  incapa- 
ble in  politics  as  he  was  great  in  war.  The  leaders  of  the 
popular  party  tried  to  secure  his  aid  for  reforms  like  those 
of  the  Gracchi.  He  joined  this  party,  but  failed  to  act  with 
decision.  The  feeling  between  Democrats  and  Aristocrats  ran 
high,  and  finally  broke  into  street  war  (December,  100  B.C.). 
Marius  looked  on  while  his  Radical  friends  were  massacred. 
Then  he  found  himself  in  disgrace  with  both  parties;  and  in 
chagrin  he  retired  for  some  years  into  obscurity.  Meantime 
another  war  brought  to  the  front  the  other  great  general  of  the 
time,  the  champion  of  the  Aristocrats  (§  435). 

437.  The  Social  War.  —  There  had  grown  up  in  the  Senate 
a  small  liberal  party  bent  upon  reform.  Their  leader  was  the 
tribune  Drusus,  the  son  of  the  Drusus  who  had  opposed  the 
1 1  racchi.  In  the  year  91,  Drusus  took  up  the  work  of  the  ancient 
enemies  of  his  house,  and  proposed  to  extend  citizenship  to  the 
[talians.  He  was  assassinated;  and  the  nobles  carried  a  law 
threatening  with  death  any  one  who  should  renew  the  proposal. 
Then  the  Mali, ins  rose  inarms  and  setup  a  republic  of  their  own. 

Once  more  Koine  fought  for  life,  surrounded  by  a  ring  of 
foes.  The  Social  War  I  war  with  the  Socii, or  "  Allies")  was  as 
dangerous  a  contesl  as  the  imperial  city  ever  waged  (91-88  B.C.). 
Two  things  saved  her.  (1)  She  wisely  divided  her  foes  by 
ting  citizenship  to  all  who  would  at  once  lay  down  their 
arms.  (2)  Sulla  showed  a  magnificent  generalship,  outshining 
Marius  as  the  saviour  of  Rome.1 

1  Marius  Ben  I'd  with  credit,  and  his  generalship  seems  to  have  been  as  suc- 
cessful  as  ever;  bul  he  was  disliked  by  the  Senate  and  was  suspected  by  all  of 
favoring  the  demands  of  the  Italians. 


§439]  MARIUS   AND   SULLA,   100-78    B.C.  373 

438.  All  Italy  enters  the  Roman  State.  —  The  "  Allies  "  were 
crushed,  but  their  cause  was  victorious.  When  tin-  war  was 
over,  Rome  gradually  incorporated  into  the  Roman  state  all 
Italy  south  of  the  Po,  raising  the  number  of  citizens  from 
about  four  hundred  thousand  to  nine  hundred  thousand.  The 
cities  all  became  municipia  (§  336),  and  their  burgesses  secured 
the  full  Roman  citizenship  with  enrollment  in  the  tribes.  By 
most  of  these  new  citizens  the  privilege  of  voting  in  tin- 
Assembly  at  Rome  could  rarely  be  exercised:  but  the  move- 
ment was  a  great  advance  in  the  world's  history  and  the  most 
notable  reform  in  the  last  century  of  the  Republic. 

439.  Civil  War  between  Marius  and  Sulla,  88  B.C.— The  Ital- 
ian "  Allies  "  who  joined  Rome  in  the  war  had  all  been  placed 
in  eight  tribes.  Thus,  at  most,  they  could  influence  only  eight 
out  of  thirty-five  votes,  though  they  made  half  the  citizen 
body.  Now  that  more  Italians  were  to  be  enrolled,  the  popu- 
lar party  proposed  to  remedy  this  injustice  and  to  distribute 
all  the  new  additions  among  the  thirty-five  tribes.  This 
attempt  was  the  occasion  for  the  brooding  civil  war  to  break 
forth. 

The  tribune  Sulpicius,  a  friend  of  Drusus,  carried  a  law  pro- 
viding for  the  distribution  of  the  new  citizens.  In  trying  to 
prevent  it,  Sulla  provoked  a  riot,  from  which  he  himself  barely 
escaped  with  his  life  through  the  aid  of  his  rival  Marius.  J  usl 
before  this,  the  Senate  had  appointed  Sulla  to  manage  a  war 
against  Mithridates  the  Great,  king  of  Pontus.  Now.  fearing 
a  military  revolution,  Sulpicius  induced  the  tribes  to  give  this 
command  to  Marius  instead.  Sulla  fled  to  his  arm\  at  I  lapua  ; 
he  declared  the  decree  of  the  tribes  illegal ;  and,  though  all  hut 
one  of  his  officers  left  him,  he  marched  upon  Rome.  For  the 
first  time  a  Roman  magistrate  used  a  regular  army  to  reduce  the 
capital.  After  a  brief  but  furious  resistance,  the  Democrats 
under  Marius  were  scattered,  and  Sulla  became  the  military 
master  of  the  city. 

For  the  moment  the  usurper  showed  much  moderation.  He 
repealed  the   Sulpician    laws,   executed    a    few    Democratic 


374  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,   14G-49  B.C.  [§440 

leaders,1  set  a  price  upon  the  head  of  Marius,  tried  to  buttress 
tlif  Senate  by  hasty  laws,  and  then  departed  for  the  East, 
where  Roman  dominion  was  rapidly  crumbling. 

440.  Victory  of  Cinna  and  the  Marians  :  the  Massacre.  —  With 
the  departure  of  Sulla  his  aristocratic  reaction  collapsed.  The 
Democratic  party  rallied  to  undo  his  legislation.  The  Aristo- 
crats,  it  is  true,  surrounded  the  Assembly  with  armed  forces, 
and  ruthlessly  cut  down  ten  thousand  men,  until  the  streets 
ran  with  blood.  But  the  Democratic  leader  Cinna  escaped, 
was  welcomed  by  the  Italians  and  the  country  tribes,  and  re- 
iurned  to  besiege  the  city.  Marias  came  back  from  his  adven- 
turous exile,2 —  a  grim,  vengeful,  repulsive  old  man,  with  some 
thousands  of  freed  slaves  for  his  bodyguard.  Rome  was  cap- 
tured; the  gates  were  closed;  and  for  four  days  and  nights  the 
senatorial  party  were  hunted  down  and  butchered  by  the  des- 
peradoes of  Marius,  despite  the  indignant  pleadings  of  other 
Democratic  leaders,  like  the  generous  Sertorius. 

Marius  and  Cinna  proclaimed  themselves  consuls,  without 
even  the  form  of  an  election.  They  then  outlawed  Sulla,  repealed 
his  legislation,  and  restored  the  Sulpician  law  regarding  the 
Italians.  In  the  midst  of  his  orgy  of  triumph  Marius  died. 
Then  Sertorius  with  regular  troops  stamped  out  the  band  of 
slave  assassins,  but  Cinna  remained  political  master  of  Rome 
for  four  years. 

441.  Sulla  in  the  East;  the  War  with  Mithridates.  —  For 
thirty  years  the  indolent  Senate  had  watched  dangers  growing 
in  the  East.  Three  barbarian  kingdoms  had  appeared  there, 
—  in  Pontus,  Armenia,  and  Parthia,  —  all  encroaching  ruth- 
lessly upon  the  protectorates  and  allies  of  Rome. 

Finally  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  seized  the  Roman  prov- 
ince of  Asia.  To  guard  against  a  Roman  restoration,  he  gave 
secret  orders  that  all  Italians  in  the  province  (men,  women,  and 


1  Tin'  head  <>f  Sulpicius,  w  itli  grim  irony,  was  set  up  on  the  rostrum  in  the 
Forum,  whence  liis  lips  had  so  often  swayed  the  Assembly. 

Lai  reporl :  stories  of  Marius'  hairbreadth  escapes  while  in  exile. 


§443] 


MARIUS   AND   SULLA,    106-78    B.C. 


Ml 


children)  should  be  put  to  death,  and  on  the  appointed  daj  the 
order  was  carried  out  so  faithfully  that  at  least  eighty  thou- 
sand were  massacred.  Next,  Mithridates  attacked  .Macedonia 
and  Greece,  where  he  found  many  of  the  people  eager  to  throw 
off  Roman  misgovernment.  Athens,  in  particular,  welcomed 
him  as  a  deliverer. 

This  was  the  peril  that  had  summoned  Sulla  from  Rome. 
Outlawed  by  the  Democrats  at  home,  without  supplies,  with 
only  a  small  army, 
Sulla  restored  Ro- 
man authority  in 
the  East  in  a  series 
of  brilliant  cam- 
paignsjwhile  Cinna 
lorded  it  in  Italy. 
Then  he  returned 
to  glut  his  private 
vengeance  and  re- 
store the  nobles  to 
power  (83  B.C.). 

442.  The  New  Civil  War.  —  Italy  was  almost  a  unit  for  the 
Democrats,  but  Sulla's  veterans  made  him  victor  after  a  deso- 
lating two  years'  struggle.  Toward  the  close  of  the  war  the 
Samnites  rose,  for  the  last  time,  under  another  Pontius,  and 
marched  straight  upon  helpless  Rome,  "  to  burn  the  den  of  the 
wolves  that  have  so  long  harried  Italy,"  and  the  city  was 
barely  saved  by  Sulla's  forced  march  and  desperate  victory  at 
the  Colline  Gate. 

443.  The  Rule  of  Sulla.  —  Sulla's  victory  virtually  left  him 
king:  indeed,  at  his  suggestion,  the  Senate  declared  him  perma- 
nent dictator1  (81  b.c).  His  first  work  was  to  crush  the  Demo- 
cratic  party   by  systematic  massacre.     Lists  of   names  were 


A  Coin  of  Sulla, 


struck  in  Athens, 
her  Owl. 


Athene  and 


IThe  old  constitutional  office  of  dictator  had  become  obsolete;  the  new 
permanent  dictatorship  of  Sulla,  and  later  of  Caesar,  is  merely  a  name  for  a 
new  monarchy. 


376  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§444 

posted  publicly  clay  by  day,  and  any  desperado  was  invited  to 
slay  the  proscribed  men  at  $2000  a  head.  Sulla's  friends  were 
given  free  permission  to  include  private  enemies  in  the  lists. 
Debtors  murdered  their  creditors.  The  wealth  of  the  pro- 
scribed was  confiscated,  and  many  a  man's  only  offense  was  the 
possession  of  a  desired  property.  "  Unhappy  wretch  that  I 
am,"  cried  one  gentleman  who  had  stepped  up  unsuspectingly 
to  look  at  the  list  and  who  found  his  own  name  there ;  "  my 
villa  pursues  me  !  " 

When  entreated  even  by  the  servile  Senate  to  let  it  be  known 
when  he  would  be  through  with  such  slaughter,  Sulla  charac- 
teristically replied  that  he  did  not  recall  any  more  enemies 
just  then,  but  that  those  whom  he  had  forgotten  would  have 
to  be  included  in  some  future  proscription.  Forty-seven 
hundred  Romans  of  wealth  and  position  perished,  and  even 
worse  massacres  followed  over  Italy.  At  Praeneste  alone 
twelve  thousand  men  were  put  to  death  in  one  day.  Sulla 
thought  he  had  stamped  out  the  embers  of  the  Marian  party, 
i  inly  Sertorius,  the  noblest  Roman  of  the  age,  held  Spain  for 
the  Democrats,  and  the  youth  Julius  Caesar,1  a  nephew  of 
.Marias*  wife  and  the  husband  of  China's  daughter,  was  in  hid- 
ing in  the  mountains. 

444.  Restoration  of  Senatorial  Rule.  —  Sulla  next  set  about 
reestablishing  the  oligarchic  state.  He  enlarged  the  numbers 
of  I  tie  Senate  to  about  six  hundred,  and  by  law  made  all  officers 
dependent  upon  it.2  The  tribuneship  (whence  had  come  all 
the  popular  movements)  was  restricted:  no  tribune  could  bring 
any  proposal  before  the  tribes,  or  even  address  them,  without 
the  Senate's  permission.3  By  various  other  changes  the  part 
"I  the  people  in  the  government  was  weakened. 


1  Sulla  bad  bad  <  laesar  (a  boy  of  seventeen)  in  his  power  and  had  meant  to 
pu1  him  to  death.  Finally,  at  the  entreaties  of  friends,  he  spared  him,  ex- 
claiming, however,  "  There  is  many  a  Marine  hidden  in  that  young  fop." 

-  On  the  Sullan  Constitution,  see  Mommsen,  IV,  98-139  and  145-150. 

•The  office  was  also  made  undesirable  by  the  provision  that  a  man  who 
had  held  ii  could  ni  rer  afterward  bold  another  political  office. 


§447]  POMPEY'S   LEADERSHIP,    78-69    I5.C.  :!77 

445.  "  Sulla  the  Fortunate"' :  Character  and  Place  in  History.  — 
After  a  three  years'  absolutism,  Sulla,  abdicated,  —  to  go  back 
to  his  debaucheries,  and  to  die  in  peace  shortly  after  as  a 
private  citizen.  He  is  a  monstrous  enigma  in  history  — 
dauntless,  crafty,  treacherous,  dissolute,  licentious,  refined, 
absolutely  unfeeling  and  selfish,  and  with  a  mocking  cynicism 
that  spiced  his  conversation  and  conduct.  He  called  himself 
the  favorite  of  the  Goddess  of  Chance,  and  was  fond  of  the 
title  "  Sulla  the  Fortunate."  No  other  civilized  man  has  ever 
so  organized  murder.  Few  have  had  so  clear  a  grasp  of  ends 
and  made  such  unscrupulous  use  of  means. 

Apparently  Sulla  believed  sincerely  in  senatorial  govern- 
ment; but  he  had  striven  against  his  age,  and  his  work  hardly 
outlived  his  mortal  body. 

J?ok  Further  Reading. — Ancient  writers:  Plutarch,  Lives  ("Ma- 
rms"  and  "Sulla")  ;  Appian,  The  Civil  Wars,  opening  chapters;  Sal- 
Tust,  The  Jugurthine  War.  (There  are  good  extracts  from  all  these 
writers  in  Munro's  Source  Book.) 

Modern  writers:  Mommsen,  bk.  iv,  chs.  vi,  vii,  i\-.  x,  and  bk.  v,  chs. 
i-iii  and  viii-xi ;  Ihne,  V  (later  chapters)  ;  Beesly,  The  Gh'acchi,  Murin.s 
and  Sulla;  Freeman's  Sulla  (in  Historical  Essays,  2d  series)  ;  Merivale, 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Eepublic,  chs.  i-v  ;  How  and  Leigh,  360-440. 

V.     POMPEY   AND   CAESAR,    78-49  B.C. 

446.  General  View. — The  history  of  the  next  thirty  years  —  to  the 
rule  of  Caesar  —  has  two  phases.  (1)  Internally  it  is  a  question  as  to  what 
leader  should  become  master.  (2)  Externally  it  is  marked  by  Pompey's 
conquests  and  his  organization  of  Roman  dominion  in  the  Easl  to  the 
Euphrates,  and  by  Caesar's  like  work  in  the  West  to  the  Rhine  and  the 
North  Sea.  The  rivalry  for  supreme  power  at  Rome  narrowed  down  to 
these  two  men,  and  happily  victory  fell  to  Caesar,  incomparably  thi 

and  nobler  of  the  two. 1 

A.   Period  of  Pompey's  Leadership,  78-59  b.c. 

447.  Pompey  and  Crassus. — By  the  death  of  Sulla  two  of 
his   officers  were   left   in   special   prominence.  —  Pompey  and 

1  Reread  §  349,  and  notice  the  application  of  the  second  paragraph  in  it. 


378  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    14(3-40  B.C.  [§448 

Crassus.  Both  were  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  oligarchic 
party.  Crassus  was  not  only  a  soldier,  but  also  a  scheming 
man  of  business.  He  had  built  up  the  greatest  fortune  in 
Rome,  largely  by  the  purchase  of  confiscated  property  during 
the  Sullan  proscriptions.  "Pompey  the  Great,-'  with  more 
honesty  and  good  nature,  was  a  man  of  mediocre  ability  — 
vain,  sluggish,  cautious  to  timidity,  without  broad  views  or 
magnanimous  feelings.  Still  he  easily  held  Crassus  in  cheek, 
and  was  always  a  possible  king  of  Rome  until  the  rise  of 
Caesar  twenty  years  later. 

448.  Sertorius  in  Spain.  —  During  the  rule  of  Sulla,  Spain 
had  been  the  one  remaining  refuge  of  the  Democrats.  "While 
thai  party  had  been  in  power  (83  B.C.),  one  of  their  leaders, 
Sertorius  (§  438),  had  been  sent  to  Spain  as  governor.  He  had 
refused  to  recognize  the  usurpation  of  Sulla  at  Rome,  and, 
aided  by  the  native  Spaniards,  he  had  maintained  himself 
against  the  officers  Sulla  sent  to  drive  him  out.  He  proved 
a  great  general  and  a  broad-minded  statesman.  His  rule  was 
gentle  and  just,  and  the  Spaniards  were  devoted  to  him.  In 
the  brief  time  allowed  him,  he  did  much  to  advance  the  pros- 
perity of  the  province  and  to  introduce  there  the  best  elements 
of  Roman  civilization.1 

449.  Pompey's  First  Chance  at  the  Crown  in  Rome.  —  Sulla 
had  made  it  plain  that  the  path  to  the  throne  lay  through,  a 
position  as  proconsul  in  a  rich  province  for  a  term  of  years, 
with  a  war  that  would  call  for  a  large  army.  Pompey  had 
not  yet  held  any  of  the  offices  leading  to  a  proconsular  ap- 
pointment;2 but,  upon  Sulla's  death,  he  compelled  the  Senate 
to  send  him  to  Spain  against  Sertorius,  with  an  indefinite 
term  and  absolute  powers  (77  B.C.).  After  some  years  of  war- 
fan'.  Sertorius  was  assassinated,  and  then  Pompey  quickly 
reduce,!  Spain  to  obedience.  In  the  year  71,  he  returned 
triumphantly  to  Italy.     Meantime  had  come  the  rising  of  Spar- 


cial  report :  anecdotes  <>i  8ertorius.     Read  Plutarch's  Life. 
-  Ii  was  customary  to  give  such  places  only  to  ex-consuls  or  ex-praetors. 


§449] 


rOMPEY'S   LEADERSHIP,    7&-S9    B.C. 


379 


tacus  (§  419).  This  revolt  had  just,  been  crushed  by  Crassus, 
though  Pompey  arrived  in  time  to  cut  to  pieces  a  few  thousand 
of  the  fugitives,  and  to  claim  a  large  share  of  the  credit . 

Thus  there  were  two  generals  in  Italy,  each  at  the,  head  of 
a  victorious  army.  The  senatorial  oligarchy  feared  and 
disliked  both  leaders,  and  foolishly  refused  them  the  honor 


Pompky  the  Great.  —  A  bust  in  the  Spada  Palace  in  Rome. 


of  a  triumph.  This  led  the  generals  to  join  their  forces  and 
ally  themselves  with  the  Democratic  leaders.  Their  armies 
encamped  at  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  the  two  generals  easily 
obtained  the  desired  triumphs  and  their  election  to  the  con- 
sulship. Then,  to  pay  the  Democrats,  they  undid  the  chief 
work  of  their  old  master,  Sulla,  by  restoring  the  tribunes  and 
censors  with  their  ancient  powers. 


380  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§450 

Sovereignty  was  now  within  the  reach  of  Pompey.  He 
longed  for  it,  but  did  not  dare  stretch  out  his  hand  to  gjasp 
it ;  *  and  the  politicians  skillfully  played  off  the  two  military 
chiefs  against  each  other  until  they  agreed  to  disband  their 
armies  simultaneously.  The  crisis  was  past.  Pompey,  who 
had  expected  still  to  be  the  first  man  in  Koine,  found  himself 
of  very  little  account  among  the  senatorial  talkers,  and^  for 
some  years,  sulked  in  retirement. 

450.  Pompey's  Second  Chance;  Roman  Expansion  in  the  East. — 
In  67,  military  danger  called  Pompey  again  to  the  front.  The 
navy  of  Rome  had  been  allowed  to  fall  to  utter  decay,  and 
swarms  of  pirates  again  terrorized  the  seas.  They  even  set 
up  a  formidable  state,  with  its  headquarters  on  the  rocky 
coasts  of  Cilicia,  and  negotiated  with  kings  as  equals.  They 
paralyzed  trade  along  the  great  Mediterranean  highway. 
They  even  dared  to  ravage  the  coasts  of  Italy,  and  carry  off 
the  inhabitants  for  slaves.  Finally  they  threatened  Rome 
itself  with  starvation  by  cutting  off  the  grain  fleets. 

To  put  down  these  plunderers,  Pompey  was  given  supreme 
command  for  three  years  in  the  Mediterranean  and  in  all  its 
coasts  for  fifty  miles  inland.  He  received  also  unlimited 
authority  over  all  the  resources  of  the  realm.  Assembling 
vast  fleets,  he  swept  the  seas  in  a  three  months'  campaign. 

Then  his  command  was  extended  indefinitely  in  order  that 
he  might  carry  on  war  against  Mithridates  of  Pontus,  who  for 
several  years  had  again  been  threatening  Roman  power  in  Asia 
Minor.2  Pompey  was  absent  on  this  mission  five  years  —  a 
really  glorious  period  in  his  career,  and  one  that  proved  the 
resources  and  energies  of  the  commonwealth  unexhausted  if 
only  a  respectable  leader  were  found  to  direct  them.  He 
waged  successful  wars,  crushed  dangerous  rebellions,  conquered 
Pontus   and    Armenia,   annexed    many   wide    provinces,   and 


1  Mommsen,  IV.  38&  385 

'This  was  the  Third   Mithridatic  War.    Sulla  had  waged  the  First.    The 
Second,  which  came  shortly  after  the  First,  was  not' very  important. 


§  451] 


POMPEY'S  LEADERSHIP,   78-69  B.C. 


381 


extended  Roman  control  to  the  Euphrates.1  He  then  organ- 
ized these  provinces,  restored  order,  founded  cities,  and 
deposed  and  set  up  kings  in  the  dependent  states.  When  he 
returned  to  Italy,  in  62,  he  was  the  leading  figure  in  the  world. 

In  his  triumph,  three  hundred  and  twenty-two  princes 
walked  captive  behind  his  chariot,  and  triumphal  banners 
proclaimed  that  he  had 
conquered  twenty-one 
kings  and  twelve  mil- 
lions of  people,  and 
doubled  the  revenues 
of  the  state.  Again 
the  crown  was  within 
his  grasp;  again  he  let 
it  slip,  expecting  it  to 
be  thrust  upon  him; 
and  again  he  was  to 
rue  his  indecision. 

451.  New  Leaders  in 
Pompey's  Absence.  — 
Meantime,  new  actors 
had  risen  to  promi- 
nence. Three  deserve 
special  mention,  be- 
cause they  represent 
three  distinct  forces. 
Cato  the  Younger,  great- 
grandson  of  Cato  the  Cicero.  —  Tlie  Vatican  bust. 
Censor,  was   a    brave, 

honest,  bigoted  Aristocrat,  bent  upon  preserving  the  oligarchic 
Republic.  Cicero,  the  greatest  orator  of  Rome,  was  a  refined 
scholar  and  a  representative  of  the  wealthy  middle  class. 
He  desired  reform,  and  at  first  he  inclined  toward  the  Demo- 
cratic party;  but,  alarmed  by  their  violence  and  rudeness,  he 

i  At  this  time  Syria  became  a  Roman  province,  and  the  Jews  a  dependent 
kingdom. 


y 


382  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C.  [§452 

filially  joined  the  conservatives,  in  the  idle  hope  of  restoring 
the  old  republican  constitution.1 

Neither  of  these  two  men  deserve  the  name  of  statesman. 
"  Both,"  says  Merivale,  fitly,  "  were  blinded  to  real  facts  — 
Cato  by  his  ignorance,  Cicero  by  his  learning."  The  third  man 
was  to  tower  immeasurably  above  these  and  all  other  Romans. 
( 'aius  Julixis  Caesar  was  the  chief  Democratic  leader,  and  per- 
haps the  greatest  genius  of  all  history.  He  was  of  an  old 
patrician  family  that  claimed  divine  descent  through  Aeneas 
and  his  son  lulus  (Julius).  His  youth  had  been  dissolute,  but 
bold ;  and  he  had  refused  with  quiet  dignity  to  put  away  his 
wife  (the  daughter  of  China)  at  Sulla's  order,  though  Pompey 
had  not  hesitated  to  obey  a  like  command.  In  Pompey's 
absence  he  had  served  as  quaestor  and  praetor,  and  he  strove 
ardently  to  reorganize  the  Democratic  party.  In  public 
speeches  he  ventured  to  praise  Marius  and  Cinna  as  champions 
of  the  people ;  and  in  the  year  64,  by  a  daring  stroke,  he  again 
set  up  at  the  Capitol  the  trophies  of  Marius,  which  had  been 
torn  down  .in  the  rule  of  Sulla. 

452.  The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  —  Caesar  had  tried  also  to 
build  up  some  counterpoise  to  Pompey's  power,  by  securing  a 
province  in  Egypt;  but  his  hopes  had  been  dashed  by  a 
strange  incident.  One  of  the  Democratic  agitators  was  the 
profligate  ('<ttilin<>.  This  man  organized  a  reckless  conspiracy 
•  it'  bankrupt  and  ruined  adventurers,  like  himself.  He  planned 
to  murder  the  consuls  and  the  senators,  confiscate  the  property 
of  the  rich,  and  make  himself  tyrant.  This  conspiracy  was 
detected  arid  crushed  by  Cicero,  the  consul  (63  B.C.).  The 
movement  was  not  one  of  the  Democratic  party  proper.  It 
belonged  to  the  disreputable  extremists  who  always  attach 
1  lieinselves  to  a  liberal  party  ;  but  the  collapse  reacted  upon  the 
whole  popular  party,  and  Caesar's  plans  were  necessarily  laid 

1  Cicero  has  been  bitterly  accused  of  cowardly  and  shifty  politics.  Momm- 
Ben  is  very  hard  upon  him.  Warde-Powler'a  Caesar  is  sympathetic  in  its 
treatment.  There  is  an  excellent  statement  in  Pelham,  247-252.  For  fuller 
st  mly,  see  Davidson's  Cicero  and  Forsyth's  Cicero. 


§454]  THE   RISE  OF   CAESAR.  383 

aside.  The  same  year,  his  career  seemed  closed  by  Pompey  '- 
return,  and  he  was  glad  to  withdraw  from  Italy  for  a  while  to  the 
governorship  of  Spain,  which  at  that  time  was  not  an  important 
province. 

B.     The  Rise  of  Caesar. 

453.  Formation  of  the  "First  Triumvirate":  Caesar's  Consul- 
ship. —  To  the  amazement  of  all  parties,  Pompey  dismissed  his 
veterans  and  came  to  Rome  as  a  private  citizen.  Then  the 
jealous  and  stupid  Senate  again  drove  him  into  the  arms  of  the 
Democrats.  It  refused  to  give  his  soldiers  the  lands  he  had 
promised  them  for  pay,  and  delayed  even  to  ratify  his  political 
arrangements  in  the  East. 

For  two  years  Pompey  fretted  in  vain.  Caesar  seized  the 
chance  and  formed  a  coalition  between  Pompey,  Crassus,  and 
himself.  This  alliance  is  sometimes  called  the  "First  Trium- 
virate."1 Caesar  furnished  the  brains  and  secured  the  fruits. 
He  became  consul  (59  B.C.)  and  first  set  about  seeming  Pom- 
pey's  measures.  The  Senate  refused  even  to  consider  them. 
Caesar  laid  them  directly  before  the  Assembly.  A  senatorial 
tribune  interposed  his  veto,  with  the  support  of  the  other 
consul,  Bibulus.  Caesar  looked  on  calmly  while  a'  mob  of 
Sulla's  veterans  drove  the  two  from  the  Assembly.  To  delay 
proceedings,  Bibulus  announced  that  he  would  consult  the 
omens.  According  to  religious  law,  all  action  should  have 
ceased  until  the  result  was  known ;  Caesar  serenely  disregarded 
this  antiquated  check,  and  carried  the  measures.  Next  he 
demolished  the  remains  of  Sulla's  constitution.  He  bad 
stepped  into  the  first  place  in  Rome  as  the  Democratic  leader. 

454.  Caesar  in  Gaul :  New  Expansion  in  the  West.  —  At  the 
close  of  his  consulship,  with  Pompey's  aid,  Caesar  received 
command  of  the  Cisalpine  and  Transalpine2  Gallic  provinces 
for  five  years  as  proconsul. 

1  For  a  caution  regarding  this  term,  see  §  469,  note. 

2  In  121,  the  southern  part  of  Gaul  hud  at  last  been  given  the  form  of  a 
province  (§  386,  close).     It  was  commonly  known  as  The  Provinci   (modem, 

Provence). 


384 


STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    146-49   B.C. 


[§  454 


The  appointment  was  one  of  the  happy  accidents  that  in- 
fluence all  history.     For  the  next  ten  years  Caesar  abandoned 

Italy  for  the  supreme 
work  that  opened  to 
him  beyond  the  Alps. 
He  found  the  Prov- 
ince threatened  by 
two  great  military 
invasions :  the  whole 
people  of  the  Helvetii 
were  migrating  from 
their  Alpine  homes 
in  search  of  more 
fertile  lands,  and  a 
great  German  nation, 
under  the  king  Ario- 
vistus,  was  already  en- 
camped in  Gaul.  The 
Gauls  themselves  had 
adopted  some  civili- 
zation, but  they  were 
distracted  by  feuds 
and  grievously  op- 
pressed by  their  dis- 
orderly chieftains. 

Caesar  saw  the 
danger  and  grasped 
the  opportunity.  He 
levied  armies  hastily, 
and  in  one  summer  drove  back  the  Helvetii  and  annihilated 
the  Germans.  Then  he  seized  upon  the  Rhine  as  the  proper 
Roman  frontier,  and,  in  a  series  of  masterly  campaigns,  he  made 
nil  Gaul  Roman,  extending  his  expeditions  even  into  Britain. 

Tin'    story    is  told   with  incomparable  lucidity  in  his   own 
Com ntaries.1       Whatever  we  think  of  the  morality  of  the 

1  Special  reports :  Caesar  in  Britain ;  revolt  of  Verciugetorix ;  the  Druids. 


Ji  in  -  Caesar.— The  British  .Museum  bust. 


§455]  THE   RISE   OF   CAESAR.  :\S.'> 

conquests,  they  were  to  produce  infinite  good  for  mankind.1 
The  result  was  twofold. 

(a)  The  wave  of  German  invasion  was  again  checked,  until 
Roman  civilization  had  time  to  do  its  work  and  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  coining  Christian  church.  "Let  the  Alps 
now  sink,"  exclaimed  Cicero;  "the  gods  raised  them  to  shelter 
Italy  from  the  barbarians,  but  they  are  no  longer  needed." 

(b)  A  wider  home  for  Roman  civilization  was  won  among 
fresh  populations,  unexhausted  and  vigorous.  The  map 
widened  from  the  Mediterranean  circle  to  include  the  shores  of 
the  North  and  Baltic  seas.  The  land  that  Caesar  made  Roman 
(our  modern  France)  was,  next  to  Greece  and  Italy,  to  form 
down  to  the  present  time  the  chief  instructor  of  Europe  ;  while, 
except  for  this  work  of  Caesar,  "  our  civilization  itself  would 
have  stood  in  hardly  more  intimate  relation  to  the  Romano- 
Greek  than  to  Assyrian  culture." 2 

455.  The  Rupture  between  Caesar  and  Pompey.  —  The  close 
of  the  first  five  years  of  Caesar's  rule  in  Gaul  saw  him  easily 
superior  to  his  colleagues,  and  able  to  seize  power  at  Rome  if 
he  chose.  But  it  was  never  his  way  to  leave  the  work  in  hand 
unfinished.  He  renewed  the  alliance  in  55  B.C.,  securing  the 
Gauls  for  five  years  more  for  himself,  giving  Spain  to  Pompey, 
and  Asia  to  Crassus. 

Crassus  soon  perished  in  battle  with  the  Parthians3  (a  huge, 
barbaric  empire,  then  reaching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 
Indus) ;  and  it  became  more  and  more  apparent  that  the 
question   whether   Caesar   or   Pompey  was   to   rule  at   Rome 

1  Says  John  Fiske,  "  We  ought  to  be  thankful  to  Caesar  every  day  that  we 
live."  Read  Fiske's  American  Political  Ideas,  108-113,  ami  Roosevelt's  Win- 
ning of  the  West,  III,  45-46  and  174-17G,  for  their  justification  of  wars  with 
savages  as  "  the  most  ultimately  righteous  of  all  wars."  The  justification  of 
Caesar's  conquests  in  Gaul  and  Britain  rests  upon  much  the  same  basis  as  does 
the  white  man's  occupation  of  the  American  continents.  The  student  should 
compare  the  Roman  possessions  after  these  conquests  of  Pompey  ami  Caesar, 
east  and  west,  with  the  territory  as  it  stood  before  them.  <  lompare  the  map 
on  page  348  with  that  following  page  422. 

2  Read  Mommsen,  V,  100-102,  for  an  admirable  statement. 

3  Special  report:  Crassus'  campaign. 


386  STRIFE   OF   CLASSES,    140-49   B.C.  [§455 

could  not  be  long  postponed.  Pompey,  in  liis  jealousy  of  his 
more  brilliant  rival,  drew  nearer  to  the  Senate  again,  and  was 
finally  adopted  by  that  terrified  body  as  their  champion.  He 
was  made  sole  consul,  and  at  the  same  time  his  military  com- 
mands  abroad  ire  re  continued  to  him.  The  Aristocrats  planned 
to  destroy  Caesar  when  his  term  of  office  should  expire.  By  a 
series  of  acts,  marked  by  vacillation  and  bad  faith,  they  even 
tried  to  deprive  him  of  his  army  before  the  settled  time. 
When  two  tribunes,  friendly  to  Caesar,  vetoed  this  decree,  they 
were  mobbed  and  driven  from  Rome.  The  civil  war  was 
(hawing  near  (§§  456  ff.). 

For  Further  Reading  on  Division  V.  —  Moinmsen,  bk.  v,  chs.  vii-ix  ; 
Merivale's  Triumvirates;  Pelbam;  Warde-Fowler's  Caesar;  Davidson's 
Cicero;  Froude's  Caesar;  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Caesar,"  "Lucullus," 
"  Crassus"). 

REVIEW   EXERCISES    ON   PART   IV. 

1.  Review  by  the  syllabus  in  the  table  of  contents. 

2.  Review  questions  prepared  by  class. 

3.  Fact  drills. 

a.  Dales.  The  class,  of  course,  continue  drill  on  the  list  on  page 
261.  Fill  out  the  following  table,  and  group  other  dates  around 
these.  Use  the  table  of  dates  in  the  Appendix  for  review  ;  note 
especially  the  relative  rates  of  development  of  Greece  and  Rome 
in  the  several  periods  or  centuries. 

"  Expulsion  "  of  the  kings. 
Sack  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls. 


(Cf.  220  b.c  — Greek  History.) 


510  (?) 

B.C. 

390 

it 

307 

l|| 

266 

(t 

218 

u 

140 

u 

49 

It 

b.  List  of  Rome's  wars  after  390  b.c. 

c.  List  of  important  battles. 


PART   V. 

THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  (THE  GRAECO-ROMAN  WORLD). 

Borne  was  the  whole  loorld,  and  all  the  world  was  Rome. 

—  Spenser,  Ruins  of  Home. 
Even  now  a  sovereign  who  should  thus  hold  all  the  lands  round  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  and  whose  borders  should  be  the  Rhine,  the  Danube, 
and  the  Euphrates,  would  be  incomparably  the  strongest  ruler  in  tin- 
world.  ...  As  has  been  often  pointed  out,  when  Home  ruled  she  was 
not  only  the  greatest,  but  practically  the  only  Power  of  which  the  states- 
man and  the  philosopher  took  any  cognisance. 

—  Hodgkin,  in  Contemporary  Review,  January,  1898,  p.  53. 
Republican  Rome  had  little  to  do  either  by  precept  or  example  with 
modern  life;  imperial  Rome,  everything.  —  Stim.e,  Studies,  17. 


CHAPTER  I. 

FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE  :  JULIUS  AND  AUGUSTUS,  49  B.C.-14  A.D. 

I.     THE   FIVE   YEARS   OF  JULIUS   CAESAR. 
A.   The  Moral  Question. 

456.  Monarchy  at  Rome  Inevitable.  —  From  the  time  of  the 
Gracchi,  Rome  had  been  moving  toward  monarchy.  Owing  to 
the  corruption  of  the  populace  in  the  capital,  the  tremendous 
power  of  the  tribune  had  grown  occasionally  into  a  virtual  dicta- 
torship (as  with  Caius  Gracchus  and  Sulpicius).  Owing  to  the 
growing  military  danger  on  the  frontiers,  the  mighty  authority 
of  a  one-year  proconsul  of  a  single  province  was  sometimes 
extended,  by  special  decrees,  over  vaster  areas  for  indefinite 
time  (as  with  Marius,  Sulla,  Pompey,  Caesar).     To  make  a 

387 


:',SS  FOUNDING   THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§457 

monarch  needed  but  to  unite  these  two  powers  at  home  and 
abroad  in  one  person. 

457.  Monarchy  Right  for  Rome :  Caesar  the  Hope  of  the  Sub- 
ject Nations.  —  These  two  conditions  (the  corruption  of  the 
Roman  citizens  and  the  danger  of  barbarian  invasion)  made 
monarchy  inevitable.  A  third  condition  made  it  right.  This 
was  the  ii ceil  for  better  government  in  the  provinces,  —  by  far  the 
greater  part  of  the  Roman  world. 

Here  is  the  merit  of  Caesar.  There  might  have  arisen  a 
purely  selfish  despot.  It  is  Caesar's  peculiar  honor  that  he, 
more  than  any  other  statesman  of  the  time,  felt  this  third  need. 
He  rose  to  power  as  the  champion  of  the  suffering  subject- 
populations.  He  had  undoubtedly  come  to  see  that  in  any 
case  the  only  government  for  that  age  was  one-man  rule ;  the 
existing  commonwealth  he  called  "a  body  without  a  soul." 
But  his  special  aim  was  to  mold  the  distracted  Roman  world 
into  a  mighty  empire  under  equal  laws. 

His  faith  in  monarchy  was  not  an  abandonment  of  his  earlier 
democracy,  so  much  as  a  broadening  of  it.  From  the  champion 
of  the  city  mob  against  an  aristocratic  ring,  he  had  become  the 
champion  of  wide  nationalities  against  the  same  narrow  circle 
and  the  mob  of  a  single  city.  Already,  as  proconsul,  on  his 
own  authority,  he  had  admitted  the  Cisalpine  Gauls  to  all  the 
privileges  of  citizenship.  In  the  midst  of  arduous  campaigns, 
he  had  kept  up  correspondence  with  leading  provincials  in  all 
parts  of  the  empire.  He  had  expended  vast  sums  in  adorning 
ami  improving  provincial  cities,  not  only  in  his  own  districts 
"i  Gaul  and  Spain,  but  also  in  Asia  and  Greece.  His  army 
itself  was  drawn  from  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  indeed  partly  from 
Gaul  beyond  the  Alps. 

The  subjeel  nationalities  were  learning  to  look  to  him  as 
their  l.rst  hope  against  senatorial  rapacity,  and  the  great  body 
of  them  wished  for  monarchy  as  the  only  legitimate  govern- 
ment ami  the  only  escape  from  anarchy. 

458-  Despotism  a  Medicine  for  Rome.  —  To  call  Caesar  right  in  his 
day,  ie  nol  to  'all  monarch;  right  in  all  times  and  places.    No  institution 


§459]  THE  FIVE   YEARS   OF  JULIUS   CAESAR.  389 

can  be  judged  apart  from  the  surrounding  conditions.  A  "Caesax"in 
Rome  in  200  b.c.  would  have  been  a  criminal  ;  the  real  Caesar  in  50  b.c. 
was  a  benefactor. 

Moreover,  to  say  that  monarchic  government  was  the  happiest  solution 
possible  for  Rome  is  not  to  call  it  an  unmixed  good.  No  perfectly  happy 
outcome  was  possible  to  that  Roman  world,  destitute  of  representative 
institutions  and  based  on  slavery.  But  <i  despotism  can  get  along  on  less 
virtue  and  intelligence  than  a  free  governnn  nt  run.  The  evils  thai  were 
finally  to  overthrow  the  Empire  five  centuries  later  had  all  appeared  in 
the  last  century  of  the  Republic.  Ruin  seemed  imminent.  The  change  to 
the  imperial  system  restored  prosperity  and  staved  off  the  final  collapse 
for  a  time  as  long  as  separates  us  from  Luther  or  Columbus. 

The  interval  was  precious  ;  for  in  it,  under  Roman  protection,  priceless 
work  was  to  be  done  for  humanity.  But  finally  the  mi  dicine  ofdes\  otism 
exhausted  its  good  effect;  its  own  poison  was  added  to  the  older  evils  ; 
and  the  collapse,  threatened  in  the  first  century  b.c,  came  in  the  fifth 
century  a.d. 

B.   The  Civil  War. 

459.  Caesar  crosses  the  Rubicon  :  Campaign  in  Italy.  —  Caesar 
had  finished  his  work  in  Gaul  in  the  nick  of  time,  and  was  free 
to  meet  his  enemies  at  Rome  and  to  take  up  his  greater  designs. 
He  still  shrank  from  civil  war.  He  wished  to  secure  the  con- 
sulship, and  he  seems  to  have  hoped,  in  that  event,  to  accom- 
plish reform  without  violence.  Accordingly,  he  made  offer 
after  offer  of  conciliation,  and  finally  agreed  to  all  that  his 
opponents  had  asked.  But  he  was  rebuffed  by  Pompey  and  t  lie 
Senate,  and  his  friends  were  driven  from  Home.  He  had  to 
choose  between  civil  war  and  personal  ruin. 

Caesar  finally  chose  war.  He  had  only  one  legion  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul;  but,  in  January,  49  B.C.,  he  led  it  into  Italy.  This  was 
an  act  of  war,  and  the  story  goes  that  as  he  crossed  the  Rubicon 
—  the  little  stream  between  his  province  and  Italy  — he 
claimed,  "The  die  is  cast!"  He  never  again  looked  back. 
With  audacious  rapidity  he  moved  directly  upon  the  much 
larger  forces  that  ponderous  Pompey  was  mustering  at  leisure; 
and  in  sixty  days,  almost  without  bloodshed,  he  was  master  oi 
the  peninsula. 


300  FOUNDING   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§  460 

460.  Campaigns  in  Spain  and  Greece.  —  Pompey  was  still  in 
control  of  most  of  the  empire,  but  Caesar  held  the  capital  and 
the  advantage  of  Italy's  central  position.  Turning  to  Spain, 
in  three  months  he  dispersed  the  armies  of  Pompey's  lieu- 
tenants  there  ;  and  then,  following  Pompey  himself  to  Greece, 
in  a  critical  campaign  in  48  b.c.  he  became  master  of  the 
world. 

The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Pharsalus  in  Thessaly. 
<  laesar's  little  army,  living  for  weeks  on  roots  and  bark  of  trees, 
numbered  less  than  half  Pompey's  well-provided  troops.  Pom- 
pey had  his  choice  of  positions,  and  he  had  never  been  beaten 
in  the  field.  It  looked  for  a  time  as  though  Caesar  had  rashly 
invited  ruin.  From  this  danger  he  snatched  overwhelming 
victory. 

The  result  is  explained  largely  by  the  character  of  the  oppos- 
ing commanders.  Pompey,  despite  his  long  career  of  un- 
broken success,  was  "  formed  for  a  corporal  and  forced  to  be 
a  general "  ;  while  Caesar,  though  caring  not  at  all  for  military 
glory,  was  one  of  the  two  or  three  greatest  captains  of  all  time. 
Almost  as  much  the  armies  differed  in  real  fighting  power 
Wnrde-Fowler's  summary  is  masterly   (Caesar,  299):  — 

"  <)n  one  side  the  disunion,  selfishness,  and  pride  of  the  last  survivors 
of  an  ancient  oligarchy,  speculating  before  the  event  on  the  wealth  or 
office  that  victory  was  to  bring  them  ;  on  the  other,  the  absolute  com- 
mand of  a  single  man,  whose  clear  mental  vision  was  entirely  occupied 
\\  ith  the  facts  and  issues  that  lay  before  him  that  day.  The  one  host  was 
composed  in  great  part  of  a  motley  crowd  from  Greece  and  the  East, 
enting  that  spurious  Hellenic  civilization  that  for  a  century  had 
Bapped  the  vigor  of  Roman  life;  the  other  was  chiefly  drawn  from  the 
Gallic  populations  of  Italy  and  the  West,  fresh,  vigorous,  intelligent,  and 
united  in  devotion  and  loyalty  to  a  leader  whom  not  even  defeat  could 
dishearten.  With  Pompeius  was  the  spirit  of  the  past,  and  his  failure 
<lid  bul  answer  to  the  failure  of  a  decaying  world  ;  with  Caesar  was  the 
spirit  of  the  future,  and  his  victory  marks  the  moment  when  humanity 
could  mice  more  start  hopefully  upon  a  new  line  of  progress." 

461.  The  Four  remaining  Campaigns.  —  Other  wars  hindered 
"it  work  of  reorganization.     Egypt  and  Asia  Minor  each 


§402]  THE   FIVE    YEARS   OF   JULIUS   CAESAR.  .     391 

required  a  campaign.1  In  Egypt,  under  the  wiles  of  the  volup- 
tuous princess,  Cleopatra,  whom  he  made  queen,  Caesar  s< 
to  have  wasted  a  few  months.  He  partly  atoned  for  this 
delay  by  his  swift  prosecution  of  the  war  in  Asia  against 
Pharnaces,  son  of  Mithridates.  It  was  this  campaign  that 
Caesar  reported  pithily  to  the  Senate  in  the  historic,  phrase, 
"I  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered." 

Meantime,  Cato  and  the  senatorial  party  had  raised  troops 
in  Africa  and  called  in  the  aid  of  the  Nuinidian  king.  Caesar 
crushed  them  at  Thapsus.2  Somewhat  later,  Pompey's  sons 
and  the  last  remnants  of  their  party  were  overthrown  in  Spain 
at  Munda. 

C.   Constructive  Work.3 

462.  Clemency  and  Reconciliation.  —  The  first  effort  of  the 
new  ruler  went  to  reconcile  Italy  to  his  government.  All 
respectable  classes  there  had  trembled  when  he  crossed  the 
Rubicon,  expecting  new  Marian  massacres  or  at  least  a  new 
Catilinarian  war  upon  property.  But  Caesar  maintained  strict 
order,  guarded  property  carefully,  and  punished  no  political 
opponent  who  laid  down  arms. 

Only  one  of  his  soldiers  had  refused  to  follow  him  when  he 
decided  upon  civil  war.  Caesar  sent  all  this  officer's  property 
after  him  to  Pompey's  camp.  He  continued  the  same  policy, 
too,  toward  the  nobles  who  left  Italy  to  join  Pompey.  On 
the  field  of  victory,  he  checked  the  vengeance  of  his  soldiers, 
calling  upon  them  to  remember  that  the  enemy  were  their 
fellow-citizens;  and  after  Pharsalus  he  employed  in  the  public 

1  Special  report:  siege  of  Caesar  in  Alexandria. 

2  Cato,  stern  Republican  that  lie  was,  committed  suicide  at  Utica,  after  this 
defeat,  unwilling  to  survive  the  commonwealth.  His  death  was  admired  by 
the  ancient  world,  and  cast  an  undeserved  halo  about  the  expiring  Republican 
cause.  More  than  anything  else,  it  has  led  later  writers  to  treat  Caesar  as 
the  ambitious  destroyer  of  his  country's  liberty.  Read  the  story  in  Plutarch's 
Life  of  Cato. 

8  Warde-Fowler,  326-359;  How  and  Leigh,  539-551;  Merivale,  Triumvirates, 
135,  139,  157-170;  Mommsen,  bk.  v,  ch.  xi. 


392  FOUNDING   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§463 

service  any  Roman  of  ability,  without  regard  to  the  side  he 
had  fought  on. 

In  Gaul,  Caesar's  warfare  had  been  largely  of  the  cruel  kind 
so  common  in  Roman  annals ;  but  his  clemency  in  the  civil 
war  was  without  example.  It  brought  its  proper  fruit:  almost 
at  once  all  classes,  except  a  few  extremists,  became  heartily 
reconciled  to  his  government. 

463.  The  Form  of  the  New  Monarchy.  —  For  the  most  part, 
the  old  Republican  forms  continued.  Except  for  some  brief 
intervals,  the  Senate  deliberated,  and  consuls  and  praetors 
were  elected,  as  before.  Bat  Caesar  drew  the  more  important 
powers  into  his  own  hands.  He  received  the  tribunician  power1 
for  life,  and  likewise  the  authority  of  a  life  censor.  He  was 
already  head  of  the  state  religion  as  Pontifex  Maximus.  Now 
he  accepted  also  a  dictatorship  for  life  and  the  title  of  Imperator 
for  himself  and  his  descendants; 

"  Imperator"  (from  which  comes  our  "  Emperor")  had  meant  simply 
"general,"  or  "  supreme  commander."  It  suggested  the  absolute  power 
of  the  master  of  the  legions  in  the  field.  This  power  (the  closest  survival 
of  the  ancient  imperium  of  the  kings)  was  now  conferred  upon  a  civil 
officer  in  the  city  itself.2 

Probably  Caesar  would  have  liked  the  title  of  king,  since 
tlif  recognized  authority,  and  forms  that  went  with  it,  would 
have  helped  to  maintain  order.  But  when  he  found  that  term 
still  hateful  to  the  populace,  he  seems  to  have  designed  this 
hereditary  Imperatorship  for  the  title  of  the  new  monarchy. 
Had  he  succeeded  in  making  it  strictly  hereditary,  the  world 
would  have  been  spared  many  of  the  worst  evils  of  the  next 
lour  centuries. 


1  i  laesar  was  from  an  old  patrician  family,  and  so  could  not  hold  the  office 
<>f  tribune  (§§  308,  324).  Therefore  he  devised  this  new  grant  of  "  tribunician 
power,"  to  answer  the  purpose. 

1  Caesar's  power  really  resulted  from  a  union  (§454)  of  the  tribunician 
power  in  the  city  with  the  proconsular  power  over  all  the  provinces.  The  title 
imperator  sums  up  this  union,  and  indicates  supreme  authority  throughout 
the  empire. 


§464]  THE  FIVE   YEARS   OF  JULIUS  CAESAR.  303 

464.  General  Measures  of  Reform.  —  Caesar's  reforms  em- 
braced Rome,  Italy,  and  the  empire.  A  bankrupt  law  released 
all  debtors  from  further  obligation,  if  they  surrendered  their 
entire  estates  to  their  creditors,1  —  and  so  the  demoralized 
society  was  given  a  fresh  start.  A  com  mission  like  that  of 
the  Gracchi  to  reclaim  and  allot  public  lands  was  put  at  work. 
Landlords  were  required  to  employ  at  least  one  free  laborer 
for  every  two  slaves.  Italian  colonization  in  the  provinces 
was  pressed  vigorously.  In  his  early  consulship  (59  B.C.), 
Caesar  had  refouncled  Capua;  now  he  did  the  like  for  Carthage 
and  Corinth,  and  these  noble  capitals  which  had  been  crimi- 
nally destroyed  by  the  narrow  jealousy  of  republican  Home, 
rose  again  to  wealth  and  power.  Eighty  thousand  landless 
citizens  of  Rome  were  provided  for  beyond  seas ;  and  by  these 
and  other  means  the  helpless  poor  in  the  capital,  dependent 
upon  free  grain,2  were  reduced  from  320,000  to  150,000.  Be- 
yond doubt,  with  longer  life,  Caesar  would  have  lessened  the 
evil  further. 

Rigid  economy  was  introduced  into  all  branches  of  the  gov- 
ernment. Taxation  was  equalized  and  reduced.  A  compre- 
hensive census  was  taken  for  all  Italy,  and  measures  were 
under  way  to  extend  it  over  the  empire,  as  was  done  later  by 
Augustus.  Caesar  also  reformed  the  calendar3  and  the  coin- 
age, began  the  codification  of  the  irregular  mass  of  Roman 
law,  created  a  great  public  library,  built  a  new  Forum,  and 
began  vast  public  works  in  all  parts  of  the  empire. 

1  This  principle  has  heen  adopted  in  modern  legislation. 

2  Soon  after  the  time  of  the  Gracchi,  it  hecame  necessary  t<>  extend  the 
practice  of  selling  cheap  grain  to  distributing  free  grain,  at  state  expense,  to 
the  populace  of  the  capital.  This  hecame  one  of  the  chief  duties  id'  the  u<>\- 
ernment.  To  have  omitted  it  would  have  meant  starvation  and  a  horrible 
insurrection. 

3  The  Roman  calendar,  inferior  to  the  Egyptian,  had  gol  three  months  out 
of  the  way,  so  that  the  spring  equinox  came  in  June.  To  correel  the  error, 
Caesar  made  the  year  4b*  ("  the  last  year  of  confusion  ")  consist  of  four  hundred 
and  forty-five  days,  and  for  the  future,  instituted  the  system  of  leap  years,  as 
we  have  it,  except  for  a  slight  correction  by  Pope  Gregory  in  the  sixteenth 
century.    The  reform  was  based  upon  the  Egyptian  system  (§  17). 


304  FOUNDING   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§465 

465.  The  Provinces.  —  The  system  of  provincial  government 
was  made  over.  The  old  governors  had  been  ignorant  and 
irresponsible  tyrants,  Avith  every  temptation  to  plunder  their 
charge.  Under  Caesar  they  became  the  trained  servants  of  a 
stern  master  who  looked  to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  empire. 
Their  authority,  too,  was  lessened,  and  they  were  surrounded 
by  a  system  of  checks  in  the  presence  of  other  officials  depend- 
ent directly  upon  the  Imperator.  The  governors  soon  came 
to  be  paid  fixed  salaries,  and  were  not  allowed  even  to  accept 
presents  from  the  provincials. 

Such  correction  of  abuses  was  a  vast  gain;  but  even  more 
important  was  Caesar's  plan  to  put  the  provinces  upon  an 
equality  with  Italy.  "As  provinces  they  were  to  disappear,  to 
prepare  for  the  renovated  Romano-Greek  nation  a  new  and  more 
spacious  home,  of  whose  several  parts  no  one  existed,  merely  for 
the  others,  but  all  for  each  and  each  for  all"1  All  Cisalpine 
Gaul  was  incorporated  in  Italy,  and  Koman  citizenship  was 
enormously  multiplied  by  the  addition  of  whole  communities  in 
Farther  Gaul,  in  Spain,  and  el  sen-he  re.  Leading  Gauls,  too, 
were  admitted  to  tJie  Senate,  which  Caesar  hoped  to  raise  to  a 
Grand  Council  really  representative  of  the  needs  and  feelings 
of  the  empire. 

466.  The  Unforeseen  Interruption.  —  In  a  few  months  Caesar 
had  won  the  favor  of  the  Roman  populace,  the  sympathy  of 
the  respectable  classes  in  Italy,  and  the  enthusiastic  reverence 
of  the  provinces.  He  was  still  in  the  prime  of  a  strong  and 
active  manhood,  and  had  every  reason  to  hope  for  time  to 
complete  his  work. 

Nfo  public  enemy  could  be  raised  against  him  within  the 
empire.  One  danger  there  was:  lurking  assassins  beset  his 
path.  But  with  characteristic  dignity  he  quietly  refused  a 
bodyguard,  declaring  it  better  to  die  at  any  time  than  to  live 
always  in  IVar  of  death.  And  so,  in  the  midst  of  preparation 
for  expeditions  against  the  Parthians  and  Germans  to  secure 


1  Read  Mommsen,  V,  415-417,  also  427,  428. 


§467] 


THE  FIVE   YEAKS  OF  JULIUS    CAESAR. 


395 


the  frontiers,  the  murderous  daggers  of  men  whom  he  had 
spared  struck  him  down. 

A  group  of  irreconcilable  nobles,  led  by  the  envious  Cassiua 
and  the  weak  enthusiast  Brutus  (whom  Caesar  had  heaped  with 
favors),  plotted  to  take  Lis 
life.  They  accomplished 
their  crime  in  the  senate 
house,  on  the  Ides  of 
March  (March  15),  44  b.c. 
Crowding  around  him,  and 
fawning  upon  him  as  to 
ask  a  favor,  the  assassins 
suddenly  drew  their  dag- 
gers. According  to  an  old 
story,  Caesar  at  first,  call- 
ing for  help,  stood  on  his 
defense,  and  wounded  Cas- 
sius ;  but  when  he  saw 
the  loved  and  trusted 
Brutus,  in  the  snarling 
pack,  he  cried  out  sadly, 
"  What !  thou,  too,  Brutus !  "  and  drawing  his  toga  about  him 
with  calm  dignity,  he  resisted  no  longer,  but  sank  at  the  foot 
of  Bompey's  statue,  bleeding  from  three  and  twenty  stabs. 

467.  Caesar's  Character.  —  Caesar  has  been  called  the  one 
original  genius  in  Roman  history.  His  gracious  courtesy  and 
unrivaled  charm  Avon  all  hearts,  so  that  it  is  said  his  enemies 
dreaded  personal  interviews,  lest  they  be  drawn  to  his  side. 
Toward  his  friends  he  never  wearied  in  forbearance  and  love. 
In  the  civil  war  young  Curio,  a  dashing  but  reckless  lieutenant, 
lost  two  legions  and  undid  much  good  work  —  to  Caesar's 
great  peril.  Curio  refused  to  survive  his  blunder,  and  found 
death  on  the  field ;  but  Caesar,  with  no  word  of  reproach,  refers 
to  the  disaster  only  to  excuse  it  kindly  by  reference  to  Curio's 
youth  and  to  "  his  faith  in  his  good  fortune  from  his  former 
success." 


Marcus  Brutus. —  A  bust  now  in  the 
CaiMtoline  Museum. 


396  FOUNDING   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§  467 

No  man  ever  excelled  Caesar  in  quick  perception  of 
means,  fertility  of  resource,  dash  in  execution,  or  tireless 
activity.  His  opponent  Cicero  said  of  him :  "  He  had 
genius,  understanding,  memory,  taste,  reflection,  industry, 
exactness."  Numerous  anecdotes  are  told  of  the  many  activi- 
ties he  could  carry  on  at  one  time,  and  of  his  dictating  six 
or  more  letters  to  as  many  scribes  at  once.  Says  a  modern 
critic,  "  He  was  great  as  a  captain,  statesman,  lawgiver, 
jurist,  orator,  poet,  historian,  grammarian,  mathematician, 
architect." 

No  doubt  "  Caesar  was  ambitious."  He  was  not  a  philan- 
thropic enthusiast  merely,  but  a  broad-minded,  intellectual 
genius,  with  a  strong  man's  delight  in  ruling  well.  He  saw 
clearly  what  jvas  to  do,  and  knew  perfectly  his  own  supreme 
ability  to  do  it.  Caesar  and  Alexander  are  the  two  great 
captains  whose  conquests  have  done  most  for  civilization. 
But  Caesar,  master  in  war  as  he  was,  always  preferred  states- 
manship, and  was  free  from  Alexander's  boyish  liking  for 
mere  fighting. 

The  seven  campaigns  in  the  five  years  after  he  crossed  the 
Rubicon  left  Caesar  less  than  eighteen  months  for  his  great 
plans  of  reorganization.  Even  this  short  time  was  in  broken 
intervals  between  wars,  and  the  whole  routine  of  ordinary 
government  had  to  be  taken  care  of  also.  Of  course  the  new 
work  r<  mained  incomplete,  and  it  is  not  always  possible  to  tell 
jusl  what  Caesar  planned  to  do;  but  that  which  was  actually 
accomplished  dazzles  the  imagination.  His  genius,  too,  marked 
out  the  lines  along  which,  on  the  whole,  his  successors,  less 
grandly,  had  to  move. 

The  murder  was  as  imbecile  as  it  was  wicked.  It  struck  the 
wist-  monarch, but  not  the  monarchy,  and  left  Caesar's  work  to 
be  completed  by  smaller  men,  after  a  new  period  of  anarchy. 
We  can  do  no  better,  in  leaving  "the  foremost  man  of  all  this 
world,"  than  to  use  the  words  of  Mommsen :  "Thus  he  worked 
and  created  as  never  any  mortal  before  or  after  him  ;  and  as  a 
worker  and  creator  he  still,  after  two  thousand  years,  lives  in 


§408]  FROM  JULIUS  TO  OCTAVIUS,   44-31    B.C.  397 

the  memory  of  the  nations  —  the  first  and  the  unique  Impera- 
tor  Caesar ! " 1 

For  Further  Reading.  —  White's  Appian,  for  the  period;  Moinm- 
sen,  bk.  v,  chs.  x-xi ;  Warde-Fowler's  Caesar  (Heroes;  ;  Davidson's  (  7c- 
ero  (Heroes);  Trollope's  Cicero;  Froude's  Caesar;  Pelham;  Merivale's 
Triumvirates;  Plutarch's  Lives  ("Caesar,"  "Fompeius,"  "Crassus," 
Cicero,"  "Brutus"). 

II.    FROM  JULIUS   TO   OCTAVIUS,  44-31  B.C. 

468.  Antonius  and  Octavius.  —  Caesar's  assassination  led  to 
fourteen  years  more  of  dreary  civil  war,  before  the  Empire  was 
finally  established  on  a  firm  foundation.  The  murderers  had 
hoped  to  be  greeted  as  liberators.  For  the  moment  they  were 
the  masters  of  the  city;  but,  to  their  dismay,  all  classes  (even 
the  senatorial  order)  shrank  from  them.  In  a  few  days  they 
found  themselves  in  extreme  peril.  At  Caesar's  funeral  his 
lieutenant  and  friend,  Marcus  Antonius  ("Mark  Antony") 
was  permitted  to  deliver  the  usual  oration  over  the  dead  body, 
and  his  skillful  and  fiery  words2  roused  the  populace  to  fury 
against  the  assassins.  The  mob  rose;  all  Italy  was  hostile; 
and  the  conspirators  fled  to  the  eastern  provinces,  where  some 
of  them  had  commands  and  where  the  fame  of  Pompey  was  still 
a  strength  to  the  Aristocrats. 

In  the  West,  control  fell  to  two  men,  Antonius  and  Octavius 
Caesar.  Antonius,  the  orator  of  Caesar's  funeral,  was  a  disso- 
lute, resolute,  daring  soldier.  Octavius  was  a  grand-nephew 
and  adopted  son  of  Julius  Caesar.  He  was  an  unknown  sickly 
youth  of  eighteen,  and  at  first  he  owed  his  importance  wholly 
to  the  connection  with  the  great  dictator;  but  he  soon  proved 
himself  the  shrewdest  and  strongest  statesman  of  the  empire. 

1  Read  the  rest  of  Mommsen's  fine  summary,  V,  441-442,  and,  for  <  laesar's 
character,  the  famous  passage,  pp.  305-314.  See  also  a  fine  passage  on  the 
necessity  of  the  Empire,  and  on  Caesar's  work,  in  Hodgkin's  "  Fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,"  in  the  Contemporary  Review  for  January,  1898,  pp.  53  58 

2  Shakspere  follows  the  historical  account  in  the  nature  of  the  speech  lie 
puts  into  Antony's  mouth  in  Julius  Caesar. 


398 


FOUNDING   THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE. 


[§469 


469.  Formation  of  the  Second  Triumvirate.  —  At  first  these 
two  leaders  were  rivals,  each  posing  as  the  heir  and  successor 
of  Caesar.  By  the  'shrewd  policy  of  Octavius,  however,  they 
united  their  forces,  and,  to  secure  the  West  thoroughly,  they 
took  into  partnership  Lepidus,  governor  of  Gaul  and  Spain. 

The  three  men  got  them- 
selves appointed  trium- 
virs1 by  the  Senate  (43 
b.c).  They  were  given 
unlimited  power  for  five 
years  to  reorganize  the 
state ;  and  this  dictator- 
ship they  afterward  ex- 
tended at  will. 

470.  The  Proscription. 
—  The  union  was  ce- 
mented with  blood.  To 
their  shame,  the  trium- 
virs abandoned  the  mer- 
ciful policy  of  Caesar. 
Their  first  deed  was  to 
get  rid  of  their  personal 
foes  in  Italy  by  a  hor- 
rible proscription.  Each 
marked  off  on  the  fatal 
list  those  whose  deaths 
he  demanded,  and  each  surrendered  an  uncle,  a  brother,  or  a 
trusting  friend,  to  the  others'  hate.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
Cicero  perished,  abandoned  by  his  friend  Octavius  to  the  hatred 
of  Antonius.  More  than  three  thousand  victims  —  all  men  of 
high  position  —  were  slain.  The  triumvirate  had  crushed  out 
all  possible  opposition  in  Italy. 

1  Rote  that  the  term  triumvirate  is  official  in  this  use,  while  the  so-called 
jirsi  triumvirate  (§  143)  was  an  unofficial  league, or  ring,  of  public  men.  The 
triumvirate  of  43  b.c.  was  a  triple  dictatorship;  just  as  the  ancient  decemvirate 
(§  .'>14j  was  a  dictatorship  of  ten  men. 


Octavius  Caesar  (Augustus)  as  a  Boy 
A  bust  uow  in  the  Vatican. 


§473]  OCTAVIUS   AUGUSTUS,   31    B.C.-14    A  1>  399 

471.  Final  Overthrow  of  the  Oligarchs;  Philippi.  —  Meantime 
Brutus  and  Cassius  had  been  rallying  the  old  Pompeian  Eo 

in  the  East.  Their  army  contained  troops  from  Parthia, 
Armenia,  Media,  Pontus,  and  Thrace.  Octavius  and  Antonius 
marched  against  them.  Again  the  East  and  West  met  in 
conflict,  and  again  the  West  won  —  at  Philippi  in  Macedonia 
(42  b.c).  This  was  the  last  time  the  "  Kepnblicans  "  appeared 
in  arms. 

472.  Quarrels  of  the  Triumvirs;  Actium. — Then  Octavius 
and  Antonius  set  aside  Lepidus  and  divided  the  Roman  world 
between  themselves.  Soon  each  was  plotting  for  the  other's 
share.  The  East  had  fallen  to  Antonius.  There  he  became 
infatuated  with  the  licentious  Cleopatra  of  Egypt,  until  he  lost 
care  even  for  his  military  fame  and  sank  into  sensual  indolence, 
with  only  fitful  gleams  of  his  old  energy. 

Octavius  was  preparing  to  take  advantage  of  this  condition, 
when  a  pretext  was  made  ready  to  his  hand.  Antonius  be- 
stowed rich  provinces  upon  Cleopatra,  and,  it  was  rumored, 
planned  to  supplant  Rome  by  Alexandria  as  chief  capital. 
The  West  turned  to  Octavius  as  its  champion.  The  Roman 
Senate  declared  war  against  Antonius,  and,  in  31,  the  rivals 
met  in  the  naval  battle  of  Actium  off  the  west  coast  of  Greece. 
This  was  the  third  of  the  decisive  battles  in  the  establishment 
of  the  empire :  and,  like  Pharsalus  and  Philippi,  it  also  was 
a  victory  for  the  West  over  the  East.1 

ill.     OCTAVIUS  AUGUSTUS,  31  B.C.-14  A.D. 

473.  Final  Establishment  of  the  Empire  ;  Republican  Forms.  — 
Actium  made  Octavius  sole  master  of  the  Roman  world.  He 
proceeded  to  the  East  to  restore  order  and  to  annex  Egypt, 
which  now  became  a  Roman  province.  On  his  return  to 
Rome,  in   29  b.c,  the   gates  of  the   Temple  of  Janus  were 

1  Special  reports:  story  of  the  battle  of  Actium  ;  death  of  Antmiius  and  <>[ 
Cleopatra. 


400  FOUNDING  THE   KOMAN  EMPIRE.  [§  473 

closed,  in  token  of  the  reign  of  peace.1  He  declared  a  general 
amnesty,  and  thereafter  welcomed  to  favor  and  public  office 
the  followers  of  his  old  enemies ;  and,  by  prudent  and  generous 
measures,  he  soon  brought  back  prosperity  to  long-distracted 
Italy. 

In  27,  Octavius  laid  down  his  office  of  triumvir  (which  had 
become  a  sole  dictatorship),  and  declared  the  Republic  restored. 
The  act  really  showed  that  he  was  absolute  master  and  that 
the  Empire  teas  safely  established.  To  be  sure,  Octavius  him- 
self wrote  (Monumentum,2  xxxiv)  :  "After  that  time  I  excelled 
all  others  in  dignity,  but  of  power  I  held  no  more  than  those 
who  were  my  colleagues  in  any  magistracy."  And  indeed 
Republican  forms  were  respected  as  scrupulously  as  condi- 
tions would  permit.  The  Senate  deliberated;  the  Assembly 
met  to  elect  consuls  and  the  other  officers  of  the  old  constitu- 
tion. But,  even  in  form,  the  Senate  at  once  gave  back  to 
Octavius  his  most  important  authority  in  various  ways,3  and, 
in  reality,  supreme  power  lay  in  his  hands  as  Imperator,4  master 
of  the  legions.  This  office  and  title  Octavius  kept,  and  the 
Senate  now  added  to  it  the  new  title  Augustus,  which  had  before 
been  used  only  of  the  gods.5  It  is  by  this  name  that  he  is 
thenceforth  known  in  history. 

Augustus,  however,  carefully  refused  the  forms  and  pomp 
of  monarchy.  He  lived  more  simply  than  many  a  noble,  and 
walked  the  streets  like  any  citizen,  charming  all  by  his  frank 

1  These  gates  Mere  always  open  when  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  any  war. 
In  all  Roman  history,  they  had  been  closed  only  twice  before,  and  one  of  these 
times  was  in  the  legendary  reign  of  King  Numa. 

-  See  References,  page  457. 

3  Cf.  §  4'.i7,  and  see  an  excellent  statement  in  Pelham,  407^409. 

4  Octavius.  however,  was  so  intrenched  in  popular  favor  that  he  did  not 
need  open  support  from  the  army.  The  legions  were  stationed  mostly  on  the 
frontiers.  Ear  from  Italy.  Octavius  did  create  a  body  of  city  troops,  ten 
thousand  in  number,  the  praetorian  guards,  to  preserve  order  at  Rome;  but 
during  his  rule  even  these  guards  were  encamped  outside  the  city. 

For  Augustus'  "  official  version  "  of  his  political  conduct,  see  the  extract 
in  Minim's  Source  Book,  144-145.  The  student  must  be  on  his  guard  in  read- 
ing such  "  sources  "  :  Augustus'  account  is  true  to  the  letter,  not  to  the  spirit. 


§475]  OCTAVIUS  AUGUSTUS,  31   B.C.-14   A.D.  401 

courtesy.  He  preferred  to  all  his  other  titles  the  name  of 
honor,  Princeps  (Prince),  which  was  popularly  conferred  upon 
him  and  which  signified  "the  first  citizen"  of  the  Republic. 

474.  The  Character  of  Augustus.  —  In  his  early  career  Au- 
gustus had  proven  himself  able,  adroit,  unscrupulous,  cold- 
blooded. He  had  shrunk  from  no  cruelty,  and  had  been 
moved  by  no  passion.  But  absolute  power,  which  often 
drives  small  men  to  frenzy,  warmed  this  cold,  unlovely 
schemer  into  something  akin  to  greatness.1  He  laid  aside  his 
first  position  as  chief  of  a  party,  to  become  an  impartial  and 
faithful  ruler.  He  took  up  the  work  of  the  great  Julius, 
though  with  a  more  cautious  spirit;  and  the  remaining  forty 
years  of  his  life  he  gave  to  unremitting  toil  in  strengthening 
the  Empire  and  in  improving  the  condition  of  the  people 
throughout  the  Roman  world. 

475.  trjh^  ^.ligustan  Age.  —  Augustus  extended  the  bound- 
aries of  the  empire,  especially  on  the  north,  to  secure  safer 
frontiers  (§507).  But  his  chief  work  lay  in  internal  organi- 
zation; He  organized  the  administration  of  the  capital.  A 
police  department,  a  fire  department,  and  a  department  for  the 
distribution  of  grain,  each  under  its  proper  head,  were  created, 
and  the  work  of  founding  colonies  outside  Italy  was  renewed 
on  a  large  scale.  In  like  manner,  the  material  needs  of  Italy 
and  the  provinces  received  careful  attention.  Throughout  the 
empire,  peace  reigned.  Order  was  everywhere  established. 
Industry  revived  and  throve.  Marshes  were  drained.  Roads 
were  built.  A  postal  system  was  organized.  A  great  census 
of  the  whole  empire  was  carried  out.  The  number  of  citizens 
was  increased  by  about  one  fifth,  and  many  important  public 
works  were  carried  through. 

Above  all,  out  of  the  long  century  of  anarchy,  Augustus 
reared  a  new  structure  of  imperial  government  (§§  496  199), 
building  so  firmly  that  even  his  death  did  not  shake  his 
work.     For  three  centuries  (until  the  time  of  Diocletian,  §  549 1 


Read  Capes,  Karhj  F.mr 


402  FOUNDING   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  [§  475 

his  successors  for  the  most  part  followed  his  general  policy  in 
government. 

Augustus  was  also  a  generous  and  ardent  patron  of  literature 


Augustus.  —  Vatican  Museum. 


and  art,1  and  the  many  famous  writers  of  his  reign  (§526)  gave 
splendor  to  his  memory.     In  the  history  of  Latin  literature, 

1  In  this  patrouage  Augustus  was  imitated  by  many  great  nobles  and  espe- 
cially by  his  minister  Mik'i-oihh,  whose  fame  in  this  respect  outshines  even 
that  of  his  master.  Maecenas  was  the  particular  friend  and  patron  of  Vergil 
and  Horace. 


§476]  OCTAVIUS  AUGUSTUS,   31    B.C.-14   A.I).  103 

the  Augustan  Age  is  synonymous  with  "  golden  age."  The 
chief  cities  of  the  empire  were  adorned  with  noble  buildings, 
—  temples,  theaters,  porticoes,  baths  (§521).  Augustus  tells 
us  in  a  famous  inscription  that  in  one  year  he  himself  began 
the  rebuilding  of  eighty-two  temples,  and  of  Rome  he  said,  "  I 
found  it  brick  and  left  it  marble." 

The  details  of  much  of  his  work  will  appear  more  fully  in 
Chapter  III  (§  496  ff.). 

476.  The  Worship  of  the  Dead  Augustus.  —  At  his  death,  by 
decree  of- the  Senate,  divine  honors  were  paid  Augustus. 
Temples  were  erected  in  his  honor,  and  he  was  worshiped  as  a 
god.  Impious  as  such  worship  seems  to  us,  it  was  natural  to 
the  Romans.  It  was  connected  with  the  ideas  of  ancestor  wor- 
ship in  each  family,  and  with  the  general  worship  of  ancient 
heroes,  and  was  a  way  of  recognizing  the  emperor  as  "  the  father 
of  all  his  people."  The  practice  was  adopted  for  the  success)  us 
of  Augustus,  and  this  worship  of  dead  emperors  soon  became 
the  most  general  and  widespread  religious  rite  in  the  Roman 
world,  as  well  as  a  mighty  bond  of  union.1 

In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  remember  that  when 
the  reign  of  Augustus  was  a  little  more  than  half  gone,  there 
was  born  in  a  manger  in  an  obscure  hamlet  of  a  distant  corner 
of  the  Roman  world  a  child  who  became  the  founder  of  a  reli- 
gion which,  after  some  centuries,  was  to  replace  the  worship  oi 
emperors  and  all  other  religious  faiths  of  the  old  pagan  world. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  On  the  work  of  Augustus:  Firth's  Au- 
gustus; Capes'  Early  Empire,  ch.  i;  Pelham's  Outlines  of  Soman  His- 
tory, bk.  v,  ch.  iii ;  Bury's  Roman  Empire,  1-140.  For  other  material 
and  for  the  account  by  Augustus  himself,  see  page  457. 

Exercises.  —  (1)  Catchword  review,  47-27  a.d.  (2)  Add  the  battles 
of  this  period  to  the  list  for  drill.  (3)  Review  the  growth  of  Roman  citi- 
zenship from  legendary  times  to  the  death  of  Augustus  (see  index  for 
references).  (4)  Review  the  theme  sentences  throughout  the  volume  at 
the  heads  of  chapters  or  of  divisions  of  chapters,  and  note  how  they  apply 
to  the  historical  movements. 

1  Read  Capes,  Early  Empire,  41-44. 


CHAPTER   II. 

THE   EMPIRE   OF   THE   FIRST   THREE   CENTURIES  — 
AUGUSTUS   TO  DIOCLETIAN. 

(Tlte  Story  of  the  Emperors.') 

477.  Character  of  the  Treatment  of  this  Period.—  With  the  Age  of 
Augustus  the  history  of  the  Empire  ceases  to  be  centered  in  the  city  of 
Home.  Nor  is  it  centered  even  in  the  emperors.  Much  depends,  of  course, 
upon  the  ruler;  but  the  great  movements  go  on  in  a  good  deal  the  same 
way,  no  matter  who  sits  upon  the  throne.  Our  study  will  not  concern 
itself  with  the  gossip  of  the  court.  For  the  next  three  centuries  our  in- 
terest lies  not  so  much  in  a  narrative  of  any  kind  as  in  a  topical  survey  of 
the  institutions  of  the  Empire,  upon  which,  in  large  measure,  modern 
society  rests. 

Such  a  topical  study  is  given  in  the  next  chapter.  But,  since  it  is  con- 
venient to  refer  to  the  reigns  as  dates,  a  brief  summary  of  the  emperors  is 
given  first.  This  chapter  is  for  reading  and  reference,  not  for  careful 
study  at  this  stage.  In  review,  after  studying  the  topical  treatment,  impor- 
tant names  and  dates  in  the  summary  may  be  memorized.1 

I.    TWO   CENTURIES   OF   ORDER,    31    B.C.-180   A.D. 
A.     The   Julian   Caesars. 

478.  Augustus.  31  B.a-14  a.d.  :  a  Summary.  —  The  work  of 
Augustus  is  discussed  in  detail  elsewhere;  but  a  brief  outline 
is  added  here.  Augustus  fixed  the  imperial  constitution,  estab- 
lishing  despotism  under  Republican  forms  (§§  496-498).    He  fixed 

1  Students  who  wish  to  read  more  fully  on  the  narrative  of  the  first  two 
centuries  may  use  Capes'  Early  Empire,  44-180,  and  Age  of  the  Antonines, 
1-135,  or  limy,  Roman  Empire  (Student's  Series).  Other  material  can  he 
found  in  the  references  named  <>n  page  457.  On  the  third  century  there  is  no 
good  brief  treatment.  Tin- narrative  chapters  in  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall 
may  be  used. 

404 


§480]  THE  JULIAN   CAESARS.  405 

the  boundaries  of  the  empire  (meeting  with  a  check  from  the 
Germans  in  the  defeat  of  the  Teutoberg  Forest,  I  ~><>7).  He 
restored  order,  promoted  prosperity,  carried  out  a  census  of  the 
empire,  constructed  many  vast  public  works.  His  age  was  the 
"golden  age"  of  Latin  literature.  He  "found  Rome  brick  and 
left  it  marble."     During  his  reign,  Christ  axis  bom. 

479.  Tiberius,  14-37  a. d.  —  Augustus  was  succeeded  by  his 
stepson  Tiberius,  whom  he  had  adopted  as  his  heir.  Tiberius 
was  stern,  morose,  suspicious  ;  but  he  was  also  an  able,  con- 
scientious ruler.  The  nobles  of  the  capital  conspired  against 
him,  and  were  punished  cruelly.  The  populace  of  Rome,  too, 
hated  him  because  he  restricted  the  distribution  of  grain  and 
refused  to  amuse  them  with  gladiatorial  sports.  To  keep  the 
capital  in  order,  Tiberius  brought  the  praetorians  (§  473,  note) 
into  the  city  and  encouraged  a  system  of  paid  spies,  so  that 
the  people  of  Rome  with  some  reason  looked  upon  him  as  a 
gloomy  tyrant.1  He  also  made  the  law  of  treason  (majestas) 
apply  to  words  against  the  emperor,  as  well  as  to  acts  of 
violence.  But  in  the  provinces  he  ims  proverbial  for  fairness, 
kindness,  and  good  government.  On  one  occasion,  after  a  great 
earthquake  in  Asia  Minor,  he  rebuilt  twelve  cities  which  had 
been  destroyed  there.  In  this  reign  occurred  the  crucifixion  of 
Christ. 

480.  Caligula,  37-41.  —  In  the  absence  of  nearer  heirs,  Tiberius  adopted 
his  grandnephew  Caligula.  This  prince  had  been  a  promising  youth,  but, 
crazed  by  power,  he  became  a  capricious  madman,  with  gleams  of  fero- 


1  The  great  authority  for  this  period  is  the  Roman  historian,  Tacitus.  Bui 
Tacitus  is  affected  by  the  prejudice  of  the  Roman  nobles,  and  be  paints 
Tiberius  in  colors  much  too  dark.  (See  extracts  in  Munro's  Sourct  Book, 
149-152.)  The  worst  cruelties  of  Tiberius's  reign  were  due,  too,  to  his  un- 
placed trust  in  Sejanus,  his  minister  and  commander  of  the  praetorians.  For 
a  time  this  infamous  miscreant  virtually  ruled  thecapital  while  Tiberius,  in 
disgust,  withdrew  to  his  beautiful  retreat  on  the  island  of  Capri,  near  the 
Bay  of  Naples,  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  empire  at  large.  Finalrj  Sejanus 
plotted  against  the  life  of  Tiberius,  and  was  himself  put  to  death.  The  abuse 
of  the  system  of  spies  was  due  to  the  corruption  "I  society  in  thecapital. 
Read  the  extract  in  Munro,  pages  151-152. 


406     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  481 

cious  humor.  "  Would  that  the  Romans  had  all  one  neck  !  "  he  exclaimed, 
wishing  that  he  might  behead  them  all  at  one  stroke.  His  deeds  were 
a  series  of  crimes  and  extravagant  follies.  The  wild-beast  fights  of  the 
amphitheater  and  the  gladiatorial  shows  fascinated  him  strangely.  It  is 
said  that  sometimes,  to  add  to  the  spectacle,  he  ordered  spectators  to  be 
thrown  to  the  animals,  and  he  entered  the  arena  himself  as  a  gladiator,  to 
win  the  applause  of  the  people  whom  he  hated.  After  four  years,  he 
was  murdered  by  his  guard. 

481.  Claudius,  41-54.  —  Caligula  had  named  no  successor.  For  a 
moment  the  Senate  hoped  to  restore  the  old  Republic  ;  but  the  praeto- 
rians set  up  as  emperor  Claudius,  the  uncle  of  Caligula.  Claudius  was  a 
timid,  gentle,  awkward,  well-meaning  scholar.  Much  of  the  time  he  was 
under  the  influence  of  unworthy  favorites.  Still  his  reign  is  famous  for  a 
great  extension  of  citizenship  to  provincials  and  for  legislation  to  protect 
slaves  against  cruel  masters.1  The  Eoman  conquest  of  southern  Britain 
took  place  in  this  reign  (§  508). 2 

482.  Nero,  54-68.  —  Claudius  was  succeeded  by  his  stepson 
Nero,  a  boy  of  sixteen.  Nero  had  been  trained  by  the  philoso- 
pher Seneca  (§  525),  and  for  two  thirds  of  his  reign  he  was 
ruled  by  this  great  thinker  and  by  other  wise  ministers.  In- 
deed, the  young  emperor  cared  little  for  affairs  of  government, 
but  was  fond  of  art,  and  ridiculously  vain  of  his  skill  in  music 
and  poetry.  After  some  years  he  began  to  withdraw  himself 
from  the  influence  of  his  good  advisers,  and  toward  the  close 
of  his  reign  he  manifested  a  tiger-like  depravity.  Wealthy 
nobles  were  put  to  death  in  great  numbers  and  their  property 
confiscated  for  the  tyrant's  benefit,  Seneca  himself  being  among 
llir  victims.  Like  Caligula,  Nero  entered  the  lists  as  a  gladi- 
ator, and  he  sought  popular  applause  also  for  his  music  and 
dancing. 

During  this  reign  half  of  Rome  was  laid  in  ashes  by  the 
"Great  Fire."  For  six  days  and  nights  the  flames  raged 
unchecked,  surging  in  billows  over  the  slopes  and  through  the 
valleys  of  the  Seven  Hills.  By  some,  Nero  was  believed  to 
have  or.l. Ted  tlio  destruction,  in  order  that  he  might  rebuild  in 


1  Bee  Munro,  Source  Book,  187.  2  Special  report^ 


§483]  THE   FLAVIAN   CAESARS.  107 

more  magnificent  fashion.  On  better  authority  he  was  reported 
to  have  enjoyed  the  spectacle  from  the  roof  of  his  palace,  with 
music  and  dancing,  singing  meanwhile  a  poem  he  had  com- 
posed on  the  "  Burning  of  Troy." 

The  new  sect  of  Christians  also  were  accused  of  starting  the 
fire,  out  of  their  supposed  "hatred  for  the  human  race."  To 
many,  some  color  was  given  to  the  accusation  by  the  talk  of  the 
Christians  about  an  approaching  destruction  of  the  world.  To 
turn  attention  from  himself,  Nero  took  up  the  charge,  and 
carried  out  the  first  persecution  of  the  Christians  (§  540).,  one  of 
the  most  cruel  in  all  history.  Victims  tarred  with  pitch  were 
burned  as  torches  in  the  imperial  gardens,  to  light  the  indecent 
revelry  of  the  court  at  night,  and  others,  clothed  in  the  skins 
of  animals,  were  torn  by  dogs  for  the  amusement  of  the  mob. 
The  persecution,  however,  was  confined  to  the  capital,  and  was 
not  religious  in  purpose. 

Nero  sank  deeper  and  deeper  in  vice  and  crime.  Except  for 
the  disgrace,  his  capricious  tyranny  did  not  reach  far  beyond 
the  city  of  Rome;  but  finally  the  legions  in  the  provinces 
revolted.  The  tyrant  was  deserted  by  all,  and  the  Senate  con- 
demned him  to  death.  To  avoid  capture  he  stabbed  himself, 
exclaiming,  "  What  a  pity  for  such  an  artist  to  die  !  " 

B.     The  Flavian  Cap:sars. 

483.  Vespasian,  70-79.  —  TTie  year  69  was  one  of  wild  confusion  in 
government.  The  legions  in  Spain  had  proclaimed  the  general  Galba 
emperor.  Another  army  set  up  Otho,  who,  after  a  brief  struggle  thrust 
Galba  from  the  throne.  Soon  Otho  was  slain  by  the  praetorians;  ami. 
for  a  few  weeks,  Vitellius,  another  hero  of  the  soldiery,  held  the  imperial 
title.  Then  the  legions  in  Syria  proclaimed  their  general.  Flaviua  Y>  spa- 
siit  mis  ( Vespasian). 

Vespasian  was  the  grandson  of  a  Sabine  laborer.  lie  was  a  rude  sol- 
dier,—  stumpy  in  build,  blunt  in  manner,  homely  in  tastes,  but  honest, 
industrious,  experienced,  and  broad-minded.  He  had  distinguished  him- 
self in  Britain  and  in  Asia,  and  he  knew  the  needs  of  the  empire.  He 
quickly  made  himself  master,  and  brought  to  an  end  the  disorder  into 
which  Nero's  misrule  had  plunged  the  state.     His  reign  was  economical 


408     EMPIRE  OE  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.   [§  484 


and  thrifty,  and  was  notable  as  an  era  of  great  public  works  and  magnifi- 
cent buildings  (§  521).  He  and  his  two  successors  are  known  as  the 
Flavian  emperors. 

The  anarchy  of  the  year  69  had  led  to  revolts  in  Gaul  and  in  Judea. 
These  were  both  put  down  promptly.  Rebellious  Jerusalem  was  besieged 
mill  destroyed  by  Titus,  son  of  the  emperor.  The  Jews  made  a  frenzied  re- 
sistance, and  when  the  walls  were  finally  stormed,  many  of  them  slew  their 
women  and  children  and  died  in  the  flames.  More  than  a  million  Jews 
are  said  to  have  perished  in  the  siege  and  the  massacre  that  followed.1 
The  miserable  remnant  for  the  most  part  were  sold  into  slavery  (§  56). 

484.  Titus,  79-81.  —  Titus  had  been  associated  in  the  government  with 
his  father.  His  kindness  and  indulgence  toward  all  classes  made  him  the 
most  popular  of  all  the  emperors.     Once  at  supper,  not  able  to  remember 

that  he  had  made  any  one  happy 


Naples   « „, ,. 


during  the  day,  he  is  said  to  have 
exclaimed,  "I  have  lost  a  day  !  " 

The  most  famous  event  of  this 
brief  reign  is  the  destruction  of 
Pompeii  and  Herculaneum.2  The 
volcano  Vesuvius  was  believed  ex- 
tinct, and  its  slopes  were  covered 
with  villas  and  vineyards.  With 
little  warning  it  belched  forth  in 
terrible  eruption,  burying  two  cities 
and  many  villages  in  ashes  and  vol- 
canic mud.  In  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, by  the  chance  digging  of  a 
well,  the  site  of  Pompeii,  the  largest 
of  the  two  cities,  was  discovered, 
and  in  recent  years  it  has  been  excavated,  disclosing  the  streets,  houses, 
shops,  temples,  baths,  theaters,  the  dress,  the  ornaments,  and  the  utensils 
of  daily  life,  of  the  men  of  eighteen  hundred  years  ago,  —  all  preserved 
by  their  vulcanic  covering. 

485.   Domitian,  81-96  A.D.  —  Titus  was  followed  by  his  brother  Domi- 
tian,  a  strong,  stern  ruler.     His  general  Agrieola  completed  the  conquest  of 


Vicinity  of  the  Bay  of  Naples. 


1  These  figures  of  the  Jewish  historian  Josephus  are  probably  a  great  exag- 
geration. No  such  number  of  people  could  have  dwelt  within  the  walls  of 
the  city. 

-  Special  report  :  the  destruction  of  Pompeii.  Read  Bulwer's  novel,  The 
Last  Days  of  Pompeii.  Material  may  be  found  in  Boissier's  Rome  and 
Pompeii,  Mmu's  Pompeii,  or  Dyer's  I'ompeiL 


§487]  THE   ANTONINE   CAESARS.  409 

Britain  1  to  the  highlands  of  Caledonia  (Scotland).  The  southern  part  of 
the  island  was  now  to  enjoy  a  long  peace.  Roman  mads  were  built; 
camps  grew  into  rich  cities  ;  merchants  thronged  to  thein  ;  the  country 
was  dotted  with  beautiful  villas.  Britain  becaim'  a  Roman  province  with 
Roman  civilization.  To  protect  the  southern  districts  against  the  inroads 
of  the  unconquered  highlanders,  Agricola  built  a  line  of  fortresses  from 
the  Forth  to  the  Clyde. 

On  the  continent,  a  similar,  more  important  wall  was  begun,  to 
defend  the  open  frontier  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube.  At  home 
Domitian  tried  to  reduce  the  power  of  the  Senate.  In  consequence  the 
nobles  conspired  against  him.  He  put  down  their  plots  with  cruelty,  earn- 
ing from  their  sympathizers  the  name  of  tyrant.  Finally  he  was  assas- 
sinated by  members  of  his  household.  In  this  reign  took  place  the  second 
persecution  of  the  Christians. 


C.     The  Axtonine  Caesars. 

486.  Nerva  (96-98),  the  First  of  the  "Five  Good  Emperors."  — 
The  Senate  had  lost  power  since  the  time  of  Augustus.  The 
death  of  Domitian  marks  something  of  a  revolution  in  its  favor. 
It  chose  the  next  ruler  from  its  own  number ;  and  that  emperor 
with  his  four  successors  governed  in  harmony  with  it.  These 
princes  are  known  as  the  Jive  good  emperors.  The  first  of  the 
five  was  Nerva,  an  aged  senator  of  Spa*"'*!'  descent,  who  died 
after  a  kindly  rule  of  sixteen  months. 

487.  Trajan,  the  next  emperor  (98-117  a.p.),  was  the  adopted 
son  of  Nerva.  He  was  a  Spaniard  by  birth  and  a  great  general. 
Once  more  the  boundaries  of  the  empire  were  advanced,  though 
with  doubtful  wisdom  (§  509).  Trajan  conquered  Dacia,  a 
vast  district  north  of  the  Danube,  and  then  attacked  the  1'ar- 
thians  in  Asia.  That  power  was  humbled,  and  new  provinces 
were  added  beyond  the  Euphrates.  These  victories  mark  the 
greatest  extent  of  the  Roman  empire. 

Trajan's  reign  was  the  most  famous  in  Roman  history  for  the 
construction  of  roads  and  other  useful  public  works  throughout  the 
provinces.     Despite  his  wars,  his  rule  was  humane  as  well  as 

• . 

1  Special  report. 


410     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.   [§  488 

just.  By  loans  from  the  treasury,  he  encouraged  the  cities  of 
Italy  to  care  for  and  educate  many  thousands  of  poor  children.1 
A  slight  persecution  of  Christians  took  place  under  this  em- 
peror. 

488.  Hadrian,  a  Spanish  kinsman  of  Trajan,  followed  him 
upon  the  throne  (117-138  a.d.).  He  was  a  wise  and  prudent 
man,  and  his  rule  was  one  of  general  reorganization.  He  re- 
formed the  army  and  strengthened  its  discipline,  and  at  the 
same  time  he  looked  to  the  fortification  of  the  exposed  frontiers. 


Detail  from  Trajan's  Column  :  Trajan  sacrificing  a  bull  at  the 
bridge  over  the  Danube  just  built  by  his  soldiers.    Cf.  §  521. 

His  most  famous  work  of  this  kind  was  the  wall  (Hadrian's 
Wall)  in  Britain,  from  the  Solway  to  the  Tyne,  to  replace  the 
less  satisfactory  wall  of  Agricola,  farther  to  the  north.  He 
wisely  abandoned  most  of  Trajan's  conquests  in  Asia,  and 
withdrew  the  frontier  there  to  its  old  line  of  the  Euphrates. 
Hadrian  spent  most  of  his  twenty  years'  rule  in  inspecting 
the  provinces ;  and  everywhere  memorials  of  his  stay  sprang 
up  in  splendid  buildings  and  useful  public  works.  He  gave  a 
more  definite  form  to  the  civil  service  (the  great  body  of 
officers  who  carried  on  the  business  of  the  government),  and 


1  Read  Capes'  Antonines,  1&-21. 


§490]  THE  ANTONINE   CAESARS.  411 

in  particular  he  organized  a  Privy  Council,  a  body  of  great 
ministers  to  assist  and  advise  the  emperor  (§  497,  note). 

489.  Antoninus  Pius,  138  161  A.D.,  who  had  been  adopted  by 
Hadrian,  was  his  successor.  His  reign  was  singularly  peaceful 
and  uneventful,  and  might  well  have  given  rise  to  the  saving, 
"Happy  the  people  whose  annals  are  meager."  Antoninus 
himself  was  a  pure  and  gentle  spirit.  The  chief  feature  of 
his  rule  was  the  legislation  to  prevent  cruelty  to  slaves  and  to 
lessen  suffering. 

On  the  evening  of  his  death,  when  asked  by  the  officer  of 
the  guard  for  the  watchword  for  the  night,  he  gave  the  word 
Equanimity,  which  might  have  served  as  the  motto  of  his 
life.  His  son  wrote  of  him:  "He  was  ever  prudent  and  tem- 
perate. .  .  .  He  looked  to  his  duty,  and  not  to  the  opinion 
of  men.  .  .  .  There  was  in  his  life  nothing  harsh,  nothing 
excessive,  nothing  overdone." 

490.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  161-180  A.D.  —  Antoninus, 
Pius  was  followed  by  his  nephew,  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus, 
whom  he  had  adopted  as  a  son.  Marcus  Aurelius  was  a  phi- 
losopher and  student.  He  belonged  to  the  Stoic  school  (§  238), 
but  in  him  that  stern  philosophy,  without  losing  its  lofty  tone, 
was  softened  by  a  gracious  gentleness.  His  Thoughts  (§  536) 
is  one  of  the  world's  noblest  books,  deeply  religious,  and 
closer  to  the  spirit  of  Christ  than  any  other  writing  of  the 
pagan  world. 

The  tastes  of  Aurelius  made  him  wish  to  continue  in  his 
father's  footsteps,  but  he  had  fallen  upon  harsher  times. 
Moved  by  some  great  impulse,  the  barbarians  renewed  their 
attacks  upon  the  Danube,  the  Khine,  and  Euphrates.  Marcus 
and  his  lieutenants  beat  them  back  successfully,  but  at  the  cost 
of  almost  incessant  war;  and  the  gentle  philosopher  lived  and 
wrote  and  died  in  camp,  on  the  frontiers.  A  great  Asiatic 
plague,  too,  swept  over  the  empire,  with  terrible  loss  of  life, 
demoralizing  society.  This  plague,  regarded  as  a  visitation 
from  offended  gods,  roused  the  populace  in  many  parts  of  the 
empire  against  the  unpopular  sect  of  Christians,  who  refi 


412     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  491 

to  worship  the  gods  of  Rome ;   and  the  reign  of  the  kindly 
Aurelius  was  marked  by  a  cruel  persecution. 

Bury  writes  :  "To  come  to  the  aid  of  the  weak,  to  mitigate  the  lot  of 
slaves,  to  facilitate  manumission,  to  protect  wards,  were  the  objects  of 
Marcus  as  of  his  predecessor."  Says  Merivale,  "The  blameless  career 
of  these  illustrious  princes  has  furnished  the  best  excuse  for  Caesarism  in 
all  after  ages." 

491-  Commodus,  180-1^2  A.D.  —  The  "five  good  emperors"  end  with 
Marcus  Aurelius.  His  son,  Commodus,  was  an  infamous  wretch  who 
repeated  the  crimes  and  follies  of  the  worst  of  his  predecessors.  He  was 
finally  murdered  by  his  officers. 

D.     Summary,  31   b.c-192  a.d. 

492.  General  Character  of  the  Government.  —  Thus  this  first 
long  period  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  years  was  an  age 
of  settled  government  and  regular  succession,  except  for  two 
or  three  slight  disturbances  aud  for  the  disorders  of  the  one 
terrible  year  69,  at  the  close  of  Nero's  reign.  That  brief 
anarchy  subdivides  the  period  into  nearly  equal  parts.  The 
Julian  emperors  (Romans  and  related  to  the  great  Julius) 
covered  just  a  century.  After  the  three  Flavians  (Italians) 
came  the  six  Antonines,  who  also  covered  nearly  a  hundred 
years.  They  were  provincials.  The  majority  of  the  fourteen 
rulers  were  good  men.  Nearly  all  were  good  rulers.  The 
few  tyrants  had  short  reigns  after  their  evil  qualities  began 
to  show. 

II.    A  CENTURY  OF   DISPUTED   SUCCESSION  BETWEEN 
MILITARY  ADVENTURERS. 

493.  The  Period  of  "Barrack  Emperors,"  193-284  A.D. —  The 
misrule  of  Commodus  bad  again  left  the  throne  the  sport  of 
the  soldiery.  There  followed  ninety  years  of  twenty-seven 
"barrack  emperors,"  set  up  by  the  praetorians  or  the  legions, 
and  engaged  in  frequent  civil  war.  All  but  four  of  the  twenty- 
seven  emperors  were  slain  in  some  revolt ;  and,  of  these  four, 
two  fell  in  battle  against  barbarian  invaders. 


§495]         THE    "BARRACK    EMPERORS,"    L93-284    A.I).  413 

494.  The  following  list  of  the  "  barrack  emperors  "  is  given  for  refer- 
ence. 

Pertinax,  Julianus ;  193. 

Septimius  Severus,  193-211. 

Caracalla,  211-217. 

Macrinus,  217-218.     Elagabalus,  218-222. 

Alexander  Severus,  222-235. 

Maximus,    235-238.      Gordianus  I  and    II,    Pupienus,    Balbinus,    238. 

Gordianus  III,  238-244.    Philippus,  244-249. 
Decius,  249-251. 

Gallus,  Aemilianus,  Valerian,  Gallienus  ;  251-2G8. 
Claudius  II,  268-270. 
Aurelian,  270-275. 
Tacitus,  Florianus,  Probus,  Cams,  Carinus,  Numerianus ;  275-282. 

495.  Some  of  the  Strongest  of  the  Barrack  Emperors.  —  After  the 
murder  of  Commodus,  the  praetorians  proclaimed  a  worthy  senator  em- 
peror, but  in  three  months  he  fell  a  victim  to  his  masters.  Then  they 
offered  the  imperial  purple  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  sold  it  to  a  wealthy 
noble,  who  paid  each  of  the  twelve  thousand  guards  about  a  thousand 
dollars. 

At  this  disgraceful  news  the  armies  on  the  Rhine,  the  Danube  and  the 
Euphrates,  rebelled,  each  proclaiming  its  favorite  general.  Septimius 
Severus,  an  African  soldier,  was  the  commander  on  the  Danube  and 
the  nearest  of  the  rivals  to  the  capital.  By  swift  action  he  secured  the 
prize.  He  then  conquered  his  opponents,  put  to  death  many  hostile 
senators  and  nobles,  repulsed  the  barbarians,  and  ruled  with  a  strong 
hand  (193-211  A.D.).  Another  persecution  of  Christians  took  place  in 
this  reign. 

Caracalla,  the  son  of  Severus,  completed  the  extension  of  Roman  citi- 
zenship by  making  all  free  inhabitants  of  the  empire  full  citizens.  In 
other  respects  he  was  a  brutal  tyrant.  His  reign  (211-217),  however, 
with  his  father's,  is  the  age  of  the  famous  jurists  Papinian  and  Ulpian, 
who  gave  a  great  development  to  Roman  law  (§  535) . 

Then,  after  two  unimportant  emperors,  the  times  and  character  of  the 
Antonines  were  recalled  by  the  rule  of  the  youth  Alexander  Severus 
(222-235  A.D.).  Most  of  his  reign  was  an  era  of  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness, but  it  closed  amid  barbarian  invasions.  He  was  murdered  in  camp 
upon  the  Rhine  while  warring  against  the  Germans. 

For  the  next  thirty  years  phantom  emperors  follow  each  other  in  be- 
wildering confusion.  Only  one  able  ruler  appeared.  This  was  Decius 
(249-251),  and  he  soon  fell  in  battle  against  the  invading  Goths.     Ilia 


414     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  495 

reign  was  marked  by  a  widespread  persecution  of  Christians.  In  the 
sixties,  so  many  rival  claimants  for  the  throne  appeared  that  the  period 
is  known  as  the  age  of  the  "  Thirty  Tyrants."  The  empire  seemed  split 
in  fragments  by  the  jealousies  of  contending  legions,  and  sunk  in  anarchy 
by  misgovernment.  At  the  same  time,  the  barbarians  swarmed  over 
every  exposed  frontier,  penetrating  for  the  first  time  far  into  the  empire. 
Happily,  strong  hands  grasped  the  scepter  and  restored  order.  Claudius 
II  (268-270  A.D.)  began  to  beat  back  the  invaders,  and  his  successor,  the 
great  Aurelian,  restored  the  frontier  (except  that  he  abandoned  Dacia  to 
the  Goths).  Aurelian  (270-275)  was  an  Illyrian  peasant  who  had  risen 
from  the  ranks.  He  is  among  the  ablest  of  the  emperors.  He  put  down 
internal  rebellion,1  and  went  far  toward  restoring  general  prosperity.  In 
this  good  work  he  was  seconded  worthily  by  three  of  the  six  rulers  whose 
short  reigns  fill  the  next  nine  years,  and  then  Diocletian  came  to  reor- 
ganize the  state  (549  ff.). 


1  Among  his  other  wars  Aurelian  subdued  Zenobia,  the  Queen  of  Palmyra, 
who  had  rebelled  against  Rome.    Read  Ware's  novel,  Zenobia. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES,   FROM 
AUGUSTUS   TO  DIOCLETIAN,   31  B.C-284  A.D. 

(A  Topical    Treatment}') 

L     THE   CONSTITUTION. 

A.     The  Central  Government. 

496.  A  Despotism  under  Republican  Forms :  the  Principate.  — 
We  have  noted  how  Augustus  cloaked  the  new  Monarchy  in 
old  Republican  forms  (§  473).  The  Senate  in  particular  con- 
tinued to  exercise  much  real  power.  It  was  no  longer  a  close 
oligarchy.  It  became  a  chosen  body  of  distinguished  men 
selected  by  the  emperors  from  all  parts  of  the  realm,  and  it 
gave  powerful  expression  to  the  feelings  and  needs  of  the 
empire.  On  the  whole,  this  continued  to  be  true  during  the 
first  three  centuries.  Most  of  the  better  emperors  treated 
the  Senate  with  respect  and  welcomed  its  help  in  carrying  on 
the  government.  There  was  a  constant  tendency,  however,  to 
lessen  its  authority,  even  in  form,  and  the  century  of  "barrack 
emperors"  especially  contributed  to  that  result. 

The  Assembly  ceased  at  once  to  pass  laws,  but,  during  the 
forty  years  of  Augustus,  it  continued  to  go  through  the  6orm 
of  elections.  Augustus  did  not  hesitate  to  canvass  in  prison 
for  its  vote  in  favor  of  himself  and  his  nominees.  Tiberius, 
however,  transferred  the  elections  to  the  Senate;  and  the 
Assembly  soon  faded  away. 

1  For  references  on  this  important  chapter,  see  page  457.  Full  titles  \\  ill 
be  found  there  also  for  various  works  referred  to  briefly  in  the  footnotes. 
The  student  will  readily  perceive  that  the  plan  of  this  chapter  involves  some 
repetition  of  events  mentioned  in  chapter  ii. 

415 


41G     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  497 

Some  writers  call  the  government  from  Augustus  to  Diocletian  by  the 
name  Dyarchy,  to  signify  a  joint  rule  of  emperor  and  Senate.  It  seems 
a  fact  that  in  all  his  words  and  in  outward  forms  Augustus  conciliated 
Republican  feelings  much  more  even  than  Julius  Caesar  had  done.  The 
student  must  not  forget,  however,  that  in  reality  a  strong  emperor  was  an 
absolute  monarch  whenever  he  cared  to  assert  his  authority.  Indeed, 
constitutionally,  he  could  change  the  membership  of  the  Senate  at  will 
(§  497).  Another  term  for  the  disguised  despotism  of  these  centuries  is 
the  Principate,  from  the  title  Princeps  (§  473). 

497.  The  Power  of  the  Emperors.1  —  From  the  first,  even 
under  Augustus,  the  duties  of  the  consuls  and  other  elected 
officers  of  the  old  constitution  were  confined  more  and  more  to 
the  city  of  Rome  alone.  For  the  government  of  the  empire 
there  grew  up  a  new  imperial  machinery,  centralized  in  one 
man. 

This  machinery  was  partly  old  in  origin,  and  partly  new. 
Following  the  example  of  Julius  Caesar  (§  463),  each  emperor 
concentrated  in  his  own  person  a  number  of  the  more  important 
powers  of  the  old  Republican  officers.  Each  emperor  held  the 
tribunician  power  and  the  proconsular  power  throughout  all  the 
provinces  for  life,  and  so  was  leader  of  the  city  and  master  of 
the  legions.  Usually  he  became  Pont  if  ex  Maximus.  With 
the  power  of  censor,  or  with  the  tribunician  power,  he  could 
appoint  and  degrade  senators,  and  so  could  at  any  time  make 
himself  absolute  master  of  the  Senate.  By  the  same  right  he 
could  lead  the  debates  in  that  body  and  control  its  decrees, 
which  became  a  chief  means  of  law-making.2  He  appointed 
the  governors  of  the  provinces  and  the  generals  of  the  legions, 
the  city  prefect,  the  head  of  the  city  police,  and  the  prefect 
of  the  praetorians ;  and,  at  will,  he  called  together  his  chief 

1  <  lonsult  Munro's  Source  Book,  140-148.  There  is  an  admirable  discussion 
in  l'dlmm,  398-449,  and  a  shorter  one  in  Capes'  Early  Empire,  11-18.  Buiy's 
treatment  (Unman  Empire,  12-22)  is  excellent,  but  somewhat  difficult  for 
young  readers. 

2  Tlie  emperor  controlled  the  remaining  legislation  also:   (a)  directly,  in 

edicts  (as  from  tl Id   republican  magistrates  sometimes),  <>r  in  rescripts 

(directions  to  his  officials);   (6)  indirectly,  through  the  great  jurists  he  ap- 
pointed, w  hose  interpretations  of  doubtful  eases  came  to  be  a  source  of  law. 


§  499]  THE   CONSTITUTION.  I  I  7 

officers  and  friends  to  advise  and  assist  in  carrying  on  the 
government.1  Each  successor  of  Augustus  was  hailed  Im- 
perator  Caesar  Augustus.2 

498.  The  Establishment  of  the  Empire  a  Gradual  Process. — ■ 
The  Empire  is  dated  sometimes  from  the  year  27  B.C.,  when 
Octavius  received  the  title  of  Augustus;  sometimes  from  :;| 
B.C.,  when  he  became  sole  dictator;  sometimes  from  49  B.C., 
when  Caesar  crossed  the  Kubicon  to  become  master  of  Rome. 
The  fact  is,  its  establishment  was  a  gradual  process.  The 
essence  of  the  change  was,  that  a  single  citizen,  by  different  com- 
missions, united  in  himself  powers  that  had  been  intended  to  check 
one  another. 

The  process  was  not  complete,  even  in  the  life  of  Augustus, 
for  the  practical  master  was  not  yet  the  acknowledged  mon- 
arch. But  a  great  step  was  taken  when,  on  Augustus'  death, 
all  the  world  quietly  recognized  that  he  must  have  a  successor. 
To  be  sure,  in  granting  titles  and  authority  to  Tiberius,  the 
Senate  made  no  reference  to  the  term  of  his  office;  and 
Tiberius  hinted  that  he  should  lay  it  down  as  soon  as  the  state 
no  longer  needed  him.  No  one  took  these  words  seriously, 
however;  and  soon  it  became  the  practice  to  confer  all  the 
imperial  powers  upon  each  new  ruler  for  life. 

499.  Nature  of  the  Succession.  —  The  weakest  point  in  the 
imperial  constitution  was  the  uncertainty  about  the  succession. 
In  theory,  just  as  the  early  republican  magistrates  nominated 
their  successors  (§  275),  so  the  emperor  nominated  the  ablest 
man  in  his  dominions  to  the  Senate  for  his  successor.  But 
this  principle  was  confused  from  the  first  by  family  claims, 
and  later  by  the  whims  of  the  legions.  The  monarchy  was 
neither  elective  nor  hereditary,  but  in  time  it  came  to  combine 
the  worst  evils  of  both  systems.  The  praetorian  guards  in 
Rome  had  to  be  conciliated  by  presents  from  each  new  ruler, 

1  Hadrian  (§488)  made  this  irregular  body  of  advisers  and  assistants  a 
Privy  Council,  a  regular  part  of  the  government,  with  definite  composition 
and  duties. 

2  The  name  Caesar  survives  in  Kaiser  and  probably  in  Tsar. 


418     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES  A.U.    [§500 

and  after  two  centuries  the  throne  became  for  a  hundred  years 
the  prey  of  military  adventurers  (§§  493-495). 

Still,  the  student  of  history  must  acknowledge  the  truth  of 
Mommsen's  statement  regarding  the  first  two  centuries  :  "  Sel- 
dom has  the  government  of  so  large  a  part  of  the  world  been 
conducted  for  so  long  a  time  in  so  orderly  a  sequence." 

B.     Local   Administration.1 

500.  Municipal  Government.2  —  Throughout  the  empire  great 
numbers  of  cities  enjoyed  self-government  for  local  concerns. 
The  magistrates  (consuls,  aediles,  and  quaestors)  were  elected 
in  popular  Assemblies  that  remained  active  long  after  the 
Assembly  at  Rome  had  passed  away.  Election  placards 
posted  in  the  houses  of  Pompeii  (§  484)  show  that  the  political 
contests  were  real,  with  strong  popular  excitement. 

In  each  such  town,  the  ex-magistrates  formed  a  senate,  or 
town  council,  which  voted  local  taxes,  expended  them  for  town 
purposes,  and  in  general  looked  after  town  matters.  The 
ordinances  of  this  council,  sometimes  at  least,  were  submitted 
to  the  Assembly  of  citizens  for  approval.  The  forms  of  these 
municipal  institutions,  derived  from  the  old  Republic  and  now 
organized  and  extended  to  the  provinces,  were  never  to  die 
out  in  Europe;  and  in  the  early  Empire,  the  spirit  of  local 
patriotism  and  of  self-government  was  strong. 

501.  The  Tendency  of  the  Emperors  and  their  Governors  to  cen- 
tralize the  Local  Government.  —  It  is  true,  however,  that  the 
independence  of  the  local  governments  was  gradually  sapped 
by  the  habit  of  referring  all  matters  to  the  provincial 
governor.      Moreover,  it  must  be  understood   that  the  many 


1  This  is  a  convenienl  point  for  the  student  to  get  a  clear  idea  of  the  differ- 
'"<•<•  between  "  government  "  and  "  administration."  "  Administration,"  in 
the  sense  in  which  we  shall  most  often  hare  occasion  to  use  the  word,  refers 
to  the  machinery  for  carrying  out  the  will  of  the  government. 

-  Read  I  'apes,  Early  Empire,  193-198,  or  Arnold,  Roman  Provincial  Admin- 
istration, 223-238. 


§502]  THE   CONSTITUTION.  |]m 

varieties  and  irregularities  of  the  local  institutions  in  the 
different  cities  of  a  province  would  cause  vexatious  delays  to 
the  central  government.  Therefore,  strong  rulers  were  some- 
times disposed  to  sweep  away  the  local  institutions,  in  order 
to  make  the  administration  more  uniform  and  to  secure  quicker 
results. 

Oftentimes,  the  better  intentioned  the  ruler,  the  stronger 
this  evil  tendency.  Pliny  (§  529)  was  a  worthy  servant  of  a 
noble  emperor;  but  we  find  Pliny  writing  to  ask  Trajan 
whether  he  shall  allow  the  citizens  of  a  town  in  his  province 
of  Bithynia  to  repair  their  public  baths  as  they  desire,  or 
whether  he  shall  require  them  to  build  new  ones,1  and  whether 
he  shall  not  interfere  to  compel  a  wiser  use  of  public  moneys 
lying  idle  in  another  town,  and  to  simplify  varieties  of  local 
politics  in  other  cities.1 

Trajan,  wiser  than  his  minister,  gently  rebukes  this  over- 
zeal,  and  will  have  no  wanton  meddling  with  matters  that 
pertain  to  established  rights  and  customs.  But  other  rulers 
were  not  so  far-sighted,  and  local  life  did  decline  before  the 
spirit  of  centralization. 

502.  The  Provinces. — Above  the  towns  there  was  no  local 
seZ/-government.  The  administration  of  the  provinces  was 
regulated  along  the  lines  Julius  Caesar  had  marked  out,  and 
the  better  emperors  gave  earnest  study  to  provincial  needs. 
But  the  imperial  government,  however  paternal  and  kindly, 
was  despotic  and  absolute.  Provincial  Assemblies,  it  is  true, 
were  called  together  sometimes,  especially  in  Gaul,  but  only 
to  give  the  emperor  information  or  advice.  These  Assem- 
blies were  made  up  of  delegates  from  the  various  towns  in  a 
province.  At  first  sight,  they  have  the  look  of  representa- 
tive parliaments,  but  they  never  acquired  any  real  political 
power.2 

1  Read  the  correspondence,  or  at  least  the  excellent  extracts  in  Bury,  440- 
444,  or  in  Fling's  Studies,  No.  9.  Capes'  Antonines,  23-25,  gives  a  shortel 
extract.     A  brief  extract  is  given  also  in  Munro's  Source  Book,  232  (No.  201). 

2  Read  Arnold's  Roman,  Provincial  Administration,  202. 


420     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  503 


II.     IMPERIAL   DEFENSE. 
A.     The   Army. 

503.  Size  of  the  Army.  —  The  standing  army  counted 
thirty  legions ;  the  auxiliaries  and  naval  forces  raised  the 
total  of  troops,  at  the  highest,  to  some  four  hundred  thousand. 
They  were  stationed  almost  wholly  on  the  three  exposed 
frontiers,  —  the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  Euphrates.     The 


A  German  Bodyguard.  —  A  detail  from  the  Column  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 


inner  provinces,  as  a  rule,  needed  only  a  handful  of  soldiers, 
for  police  purposes.  Twelve  hundred  sufficed  to  garrison  all 
Gaul. 

It  is  a  curious  thought  that  the  civilized  Christian  nations 
which  now  fill  the  old  Roman  territory,  with  no  outside  bar- 
barians to  dread,  keep  always  under  arms  twelve  times  the 
lones  of  the  Roman  emperors.  One  chief  cause  of  the 
Empire,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  the  need  for  better 
protection  of  the  frontiers.  This  need  the  Empire  met  nobly 
ami  economically. 

504.  Sources.  —  Roman  citizens  had  long  ceased  to  regard 
military  service  as  a  first  duty.  The  army  had  become  a 
standing  body  of  disciplined  mercenaries,  with  intense  pride, 


§506]  IMPERIAL   DEFENSE  — THE   ARMY.  421 

however,  in  their  fighting  powers,  in  their  privileges,  and  in 
the  Roman  name.  The  recruits  were  drawn,  even  in  bhe  Early 
Empire,  from  the  provinces  rather  than  from  Italy;  and  more 
and  more  the  armies  were  renewed  from  the  frontiers  where 
they  stood.  In  the  third  century  barbarian  mercenaries  were 
admitted  on  a  large  scale,  and  in  the  following  period  they 
came  to  make  the  chief  strength  of  the  legions.  From  the 
hungry  foes  surging  against  its  borders  the  Empire  drew  the 
guardians  of  its  peace. 

505.  Industrial  and  Disciplinary  Uses.  —  The  Roman  legions  were 
not  withdrawn  wholly  from  productive  labor.  In  peace,  besides  the 
routine  of  camp  life,  they  were  employed  upon  public  works.  "They 
raised  the  marvelous  Roman  roads  through  hundreds  of  miles  of  swamp 
and  forest ;  they  spanned  great  rivers  with  magnificent  bridges  ;  they 
built  dikes  to  bar  out  the  sea,  and  aqueducts  and  baths  to  increase  the 
well-being  of  frontier  cities."  The  steady  discipline  of  the  legions  afforded 
also  a  moral  and  physical  training  for  which  there  were  fewer  substitutes 
then  than  now. 

At  the  expiration  of  their  twenty  years  with  the  eagles,  the  veterans 
became  full  Roman  citizens  (no  matter  whence  they  had  been  recruited). 
They  were  commonly  settled  in  colonies,  with  grants  of  land,  and  became 
valuable  members  of  the  community. 

The  legions  proved,  too,  a  noble  school  for  commanders.     Merit  was 
carefully   promoted,    and    military   incompetence    disappeared.       I 
generals  followed  one  another  in  endless  series,  and  many  of  the  greatest 
emperors  were  soldiers  who  had  risen  from  the  ranks. 

B.     The   Frontiers. 

506.  The  Frontiers  as  Augustus  found  them.  —  Julius  Caesar 
left  the  empire  bounded  by  natural  barriers  on  three  sides  and 
on  part  of  the  fourth :  the  North  Sea  and  the  Rhine  to  the  north- 
west, the  Atlantic  on  the  west,  the  African  and  Arabian  deserts 
on  the  south,  Arabia  and  the  upper  Euphrates  on  the  east,  and 
the  Black  Sea  to  the  northeast. 

The  Euphrates  limit  was  not  altogether  satisfactory:  it  sur- 
rendered to  Oriental  states  half  the  empire  of  Alexander,  and 
let  the  great  Parthian  kingdom  border  dangerously  upon  the 


422     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  507 

Roman  world.  Julius  seems  to  have  intended  a  sweeping 
change  on  this  side,  but  none  of  his  successors  until  Trajan 
seriously  thought  of  one.  The  only  other  unsafe  line  was  on 
the  north,  in  Europe,  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Black  Sea. 

507.  The  Frontiers  as  Augustus  corrected  them.  —  Augustus 
aimed  to  make  this  northern  line  secure.  He  easily  annexed 
the  lands  south  of  the  lower  Danube  (modern  Servia  and  Bul- 
garia—  the  Roman  province  of  Moesia) ;  and,  after  many  years 
of  stubborn  warfare,  he  added  the  remaining  territory  between 
the  Danube  and  the  Alps  (the  provinces  of  Rhaetia,  Noricum, 
and  Pannonia).  The  colonizing  and  Romanizing  of  these  new 
districts  were  pressed  on  actively,  and  the  line  of  the  Danube 
was  firmly  secured. 

In  Germany,  Augustus  wished,  wisely,  to  move  the  frontier 
from  the  Rhine  to  the  Elbe.  The  line  of  the  Danube  and  Elbe 
is  much  shorter  than  that  of  the  Danube  and  Rhine,  though  it 
guards  more  territory  (see  map).  Moreover,  it  could  have  been 
more  easily  defended,  because  the  critical  opening  between  the 
upper  courses  of  the  rivers  is  filled  by  the  great  natural  wall 
of  the  mountains  of  modern  Bohemia  and  Moravia.  But  here 
the  long  success  of  Augustus  was  broken  by  his  one  failure. 
The  territory  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe  was  subdued, 
it  is  true,  and  it  was  held  for  some  years.  But  in  the  year 
'.•  A..-D.  the  Germans  rose  again  under  the  hero  Hermann.1 
Varus,  the  Roman  commander,  was  entrapped  in  the  Tevtoberg 
Forest,  and  in  a  three-days'  battle  his  three  legions  were  utterly 
annihilated. 

The  Roman  dominion  was  at  once  swept  back  to  the  Rhine. 
This  was  the  first  retreat  Rome  ever  made  from  territory 
she  had  once  occupied.  Roman  writers  recognized  the  serious 
nature  of  the  reverse.  As  one  of  them  said:  "  From  this 
disaster  it  came  to  pass  that  that  empire  which  had  not 
stayed  its  march  at  the  shore  of  ocean  did  halt  at  the  banks 
of  the  Rhine." 

'  Special  report :  read  Creasy's  Decisive  Battles,  eh.  v,  for  the  struggle. 


§509]  IMPERIAL   DEFENSE— THE    FRONTIERS.  123 

The  aged  Augustus  was  broken  by  the  blow,  and  for  days 
moaned  repeatedly,  "  O  Varus,  Varus !  give  me  back  my 
legions  ! "  At  his  death,  five  years  later,  he  bequeathed  to 
his  successors  the  advice  to  be  content  with  the  boundaries 
as  they  stood.  This  policy  was  adopted,  perhaps  too  readily. 
Tiberius  did  send  expeditions  to  chastise  the  Germans,  and 
Roman  armies  again  marched  victoriously  to  the  Elbe.  Tin- 
standards  of  the  lost  legions  were  recovered,  and  a  Roman 
commander  won  the  title  Germanicus.  But  no  attempt  was 
made  to  restore  the  lost  Roman  province,  and  the  Rhine 
became  the  accepted  boundary. 

Still,  the  general  result  was  both  efficient  and  grand.  About 
the  civilized  world  was  drawn  a  broad  belt  of  stormy  waves 
and  desolate  sands,  and  at  its  weaker  gaps  — on  the  Rhine,  the 
Danube,  the  Euphrates  —  stood  the  mighty,  sleepless  legions  to 
watch  and  ward. 

508.  Britain. — Claudius  renewed  the  attempt  to  conquer 
Britain.  If  the  work  had  been  carried  to  completion,  it  might 
have  been  well  enough ;  but,  after  long  and  costly  wars,  the 
Roman  power  reached  only  to  the  edge  of  the  highlands  in 
Scotland.  Thus  a  new  frontier  was  added  to  the  long  line  that 
had  to  be  guarded  by  the  sword,  and  little  strength  was  gained 
to  the  empire  (§  481). 

509.  The  Extreme  Limits,  and  the  First  Surrenders.  — Trajan, 
with  more  provocation  than  that  which  had  lured  Claudius 
into  Britain,  added  Dacia  north  of  the  lower  Danube,  and 
Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria,  in  Asia  (§  487).  The 
two  latter  provinces  were  at  once  abandoned  by  his  successor 
(§  488). 

Dacia,  however,  even  more  than  Britain,  became  Roman  in 
speech,  culture,  and  largely  in  blood  ;  and  though  it  was  aban- 
doned by  Aurelian  in  the  weak  period  toward  the  close  of  the 
third  century  (§  495),  still  the  modern  Roumanians  claim  to  be 
Roman  in  race  as  well  as  in  name.  Britain  was  the  next 
province  to  be  given  up,  when  the  frontier  began  to  crumble 
in  earnest  in  the  next  great  period  of  decay  (§  597). 


\2\     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES  A.D.    [§510 

510.  Frontier  Walls.  —  Since  the  attempt  had  failed  to 
re  the  mountain  barrier  of  Bohemia  for  part  of  the 
northern  frontier,  Domitian  wisely  constructed  an  artificial 
rampart  to  join  the  upper  Danube  to  the  upper  Ehine.  This 
vast  fortification  was  three  hundred  and  thirty-six  miles  in 
Length  (map,  page  493),  with  frequent  forts  and  castles.  Bet- 
ter known,  however,  is  the  similar  work  built  shortly  after  in 
Britain,  called  Hadrian's  wall  (§  488).  Its  purpose  was  to  help 
shut  out  the  wild  Picts  of  the  north.  It  extended  from  the 
Tyne  to  the  Solway,  and  considerable  remains  still  exist. 
Under  Antoninus,  a  like  structure  was  made  farther  north, 
just  at  the  foot  of  the  highlands,  from  the  Clyde  to  the  Forth, 
along  the  line  of  Agricola's  earlier  rampart  (§  485). 

Hadrian's  "Wall  was  seventy  miles  long,  extending  almost  from  sea  to 
sea.  It  consisted  of  three  distinct  parts,  (1)  a  stone  wall  and  ditch,  on 
the  north  ;  (2)  a  double  earthen  rampart  and  ditch,  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  yards  to  the  south  ;  and  (3)  between  wall  and  rampart,  a 
series  of  fourteen  fortified  camps  connected  by  a  road.  The  northern 
wall  was  eight  feet  broad  and  twenty  feet  high,  with  turreted  gates  at 
mile  intervals  and  with  numerous  large  towers  for  guard-stations. 


HI.    SOCIETY  IN  THE   FIRST  TWO   CENTURIES.* 

A.    Peace  and  Prosperity.2 

511.  The  "Good Roman  Peace."— The  year  69  a.d.  (§  483)  is 
the  only  serious  break  in  the  quiet  of  the  first  two  centuries  — 
for  the  revolts  of  Boadicea3  in  Britain  (58  a.d.)  and  of  Her- 
mann (§  507)are  really  frontier  wars.  The  rebellion  of  Civilis3 
on  i  lie  Gallic  side  of  the  Rhine  was  connected  with  the  disorders 
of  the  year  69,  and  the  national  rebellion  of  the  Jews  (§  484) 

1  The  society  of  the  third  century  is  treated  in  Division  IV. 

-nlrs  the  specific  references  in  the  text  below,  see  Gibbon,  ch.  ii;  Capes' 
Early  Empire  and  Antonines;  Freeman's  "Flavian  Emperors,"  in  Second 
of  Historical  Essays;   Watson's  Aurelius;   Thomas'  Roman  Life; 
Pellison's  Roman  Life;  Dill's  Roman  Life  from  Nero  to  Aurelius. 
8  Special  report. 


§  513]         SOCIETY   IN   THE   FIRST  TWO   CENTURIES.  425 

began  at  that  same  time.  To  the  empire  at  large,  moreover, 
both  these  were  trivial  disturbances.  Even  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, when  the  legions  were  incessantly  warring  among  them- 
selves in  behalf  of  their  favorite  commanders  (§  495),  vast 
regions  of  the  empire  were  uninterested  and  undisturbed. 

All  in  all,  an  area  as  large  as  the  United  States,  with  a 
population  of  one  hundred  millions,  rested  in  the  "  good 
Roman  peace  "  for  nearly  four  hundred  years.  Never,  before 
or  since,  has  so  large  a  part  of  the  world  known  such  unbroken 
rest  from  the  horrors  and  ivaste  of  war.  Few  troops  were  seen 
within  the  empire,  and  "the  distant  clash  of  arms  upon  the 
Euphrates  or  the  Danube  scarcely  disturbed  the  trancpiillity 
of  the  Mediterranean  lands." 

512.  Good  Government,  even  by  Bad  Emperors.  —  The  Caesars 
at  Borne  were  sometimes  weak  or  wicked,  but  their  follies  or 
crimes  were  felt  for  the  most  part  only  by  the  nobles  of  the 
capital.  The  imperial  system  became  so  strong  that,  save  in 
minor  details,  the  world  moved  along  the  same  lines  whether 
a  mad  Caligula  or  a  philanthropic  Aurelius  sat  upon  the 
throne. 

"  To  the  Roman  city  the  Empire  was  political  death  ;  to  the  provinces 
it  was  the  beginning  of  new  life.  ...  It  was  not  without  good  reason 
that  the  provincials  raised  their  altars  to  more  than  one  prince  for  whom 
the  citizens,  also  not  without  good  reason,  sharpened  their  daggers."  — 
Freeman,  Chief  Periods,  69. 

"It  was  in  no  mean  spirit  of  flattery  that  the  provincials  raised  statues 
and  altars  to  the  Emperors,  to  some  even  of  the  vilest  who  have  ever 
ruled.  .  .  .  The  people  knew  next  to  nothing  of  their  vices  and  follies, 
and  thought  of  them  chiefly  as  the  symbol  of  the  ruling  Providence  which, 
throughout  the  civilized  world,  had  silenced  war  and  faction  and  secured 
the  blessings  of  prosperity  and  peace,  before  unknown."  —  Capes,  Early 
Empire,  202. 

513.  Prosperity  of  the  First  Two  Centuries.  —  The  reign  of 
the  Antonines  has  been  called  the  "  golden  age  of  humanity." 
Gibbon  believed  that  a  man,  if  allowed  his  choice,  would 
prefer  to  have  lived  then  rather  than  at  any  other  period  of 
the  world's  history.     Mommseu  adds  his  authority  :  — 


426     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.   [§513 

"  In  its  sphere,  —  which  those  who  belonged  to  it  were  not  far  wrong 
in  regarding  as  the  world,  —  the  Empire  fostered  the  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  many  nations  united  under  its  sway  longer  and  more  completely 
than  any  other  leading  power  has  ever  succeeded  in  doing.  .  .  .  And  if 
gel  of  the  Lord  were  to  strike  a  balance  ich ether  the  domain  ruled 
by  Severus  Antoninus  was  'inn  rued  with  the  greater  intelligence  and 
greati  r  humanity  at  that  time  or  in  the  present  day,  whether  civilisation 
and  national  prosperity  generally  have  since  that  time  advanced  or  retro- 
grade d,  it  is  oi  ry  doubtful  whether  the  decision  would  prove  in  favor  of 
the  prest  nt."  —  Mommsen,  Provinces,  5. 

The  roads  were  safe.  Piracy  ceased  from  the  seas,  and  trade 
flourished  as  it  was  not  to  flourish  again  for  a  thousand  years. 
The  ports  were  crowded  with  shipping,  and  the  Mediter- 
ranean was  spread  with  happy  sails.  An  immense  traffic 
flowed  ceaselessly  between  Europe  and  Central  Asia  along 
three  great  arteries:  one  in  the  north  by  the  Black  Sea  and 
by  caravan  (along  the  line  of  the  present  Russian  trans- 
Caspian  railway);  one  on  the  south  by  Suez  and  the  Red 
Sea;  one  by  caravan  across  Arabia,  where,  amid  the  sands, 
arose  white^walled   Palmyra,  Queen  of  the  Desert.1 

From  frontier  to  frontier,  communication  was  safe  and 
rapid.  The  grand  military  and  post  roads  ran  in  trunk- 
lines —  a  thousand  miles  at  a  stretch  —  from  every  frontier 
toward  the  central  heart  of  the  empire,  with  a  dense  net- 
xv"ll':  of  ramifications  in  every  province.  Guide  books 
described  routes  and  distances.  Inns  abounded.  The  im- 
perial couriers  that  hurried  along  the  great  highways  passed 
a  hundred  and  fifty  milestones  a  day;  and  private  travel, 
from  the  Thames  to  the  Euphrates,  was  swifter,  safer,  and 
more  comfortable  than  ever  again  until  well  into  the  nine- 
teenth  century. 

Everywhere  rude  stockaded  villages  changed  into  stately 
marts  of  trade,  huts  into  palaces,  footpaths  into  paved  Roman 
roads.     Roman  irrigation  made  part  of  the  African  desert  the 


On  trade  routes  to  China,  advanced  students  may  see  Bury's  Gibbon,  IV, 
Appendix,  634  ff. 


§514]        SOCIETY  IN  THE   FIRST  TWO   CENTURIES. 


427 


garden  of  the  world,  where,  from  drifting  sands,1  desolate  ruins 
mock  the  traveler  of  to-day.  In  Gaul,  Caesar  found  no  real 
towns.  In  the  third  century  that  province  had  one  hundred 
and    sixteen    flourishing  cities,  with  baths,  temples,   amphi- 


Aqueduct  at  Nimes,  France,  built  by  Antoninus  Pius  to  supply  the  city 
with  water  from  distant  mountain  springs;  present  condition  of  the  struc- 
ture where  it  crosses  a  deep  valley. 

theaters,  works  of  art,  roads,  aqueducts,2  and  schools  of  elo- 
quence and  rhetoric. 

514.  Forms  of  Industry.  —  It  is  difficult  to  picture  the 
throbbing,  busy  life  of  the  empire.  Plainly  it  was  a  city  life. 
Plainly,  too,  it  rested  on  agriculture  as  the  chief  industry. 
We  are  to  think  of  a  few  great  cities,  like  Eome,  Alexandria, 

1  Under  French  rule  North  Africa,  in  the  last  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
began  to  recover  its  Roman  prosperity  after  a  lapse  of  fifteen  hundred  years. 

2  Particular  attention  was  paid  in  cities  to  the  water  supply.  That  of  Rome 
was  better  than  that  of  London  or  Paris  to-day.  Must  of  the  large  cities,  too, 
had  more  and  better  public  baths  than  the  modern  capitals  of  Europe  or  the 
cities  of  America. 


428     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  515 

and  Antioch,  with  populations  varying  from  two  million  to  two 
hundred  thousand,  and  with  their  rabble  fed  by  the  state. 
Then  we  must  think  of  the  rest  of  the  empire  mapped  into 
municipia, —  each  a  farming  district  with  a  town  for  its  core. 

Within  the  town,  modern  manufacturing  wrorks  were  absent. 
For  gentlemen  there  were  the  occupations  of  law,  the  army, 
teaching,  literature,  medicine,  and  the  farming  of  large  estates. 
Lower  classes  furnished  the  merchants,  architects,  shop- 
keepers, weavers,  fullers,  and  artisans.  In  medicine  there 
was  considerable  subdivision  of  labor.  We  hear  of  dentists 
and  of  specialists  for  the  eye  and  for  the  ear.  The  shop- 
keepers and  artisans  were  organized  in  companies  or  gilds. 
Unskilled  manual  labor  in  country  and  city  was  carried  on 
by  slaves,  and  that  class  rendered  assistance  also  in  many 
higher  forms  of  work. 

B.     The  Would  becomes  Roman. 

515.  Political  Unity  by  Extension  of  Citizenship.  —  Julius 
Caesar  had  begun  the  rapid  expansion  of  Roman  citizenship 
beyOnd  Italy.  Through  his  legislation  the  number  of  adult 
males  with  the  franchise  rose  from  some  nine  hundred  thousand 
to  over  four  million.1  Augustus  was  more  cautious,  but  before 
his  death  the  total  reached  nearly  five  million.2  This  repre- 
sented a  population  of  some  twenty-five  million  people,  in 
an  empire  of  nearly  one  hundred  million,  including  slaves. 
Claudius  made  the  next  great  advance,  after  a  curious  debate 
in  his  council,8  raising  the  total  of  adult  male  citizens,  fit  for 
military  Bervice,  to  about  seven  millions.  Hadrian  completed 
the  enfranchisement  of  Gaul  and  Spain.     The  final  step,  as  we 

1  This  la  the  increase  between  70  b.c.  (after  the  admission  of  the  Italians) 
an«l  27  B.C.  The  greater  pari  of  the  growth  must  have  been  due  to  the 
reforms  "i  '  laesar. 

■  Augustus  is  our  authority  for  both  these  sets  of  figures.  See  extract  in 
Mini r< .'-  Sourc*  Book,  187. 

Read   the  interesting  and  sensible  speech  by  Claudius  as  it  is 
reported  by  Tacitus,  Annals,  \i,  2 1  25. 


§516]  THE    WORLD   BECOMES    ROMAN.  129 

have  noted  (§  405),  was  taken  by  Caracalla  (212  \.i>.),  who  made 
all  free  inhabitants  of  the  empire  full  citizens.  This  com- 
pleted the  process  of  political  absorption  that  began  when  the 
Romans  and  Sabines  of  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal  made  their 
first  compact. 

By  the  time  of  Caracalla  the  franchise  was  no  longer  exercised,  for  the 
Roman  Assembly  had  ceased  except  as  a  mob  gathering.  Moreover,  most 
of  the  provincials  had  already  come  to  possess  many  of  the  advantages  of 
citizens.  Caracalla  may  have  acted  partly  from  a  desire  to  increase  the 
revenues, — since  citizens  were  subject  to  some  taxes  not  paid  by  non- 
citizens.  Still  the  gift  of  complete  citizenship,  with  its  eligibility  to  office 
and  its  rights  before  the  law,  was  no  slight  gain. 

516.  Social  Unity,  in  Patriotism  and  Aspiration.  —  By  its  gen- 
erous policy,  by  its  prosperity  and  good  government,  by  its  uni- 
form law,  and  its  means  of  close  communication,  the  Empire 
won  spiritual  dominion  over  the  hearts  and  minds  of  men. 
Rome  molded  the  manifold  races  of  her  realms  into  one,  —  not 
by  conscious  effort  or  by  violent  legislation,  but  through  their 
own  affectionate  choice.1  Gaul,  Briton,  Dacian,  African,  Greek, 
called  themselves  Romans.  They  were  so,  in  life,  thought,  and 
feeling.  The  East  kept  its  Greek  tongue  and  a  pride  in  its 
earlier  civilization  (§  400)  ;  but  it,  too,  turned  from  the  glories 
of  Miltiades  and  Leonidas  for  what  seemed  the  higher  honor  of 
the  Roman  name.  And  East  and  West  alike  used  the  Roman 
law  and  Roman  political  institutions. 

This  union  was  not,  like  that  of  previous  empires,  one  of 
external  force.2     It  was  in  the  inner  life  of  the  people.     The 

1  This  Romanization  of  the  provincials  was  very  different  from  the  violent 
measures  used  by  Russia  or  Germany  to-day  to  nationalize  their  mixed  popu- 
lations, and  more  like  the  unconscious  absorption  of  many  stocks  in  the 
United  States.  The  Roman  army  as  a  means  of  mixing  the  many  races  into 
one  must  not  be  forgotten,  however;  "Spanish  legions  were  stationed  in 
Switzerland,  Swiss  in  Britain,  Pannonians  in  Africa,  llhrians  in  Armenia." 
They  settled  and  married  in  their  new  homes  and  helped  to  produce  a  race 
uniform  even  in  blood. 

2  Note  that  the  physical  conquests  of  Rome  were  chiefly  made  under  the 
Republic.  The  Empire  was  a  defensive  civilized  state;  and  its  wars,  with 
rare  exceptions,  were  not  for  conquest. 


130     EMPIRE  OF  THE   FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES  A.D.    [§517 

provincials  had  no  reason  to  feel  a  difference  between  themselves 
ami  the  inhabitants  of  Italy.  From  them  now  came  the  men 
of  letters  who  made  Roman  literature  glorious,  and  the  gram- 
marians who  defined  the  Roman  language  (§§  519,  525-527). 
They  furnished  the  emperors.  In  their  cities  arose  schools  of 
rhetoric  that  taught  the  use  of  Latin  even  to  youth  born  by 
the  Tiber. 

The  poet  Claudian,  an  Egyptian  Greek  of  the  fourth  century, 
expressed  this  grand  unity  in  noble  and  patriotic  lines:  — 

"  Rome,  Rome  alone  has  found  the  spell  to  charm 
The  tribes  that  bowed  beneath  her  conquering  arm  ; 
Has  given  one  name  to  the  whole  human  race, 
And  clasped  and  sheltered  them  in  fond  embrace,  — 
Mother,  not  mistress  ;  called  her  foe  her  son; 
And  by  soft  ties  made  distant  countries  one. 
This  to  her  peaceful  scepter  all  men  owe,  — 
That  through  the  nations,  wheresoe'er  we  go 
Strangers,  we  find  a  fatherland.     Our  home 
We  change  at  will  ;  we  count  it  sport  to  roam 
Through  distant  Thule,  or  with  sails  unfurled 
Seek  the  most  drear  recesses  of  the  world. 
Though  we  may  tread  Rhone's  or  Orontes'  shore, 
Yet  are  we  all  one  nation  evermore." 

And  says  George  Burton  Adams  :  — 

"  It  was  a  genuine  absorption,  not  a  mere  contented  living  under  a 
foreign  government.  Local  dress,  religions,  manners,  family  names,  lan- 
guage, and  literature,  political  and  legal  institutions,  race  pride,  disap- 
peared  fur  all  except  the  lowest  classes,  and  everything  became  really 
Roman,  bo  that  neither  they  (the  new  Romans)  nor  the  Romans  by  blood 
ever  felt  in  any  way  the  difference  of  descent." — Civilization  (hiring  the 
Middle  Ages,  23. 

517.  Diffusion  of  Social  Life. — Life  did  not  remain  central- 
ized ;it  Rome  as  in  the  first  century.  To  condense  a  passage 
from   Freeman's  Impressions  of  Home:  — 

"  Her  walls  were  no  longeron  the  Tiber,  but  on  the  Danube,  the  Rhine, 

anil  the  German  Ocean.     Instead  of  an  outpost  at  Janiculum,  her  fortresses 

at  Fork  and  Trier.     Many  of  the  emperors  after  the  first  century 


§518]  EDUCATION.  |:',| 

were  more  at  home  in  these  and  other  distant  cities  than  in  the  ancient 
capital,  which  they  visited  perhaps  only  two  or  three  times  in  a  reign  for 
some  solemn  pageant.1  In  these  once  provincial  towns  the  pulse  of 
Roman  life  beat  more  strongly  than  in  Old  Rome  itself." 

C.     Education  in  the  First  Three  Centuriks.2 

518.  The  Universities.  —  The  three  great  centers  of  learning 
were  Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Athens.  In  these  cities  there 
were  universities,  as  we  should  call  them  now,  fully  organized, 
with  vast  libraries  and  numerous  professorships.  The  early 
Ptolemies  in  Egypt  had  begun  such  foundations  at  Alexandria 
(§  239).  Augustus  followed  their  example  at  Athens,  from  his 
private  fortune.  Vespasian  was  the  first  to  pay  salaries  from 
the  public  treasury,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  began  the  practice  of 
permanent  state  endowments.3 

The  professors  had  the  rank  of  senators,  with  good  salaries 
for  life  and  with  various  privileges.  At  Rome  there  were  ten 
chairs  of  Latin  Grammar  (language  and  literary  criticism) ;  ten 
of  Greek  ;  three  of  Rhetoric,  which  included  law  and  politics  ; 4 
and  three  of  Philosophy,  which  included  logic.  These  represent 
the  three  chief  studies  (the  trivium)  —  language,  rhetoric,  and 
philosophy.  There  was  also  a  group  of  mathematical  studies, 
—  music,  arithmetic,5  geometry,  astronomy  (the  quadrivium). 
In  some  universities  special  studies  flourished.     Thus  law  was 


1  This  statement  holds  good  for  most  of  the  hetter  emperors.  As  a  rule  it 
was  the  weak  or  wicked  ones  who  spent  their  reigns  in  the  capital. 

2  Cf .  Inge;  Thomas;  Capes;  Bury;  Dill,  Roman  Life,  in  tin'  Last  Century 
of  the  Empire,  399-428  (excellent),  and  Roman  Life  to  Nero;  Kingsley's 
Alexandria  and  her  Schools  (in  Historical  Lectures) ;  Laurie's  Rise  of  the 
Universities  (Lecture  I,  1-17). 

3  That  is,  the  state  gave  large  sums  of  money  or  valuable  property,  the 
income  of  which  was  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  the  institution  receiving 
the  gift. 

4  Because  these  were  subjects  to  which  rhetoric  was  especially  applied  and 
on  account  of  which  it  was  studied. 

5  When  Roman  numerals  were  used,  arithmetic  could  nut  be  an  elementary 
study.     To  appreciate  this,  let  the  student  try  to  multiply  xiiv  by  xix. 


432     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  519 


ROME 

under  the  Empire 

SCALE  OF  YARDS 

6     250    SCo  iooo 

-        Walls  of  Aurelian 
QUI  WaUofServnu 


1.  Coliseum. 

'.'.  Arch  <>f  <  'onatantine. 

8.  Arch  of  Titus. 

4.  Via  - 

6.  Via  Nova. 

6.  Virus  TuSCUS. 

7.  Vlcus  Jngarius, 

8.  Arch  of  Beptimlua  Seve- 

rn^. 
:•.  Clhrna  Capitolinus. 


10.  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capi- 

tolinus. 

11.  Arch. 

12.  Column  of  Trajan. 

1'-'.  Column  of  Antoninus. 
1 1.  Baths  of  Agrippa. 
15.  Pantheon. 
10.  Theater  of  Pompey. 
17.  Portico  of  Pompey. 
IS.  Circus  Flaminius. 


VJ.  Theater  of  Marcellus. 

20.  Forum  Holitorium. 

21.  Forum  Boarium. 

22.  Mausoleum  of  Augustus. 
28.  Mausoleum  of  Hadrian. 

24.  Baths  of  Constantine. 

25.  Baths  of  Diocletian. 

26.  Baths  of  Titus. 

27.  Baths  of  Caracalla. 

28.  Amphitheatruin  Cas- 

trense. 


;i   specialty  at  Rome  (two  cliairs  of  Roman  Law  flourished 
there),  and  medicine  at  Alexandria. 

519.    <•  Grammar  Schools"  in  the  Provinces,  and  Lower  Schools. 
—Below  tin;  universities,  in  all  lar^e  provincial  towns,  there 


§519] 


EDUCATION. 


433 


were  "grammar  schools."  These  were  endowed  by  the  em- 
perors, from  Vespasian's  time,  and  corresponded  in  some 
measure  to  advanced  high  schools  or  colleges. 

Those  in  Gaul  and  Spain  were  especially  famous;  in  par- 
ticular, the  ones  at  Massilia,  Autun,  Narbonne,  Lyons,  Bordeaux, 
Toulouse.     The  reputation  of  the  instructors  in  the  best  schools 


Arch  of  Trajan  at  Beneventum. 

drew  students  from  all  the  empire.  The  walls  of  the  class  rooms 
were  painted  with  maps,  dates,  and  lists  of  facts.  The  masters 
were  appointed  by  local  magistrates,  with  life  tenure  and  good 
pay.  Like  the  professors  in  the  universities,  they  were  exempt 
from  taxation  and  had  many  privileges.1 

In  the  small  towns  were  many  schools  of  a  lower  grade. 

i  The  privileges  of  this  learned  class  were  the  origin  of  the  "  benefit  ol 
clergy  "  in  the  Middle  Ages. 


434     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE   CENTURIES  A.D.    [§520 

All  this  education  was  for  the  upper  and  middle  classes,  and  for  occa- 
sional bright  boys  from  the  lower  classes  who  found  some  wealthy  patron. 
Little  was  done  toward  dispelling  the  dense  ignorance  of  the  masses. 

D.     Architecture.1 

520.  Characteristics.  —  Architecture  was  the  chief  Boman 
art.  With  the  Early  Empire  it  takes  on  its  distinctive  char- 
acter.    To  the  Greek  columns  it  adds  the  noble  Eoman  arch, 


f*i 


'  wym| 


M    ^    M     fcfefai-3 


I":,:     ■ 


A  Section  of  the  Pantheon  as  at  Present. 

with  its  modification,  the  dome.  As  compared  with  Greek 
architecture  it  has  more  massive  grandeur  and  is  more  ornate. 
The  Romans  commonly  used  the  rich  Corinthian  column  instead 
of  the  simpler  Doric  or  Ionic  (§  127). 

521.   Famous  Buildings  and  Types.  — The  most  famous  building  of 
the  Augustan  Age  ia  the  Pantheon,  —  "shrine  of  all  saints  and  temple  of 


ion's  Ancient  and  Modern  Architecture;  Inge,  ch.  v;  Thomas,  ch. 
iii:  Boissier's  Rome  and  Pompeii;  Dyer's  Pompeii;  Lanciani's  Ancient 
Borne  in  tin'  Lii/lit  nf  h'l'i-i/i/  lH.scoveries  and  The  Ruins  and  Excavations  of 
Ancient  Rome.  In  the  absence  of  such  works,  articles  on  architecture  in  good 
encyclopaedias  will  be  found  useful. 


§521] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


i:;:, 


all  gods,"  — built  in  the  Campus  Martins  by  the  minister  Agrippa.]  It  is 
a  circular  structure  132  feet  in  diameter  and  of  the  same  height,  sur- 
mounted by  a  majestic  dome  that  originally  flashed  with  tiles  of  bronze. 
The  interior  is  broadly  flooded  with  light  from  an  aperture  in  the  dome 
26  feet  in  diameter.  The  inside  walls  were  formed  of  splendid  columns 
of  yellow  marble,  with  gleaming  white  capitals,  supporting  noble  arches, 
upon  which  again  rested  more  pillars  and  another  row  of  arches  —  up  to 


ililii 


Ttf* 


■-' 


The  Coliseum  To-day. 


the  base  of  the  dome.  Under  the  arches  in  pillared  recesses  stood  the  stat- 
ues of  the  gods  of  all  religions  ;  for  this  grand  temple  was  symbolic  of  the 
grander  toleration  and  unity  of  the  Roman  world.  Time  has  dealt  gently 
with  it,  and  almost  alone  of  the  buildings  of  its  day  it  has  lasted  to  ours.2 
The  Coliseum  was  begun  by  Vespasian  and  finished  by  Domitian.  It 
is  a  vast  stone  amphitheater  (two  theaters,  face  to  face)  for  wild  beast 

1  Agrippa  was  an  early  friend  of  Augustus  and  a  faithful  assistant  through 
his  whole  life.  He  was  an  able  soldier  ami  an  anient  builder.  In  liis  patron- 
age of  art  and  architecture  he  filled  a  place  like  that  of  Maecenas  in  literature 
(§475).  Agrippa's  generalship  won  the  battle  of  Actium.  He  became  the 
son-in-law  of  Augustus,  and,  except  for  his  death  shortly  before  that  of  the 
Emperor,  he  would  probably  have  succeeded  to  his  power. 

2  Read  the  picture  iu  Byron's  Childe  Harold,  canto  iv. 


436    EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  522 


shows  and  games.  It  covers  six  acres,  and 
the  walls  rise  150  feet.1  It  is  said  to  have 
seated  eighty  thousand  spectators.  For  cen- 
turies in  the  Middle  Ages  its  ruins  were 
used  as  a  quarry  for  the  palaces  of  Roman 
nobles,  but  its  huge  size  has  prevented  its 
destruction. 

A  favorite  application  of  the  arch  was 
the  triumphal  arch,  adorned  with  sculptures 
and  covered  with  inscriptions,  spanning  a 
street,  as  if  it  were  a  city  gate.  Among 
the  more  famous  structures  of  this  kind  in 
Rome  were  the  arches  of  Titus,  Trajan, 
Antoninus,  and,  later,  of  Constantine  (see 
pages  433,  474). 

The  Romans  erected  also  splendid  monu- 
mental columns.  The  finest  surviving  ex- 
ample is  Trajan'' s  Column,  one  hundred 
feet  high,  circled  with  spiral  bands  of 
sculpture  containing  twenty-five  hundred 
human  figures.  It  commemorated  and  illus- 
trated Trajan's  Dacian  expedition  (§  487). 
J^Sji  522.    Roman   Basilicas  and  the  Later 

„,- dtewlfcSff     _.      „       Christian   Architecture.  —  One  other   kind 

vmffljg-fo~i  ,'^|  of  building  musl  have  special  mention.     A 

.j-\       -~  '      [iil1      little    before    the    Empire,    the     Romans 

— , ^__  j|.      adopted  the  Greek  basilica 2  and  soon  made 

it  a  favorite  form  of  building  for  the  law 
courts. 

The  general  plan  was  that  of  a  great 
oblong  hall,  its  length  some  two  times  its 
breadth,  with  a  circular  raised  apse  at  the 
end,  where  sat  the  numerous  judges.  The 
hall  itself  was  divided  by  two  long  rows  of  pillars  into  three  parts  run- 
ning from  the  entrance  to  the  apse  —  a  central  nave  and  two  aisles,  one 
each  side  of  the  nave.  Sometimes  there  were  double  rows  of  pillars, 
making  two  aisles  on  each  side.     The  nave  was  left  open  up  to  the 


h 


I  l;  \.i  LN'a   '  "U  M\    TO-DAT. 


1  Read  Che  description  in  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Full  of  the  Roman  Empire, 
l»k.  i,  <li.  xii. 

1  So  called  from  the  hall  at  Athens  where  the  basileus  archon  (king  archon) 
beard  cases  at  law  involving  religious  questions. 


§522] 


ARCHITECTURE. 


437 


lofty  roof,  but  above  the  side  aisles  there  were  galleries  shut  off  by  a 
parapet,  which  supported  a  row  of  elevated  pillars.  These  galleries 
were  for  the  general  public. 


Aisle 

1 

i 
I 

i((o 

Nave 

^^          *  •' 

Aisle 

General  Plan  of  a  Basilica. 


The  Christians  found  this  building  admirably  adapted  for  their  worship. 
After  the  conversion  of  the  Empire,  numerous  basilicas  were  converted 


Interior  View  of  Trajan's  Basilica,  as  restored  by  Canina. 

into  churches,  and  for  centuries  all  ecclesiastical  buildings  had  this 
general  plan.  With  slight  changes,  it  grew  into  the  plan  of  the  medieval 
cathedral. 

Special   Reports. —The  Roman  house;   the   Roman  villa;   mosaic 
pavements ;  excavations  at  Pompeii. 


438     EMPIRE  OE  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§523 


E.     Literature.1 

Literature  plays  so  small  a  part  in  Roman  life  until  just  be- 
fore the  Empire,  that  it  has  not  been  needful  to  mention 
it  until  now.  To  grasp  the  literary  conditions  under  the 
Empire,  however,  it  is  desirable  to  survey  the  whole  field. 
The  brief  outline  given  here  is  designed  only  for  reading 
and  reference,  not  for  careful  study.  If  the  teacher  likes, 
it  can  be  discussed  in  class,  with  open  books. 

523.  Before  the  Age  of  Cicero.  —  Rome  had  no  literature  until  the 
middle  of  the  third  century  is.c.  Then  the  influence  of  her  conquest 
of  Magna  Graecia  began  to  be  felt.  Livius  Andronicus,  a  Greek  slave 
from  Tarentum,  introduced  the  drama  at  Home  ;  but  Ins  plays,  and 
those  of  his  successor  Naevius,  were  mainly  translations  from  older  Greek 
writers. 

Ennius,  also  from  Magna  Graecia,  comes  in  the  period  just  after  the 
Second  Punic  War.  He  translated  Greek  dramas,  but  his  chief  work  was 
an  epic  on  the  legendary  history  of  Rome. 

Comedy  was  represented  by  two  greater  names,  Plautus  (of  Italian 
origin)  and  Terence  (a  slave  from  Carthage).  Both  modeled  their  plays 
upon  those  of  the  Greek  Menander  (§236).  Plautus  (254-184  b.c.)  is 
rollicking  but  gross.  Terence  (a  generation  later)  is  more  refined  and 
elegant. 

To  the  period  between  the  Second  and  Third  Tunic  Wars  belong  also 
the  Origines  of  Cato  (an  early  history  of  Home)  and  his  writings  on 
Agriculture,  an  earlier  historyby  Fabius  Pictor,  and  the  great  history  by 
the  Greet  Polybius,  all  of  whom  have  been  referred  to  before  in  this 
volume. 

524.  The  part  of  the  first  century  B.C.  preceding  Augustus  is  some- 
times  known  as  the  Age  of  Cicero,  from  the  name  that  made  its  chief 
glory.  <  •;,-,  ro  remains  the  foremost  orator  of  Rome  and  the  chief  master 
oJ  Latin 

Two  greal  poets  belong  to  the  period:    Lucretius  the  Epicurean,  a 

Roman  knight,  who  reaches  a  sublimity  never  attained  by  other  Latin 

poets;  and  Catullus  from  Cisalpine  Gaul,  whose  lyrics  are  unsurpassed 

for  delicacy,  and  who  attacked   Caesar  with  bitter  invective,  to  meet 

•    forgiveness. 

History   is  represented  by  the  concise,   graphic,   lucid  narrative  of 


I  Mackail,  Latin  Literature;  or  Cruttwell,  Roman  Literature. 


§  527]  LITERATURE.  439 

Caesar,  the  picturesque  stories  of  Sallust  (who  is  our  chief  authority  for 
the  conspiracy  of  Catiline  and  the  Jugurthine  War),  and  by  the  inferior 
work  of  Nepos  and  Varro. 

525.  In  the  Augustan  Age  the  stream  broadens,  and  only  the  more 
important  writers  can  be  mentioned. 

Horace  (son  of  an  Apulian  freedman)  wrote  the  most  graceful  of  Odes 
and  most  playful  of  Satires,  while  his  Epistles  combine  agreeably  a 
serene  common  sense  with  beauty  of  expression. 

Vergil  (from  Cisalpine  Gaul)  is  probably  the  chief  Roman  poet.  He  is 
best  known  to  school  boys  by  his  epic,  the  Aeneid,  but  critics  rank 
higher  his  Georgics  (an  exquisite  agricultural  poem).  In  the  Middle 
Ages  Vergil  was  regarded  as  the  greatest  of  poets,  and  Dante  was 
proud  to  acknowledge  him  for  a  master. 

Ovid  (Roman  knight)  has  for  his  chief  work  the  Metamorphoses,  a  mytho- 
logical poem.  Ovid's  last  years  were  spent  in  banishment  on  the  shores 
of  the  Black  Sea,  where  he  wrote  pathetic  verses  that  will  always  keep 
alive  a  gentle  memory  for  his  name. 

Livy  (of  Cisalpine  Gaul)  and  Dionysius  (an  Asiatic  Greek)  wrote  their 
great  histories  of  Rome  in  this  reign.  Diodorus  (a  Sicilian  Greek) 
wrote  the  first  general  history  of  the  world.  Greek  science  is  con- 
tinued by  Strabo  of  Asia  Minor  (living  at  Alexandria),  who  produced 
a  systematic  geography  of  the  Roman  world,  and  speculated  on  the 
possibility  ofone  or  more  continents  in  the  unexplored  Atlantic  be- 
tween Europe  and  Asia.     The  last  three  authors  wrote  m   Greek. 

526.  The  First  Century  A.D.  —  In  the  first  century  a.d.,  later  than 
Augustus,  we  have  among  other  authors  the  following:  the  poets  Lucan 
and  Martial  (famous  for  his  satirical  wit),  both  Spaniards;  the  Jewish 
historian  Josephus  (writing  in  Greek)  ;  the  scientist  Pliny  the  Elder  (of 
Cisalpine  Gaul),  who  perished  in  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius  in  his  scientific 
zeal  to  observe  the  phenomena  ;  the  rhetorician  Qutntilian  ("  Spaniard)  ; 
the  philosophers  Epictetus  and  Seneca  (both  Stoics).  Seneca  was  a 
Roman  lord  of  Spanish  birth;  Epictetus"  was  a  slave  from  Phrygia. 
Both  taught  a  lofty  philosophy,  but  the  slave  was  the  nobler  both  in 
teaching  and  in  life.     Epictetus  wrote  in  Greek. 

527.  In  the  second  century  contemporary  society  is  charmingly  illus- 
trated in  the  Letters  of  Pliny  the  Younger  (from  Cisalpine  GauT),  ami  is 
gracefully  satirized  in  the  Dialogues  of  Lucian  (a  Syrian  Greek). 

In  history  we  have :  — 

Appian  (an  Alexandrian  Greek),  who  wrote  (in  Greek")  a  history  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  empire ; 

Arrian  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  who  wrote  (in  Greek)  biographies  of  Alex- 
ander and  his  successors,  and  treatises  on  geography  ; 


440     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  528 

Plutarch  (a  Boeotian),  the  author  of  the  famous  Lives  ("the  text-book 
of  heroism  "  )  and  of  a  great  treatise  on  Morals  (in  Greek)  ; 

Suetonius,  the  biographer  of  the  first  twelve  Caesars  ; 

Tacitus  (a  Roman  noble),  author  of  the  Ayricola,  the  Germania  (a  de- 
scription of  the  Germans),  the  Annals  (a  great  history  of  his  own 
times),  and  the  lost  Histories. 

Poetry  is  represented  chiefly  by  the  Satires  of  Juvenal  (an  Italian). 
Science  is  represented  by  :  — 

Galen  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  who  wrote  treatises  on  medicine  (in  Greek), 
and  who  was  revered  for  many  centuries  as  the  greatest  medical 
authority ; 

Ptolemy,  an  Egyptian  astronomer  and  geographer,  whose  work  (in  Greek) 
was  the  chief  authority  for  centuries  ;  he  taught  that  the  earth  was  round 
and  that  the  heavens  revolved  about  it  for  their  center  ; 

Pausanias  (an  Asiatic  Greek),  a  traveler  and  writer  (in  Greek). 
Philosophy  has  for  its  chief  representative,  — 

Marcus  Aurelius,  the  emperor  (§§490,  536). 

For  the  Christian  religion,  —  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  received 

their  present  form  in  Greek. 

Exercise.  — Note  the  significance  in  the  use  of  Greek  or  Latin  by  the 
authors  named  above  (cf.  §  400)  ;  observe  the  increase  in  prose  literature. 

F.     Pagan  Society:  Morals.1 

528.  The  Dark  Side.  —  Many  writers  dwell  upon  the  im- 
morality of  Roman  society  under  the  Empire.  It  is  easy  to 
blacken  the  picture  unduly.  The  records  of  course  give  most 
prominence  to  the  court  and  the  capital ;  and  there  the  truth 
is  d;uk  enough.  During  some  reigns  the  atmosphere  of  the 
court  was  rank  with  hideous  debauchery.  At  all  times  many 
<>r  tin-  greal  nobles  were  sunk  in  coarse  orgies;  and  the  rabble 
•  'I'  Borne,  defiled  with  the  offscourings  of  all  nations,  was  igno- 
rant, cruel,  and  wicked.  In  other  great  cities,  also,  the  mob 
was  wretched  and  vicious. 

1  Specific  references  will  be  given  in  footnotes.  For  longer  reading,  the 
Btndenl  may  consult  Capes'  Early  Empire,  chs.  xviii,  xix;  Dill's  Roman  Life 
from  Nt  /•>.  /•.  Aurelius,  and  Roman  Lift  h,  the  Last  Century  of  the  Empire, 
hk.  i,  chs.  1  Iv;  Lecky's  European  Morals,  161-335;  Inge's  Society  in  Rome  f 
Pellison'a  Roman  Life  in  Pliny's  Time;  Thomas'  Roman  Life. 


§  529]  PAGAN   MORALS.  441 

Particular  evil  customs  shock  the  modern  reader.  At  the 
gladiatorial  sports,  delicate  ladies  thronged  the  benches  of 
the  amphitheater,  without  shrinking  at  the  agonies  of  the 
dying;  and  the  games  grew  in  size  and  in  fantastic  char- 
acter1 until  they  seem  to  us  a  blot  beyond  anything  else  in 
human  history.  To  avoid  the  cost  and  trouble  of  rearing 
children,  the  lower  classes  exposed  their  infants  to  die,  with 
horrible  frequency  and  indifference.  The  old  family  discipline 
was  gone.  The  growth  of  divorce  was  railed  at,  as  in  our  own 
day,  by  the  satirists  of  the  times.  Slavery  threw  its  shadow 
across  the  Roman  world. 

529.  The  Danger  of  Exaggeration:  the  Bright  Side.2  —  Yet  it 
is  certain  that  a  picture  from  such  materials  alone  is  grossly 
misleading.  There  was  much  good,  though  it  made  less  noise 
than  the  evil.  Some  old,  rude  virtues  were  going  out  of  fash- 
ion ;  but  new,  gentler  virtues  were  coming  in.3  The  unex- 
hausted populations  of  North  Italy  and  of  Gaul,  Spain,  and 
Britain,  and  the  great  middle  class  over  all  the  empire,  remained 
essentially  sound  in  morals.  Satirists  like  Juvenal  (§  527)  or 
moralists  like  Tacitus  (§  527)  are  no  more  to  be  accepted  as 


1  Under  Trajan  one  set  of  games  continued  123  days.  In  a  single  day's 
games,  when  the  Coliseum  was  first  opened  by  Titus,  5000  animals  were  slain. 
The  jaded  spectators  demanded  ever  new  novelties,  and  the  exhibitors  son-lit 
out  fantastic  forms  of  combat.  Thousands  of  men  fought  at  once  in  hostile 
armies.  Sea  fights  were  imitated  on  artificial  lakes.  Distant  regions  were 
scoured  for  new  varieties  of  beasts  to  slay  and  be  slain.  Women  entered  the 
arena  as  gladiators,  and  dwarfs  engaged  one  another  in  deadly  combat.  The 
wealthy  aristocrats  laid  wagers  upon  the  skill  of  their  favorite  gladiators, 
as  with  us  at  the  prize  ring.  Read,  especially,  Lecky's  European  Morals, 
1,271-291. 

2  Read  Dill's  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the  Empire,  115-117, 
and  Capes'  Early  Empire,  223-227,  for  wholesome  statements  about  the  danger 
of  exaggerating  the  evils. 

3  "  That  effeminacy  fell  upon  men  which  always  infects  them  when  they 
live  under  the  rule  of  an  all-powerful  soldiery.  But  with  effeminacy  there 
came  in  time  a  development  of  the  feminine  virtues.  Men  ceased  to  be 
adventurous,  patriotic,  just,  magnanimous;  but  in  exchange  they  became 
chaste,  tender-hearted,  loyal,  religious,  capable  of  infinite  endurance  in  a 
good  cause."  —  Seeley,  Roman  Imperialism,  33. 


442     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  529 

authority,   without   correction,  than    racy   wits   and   scolding 
preachers  for  our  own  day. 

On  the  whole,  the  first  two  centuries  show  a   steady  gain, 
even  if  we  look  only  to  pagan  society.     The  Letters  of  Pliny 

reveal,  in  the  court 
circle  itself,  a  society 
high-minded,  refined, 
and  virtuous.  Pliny 
is  a  type  of  the 
finest  gentleman  of 
to-day,  in  delicacy 
of  feeling,  sensitive 
honor,  genial  and 
thoughtful  courtesy.1 
Marcus  Aurelius  and 
his  father  illustrate 
like  qualities  on  the 
throne.  Epietetus 
(§  526)  shows  them 
in  slavery.  All  these 
are  surrounded  by 
friends  whom  they 
think  good  and  happy. 
Indeed,  in  a  close 
survey,  over  against 
each  evil  we  can  set 
a  good.  The  position 
of  women  was  im- 
proved. Charity  to 
the  poor  abounded.  Animals  were  treated  more  kindly.  Slav- 
"iy  grew  milder.  The  sympathies  of  men  broadened.  Law 
showed  a  gentler  spirit.     The  harsh  scepticism  of  the  last  days 


M  ai:<  i  s  Aurelius  Antoninus. 
in  the  Louvre. 


•A  bust  now 


1  Bead  a  charming  essay,   l  Roman  Gentleman  under  the  Empire  (Pliny), 
by  Barriel  Walters  Preston,  in  The  AtlariHc  for  June,  1886.    Thomas'  Roman 
OS.  .\i  and  xiv,  and  Capes'  Autonines,  ch.  v,  present  similar  pictures. 


§  530] 


PAGAN   MORALS. 


443 


of  the  Republic  gave  way  to  a  more  devout  religious  feeling.1 
All  tins  was  true  without  referring  to  the  Christian  part  of 
society,  of  which  we  shall  speak  later  (§  538  ft'.).  Some  of 
these  lines  of  im- 
provement are  noted 
iu  more  detail  in  the 
following  sections. 

530.  Woman  became 
free,2 the  equal  of  man 
in  law,  and  his  com- 
panion instead  of  his 
servant  in  the  family. 
A  higher  view  of  mar- 
riage appeared  than 
ever  before  in  the 
pagan  world.  Plu- 
tarch and  Seneca,  for 
the  first  time  in  his- 
tory, insisted  that 
men  be  judged  by  the 
same  moral  standard 
as  women ;  and  Ro- 
man law  adopted  this 
principle  in  the  de- 
crees of  Antoninus 
and  the  maxims  of 
Ulpian  (§  495).  Plu- 
tarch's   precepts    on 

marriage  "fall  little  if  at  all  below  any  of  modern  days,"  and 
his  own  family  life  afforded  a  beautiful  ideal  of  domestic  hap- 
piness.8 
women : 


Faustina  (wife  of  Marcus  Aurelius).  — A  bust 
now  iu  the  Louvre. 


Plutarch  urges  the  highest   intellectual  culture    for 
and,  says  Lecky :  — 


i  Read  Bury,  Roman  Empire,  575,  576,  for  a  good  statement  of  this  truth. 
2  On  the  position  of  women,  read  Lecky,  European  Morals,  ch.  v. 
*  Lecky,  II,  289. 


444     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  531 

"  Intellectual  culture  was  much  diffused  among  them,  and  we  meet  with 
noble  instances  of  large  and  accomplished  minds  united  with  all  the  grace- 
fulness of  intense  womanhood  and  all  the  fidelity  of  the  truest  love.  .  .  . 
When  Paetus,  a  noble  Roman,  was  ordered  by  Nero  to  put  himself  to 
death,  his  friends  knew  that  his  wife  Arria,  with  her  love  and  her  heroic 
fervor,  would  not  survive  him.  Her  son-in-law  tried  to  dissuade  her  from 
suicide  by  saving  :  'If  I  am  called  upon  to  perish,  would  you  wish  your 
daughter  to  die  with  me  ? '  She  answered,  '  Yes,  if  she  has  then  lived 
with  you  as  long  and  happily  as  I  with  Paetus.'  Paetus  for  a  moment 
hesitated  to  strike  the  fatal  blow,  but  Arria,  taking  the  dagger,  plunged 
it  deeply  into  her  breast,  and  then,  dying,  handed  it  to  her  husband, 
exclaiming,  'My  Paetus,  it  does  not  pain!"' 

531.  Charity. — There  was  a  vast  amount  of  public  and 
private  charity.  Homes  for  poor  children  and  orphan  girls 
were  established.  Wealthy  men  loaned  money  below  the 
regular  rate  of  interest,  and  provided  free  medicine  for  the 
poor.  Tacitus  tells  how,  after  a  great  accident  near  Rome, 
the  rich  opened  their  houses  and  gave  their  wealth  to  relieve 
the  sufferers.     (Cf.  §  487.) 

532.  Kindness  to  Animals.  —  Literature  for  the  first  time 
abounds  in  tender  interest  in  animals.  Cato  in  the  days 
of  the  "  virtuous  Republic  "  bad  advised  selling  old  or  infirm 
slaves;  Plutarch  in  the  "degenerate  Empire"  could  never 
bring  himself  to  sell  an  ox  in  its  old  age.1  We  find  protests 
even  against  hunting;  and  severe  punishments  were  inflicted 
for  wanton  cruelty  to  animals.  There  seems  little  doubt  that 
animals  were  better  treated  under  the  pagan  Empire  than  in 
southern  Europe  to-day. 

It  is  true,  the  gladiatorial  games  continued.  They  were  de- 
fended by  arguments  like  those  used  for  bullfights,  bear  bait- 
ing,  cockfighting,  and  the  prize  ring,  in  later  times.  But  at 
hist  critics  began  to  be  heard,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  made  the 
combats  harmless  for  his  time  by  compelling  the  use  of  blunted 
swords.  Moreover,  it  is  true  beyond  doubt  —  so  strong  is 
fashion    even    in    morals  —  that    the   passion    for    these    in- 

i  Read  Lecky,  II,  1G5. 


§634]  PAGAN  MORALS.  II.'. 

human  games   was  not  inconsistent  with  humanity  in  other 
respects.1 

533.  Slavery  grew  milder.  Emancipation  became  so  com- 
mon that,  on  an  average,  household  slaves  were  freed  after  six 
years'  service.  The  horrible  story  of  Pollio  (a  noble  who  threw 
a  slave  alive  to  the  lampreys  in  a  fish  pond  for  carelessly  1  (leak- 
ing a  precious  vase)  is  often  given  as  typical  of  Roman  treatment 
of  slaves.  This  is  misleading.  That  crime  occurred  at  the  very 
beginning  of  the  Empire,  while  there  was  yet  no  check  in  law 
upon  a  master;  but  even  then,  Augustus,  by  a  stretch  of  hu- 
mane despotism,  ordered  all  the  tableware  in  Pollio's  house  to 
be  broken  and  his  fish  ponds  to  be  filled  up.  Evidently,  such 
a  master  was  socially  ostracised. 

Soon  afterward  a  master  was  murdered  by  a  slave.  The  Sen- 
ate, after  bitter  opposition,  voted  to  put  the  entire  household  of 
slaves  to  death,  according  to  the  old  custom  of  the  Republic; 
but  the  city  populace  rose  in  indignant  insurrection  to  prevent 
such  unjust  cruelty.  In  Nero's  time  a  special  judge  was  ap- 
pointed to  hear  the  complaints  of  slaves  and  to  punish  cruelties 
to  them,  and  Seneca  tells  us  that  cruel  masters  were  jeered  in 
the  streets.  Law  began  to  protect  the  slave,  and  imperial 
edicts  improved  his  condition.2 

534.  Sympathies  broadened.  The  unity  of  the  vast  Roman 
world  prepared  the  way  for  the  thought  that  all  men  are 
brothers.  Philosophers  were  fond  of  dwelling  upon  the  idea. 
Said  Marcus  Aurelius,  "  As  emperor  I  am  a  Roman  ;  but  as  a 
man  my  city  is  the  world."  Even  the  rabble  in  the  Roman 
theater  was  wont  to  applaud  the  line  of  Terence :  "  I  am  a  man  ; 
no  calamity  that  can  affect  man  is  without  meaning  to  me." 

The  age  prided  itself,  justly,  upon  its  enlightened  humanity, 
much  as  our  own  does.  Trajan  instructed  a  provincial  gov- 
ernor not  to  act  upon  anonymous  accusations,  because  such 
conduct  "does  not  belong  to  our  age." 

1  Read  a  good  passage  in  Lecky's  European  Morals,  288-290. 

2  Cf.  §§  481,  489.  Extracts  from  this  legislation  are  given  by  Munro,  187, 
192.    Read  Lecky,  European  Morals,  I,  303-308. 


446     EMPIRE  OF  THE   FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§535 

535.  The  Gentler  Spirit  of  Imperial  Law.  —  The  result  of  this 
broad  humanity  was  crystallized  in  the  Roman  law.1  The  harsh 
law  of  the  Republic  became  humane.  Women  and  children 
shared  its  protection.  Torture  was  limited.  The  rights  of  the 
accused  were  better  recognized.  From  this  time  dates  the 
maxim,  "Better  to  let  the  guilty  escape  than  to  punish  the  in- 
nocent." "All  men  by  the  law  of  nature  are  equal"2  became 
a  law  maxim,  through  the  great  jurist  Ulpian.  Slavery,  he 
argued,  had  been  created  only  by  the  lower  law,  enacted  not  by 
nature  but  by  man.  Therefore,  if  one  man  claimed  another  as 
his  slave,  the  benefit  of  any  possible  doubt  was  to  be  given  to 
the  one  so  claimed.3 

^rr€r.     EXTRACTS    TO    SHOW    THE    HlGHER    PAGAN    MORALITY. 


536.    From  the  Thoughts  of  Marcus  Aurelius  :  — 

Aurelius  thanks  the  gods  "  for  a  good  grandfather,  good  parents,  a  good 
sister,  good  teachers,  good  associates,  and  good  friends." 

"  From  my  mother  I  learned  piety,  and  abstinence  not  only  from  evil 
deeds  but  from  evil  thoughts."  From  a  tutor,  "...  not  to  credit 
miracle  workers  and  jugglers,  with  their  incantations  and  driving  away 
of  demons ;  ...  to  read  carefully,  and  not  to  be  satisfied  with  a  super- 
ficial understanding  of  a  book." 

•'There  are  briers  in  the  road?  Then  turn  aside  from  them,  but  do 
not  add.  •  Why  were  such  things  made?'  Thou  wilt  be  ridiculed  by  a 
man  who  is  acquainted  with  nature,  as  thou  wouldst  be  by  a  carpenter  or 
shoemaker  if  thou  didst  complain  that  there  were  shavings  and  cuttings 
in  his  shop." 

••  All  that  is  from  the  gods  is  full  of  providence." 
on  every  vexation  apply  this  principle  :  This  is  not  a  misfortune,  but 
to  hear  it  Dobly  is  good  fortune." 

"The  best  way  to  avenge  thyself  is  not  to  become  like  the  wrong- 
doer.'' 

1  Read  Lecky,  I,  294-297,  and  Curteis,  17.  Hadley,  Roman  Law,  Lectures 
II  and  III.  ami  Gibbon,  eh.  xliv.  give  longer  discussions. 

'This  maxim  was  to  work  revolutions  in  distant  ages.  It  played  a  part  in 
both  the  American  and  tin-  French  Evolutions  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

9  li  is  carious  to  remember  that  the  rule  was  just  the  other  way  in  nearly 
all  Christian  countries  through  the  Middle  Ages,  and  in  the  United  States 
under  the  Fugith  e  Blave  Laws  from  1793  to  the  Civil  War. 


§537]  PAGAN  MORALS  — MARCUS  AURELIUS.  NT 

"  When  thou  wishest  to  delight  thyself,  think  of  the  virtues  of  those 
who  live  with  thee." 

"  Love  men  ;  revere  the  gods."  [Does  not  this  come  near  "  the  two 
commandments"  ?] 

"  Think  of  thyself  a6  a  member  of  the  great  human  body,  — else  thou 
dost  not  love  men  from  thy  heart." 

"Suppose  that  men  curse  thee,  or  kill  thee  .  .  .  if  a  man  stand  by  a 
pure  spring  and  curse  it,  the  spring  does  not  cease  to  send  up  wholesome 
water." 

"  To  say  all  in  a  word,  everything  which  belongs  to  the  body  is  a 
stream,  and  all  that  belongs  to  the  soul  is  a  dream  and  a  vapor;  life  is  a 
warfare  and  a  stranger's  sojourn,  and  after  fame  is  oblivion.  What  then 
is  there  about  which  we  ought  seriously  to  employ  ourselves  ?  This  one 
thing  —  just  thoughts  and  social  acts,  words  that  do  not  lie,  and  temper 
which  accepts  gladly  all  that  happens." 

"  Why  then  dost  thou  not  wait  in  tranquillity  for  thy  end,  whether  it 
be  extinction  or  removal  to  another  life  ?  And  until  that  time  comes, 
what  is  sufficient  ?  Why,  what  else  than  to  venerate  the  gods  and  bless 
them,  and  to  do  good  to  men,  and  to  practice  tolerance  and  self-restraint." 

"  Everything  harmonizes  with  me  which  is  harmonious  to  thee,  '  > 
Universe!  Nothing  is  too  early  or  too  late  which  is  in  due  time  for  thee  ! 
Everything  is  fruit  to  me  which  thy  seasons  bring,  O  Nature  !  From 
thee  are  all  things  ;  in  thee  are  all  things  ;  to  thee  all  things  return.  The 
poet  says,  Dear  city  of  Cecrops ;  and  shall  not  I  say,  Dear  city  of  Zeus  '.'  " 

"Many  grains  of  frankincense  upon  the  same  altar;  one  falls  before, 
another  after  ;  but  it  makes  no  difference." 

"Pass  through  this  little  space  of  time  conformably  to  Nature,  and  end 
thy  journey  in  content  —  just  as  an  olive  falls  when  it  is  ripe,  blessing 
Nature  who  produced  it  and  thanking  the  tree  on  which  it  grew." 

"  What  is  it  to  me  to  live  in  a  universe  if  devoid  of  gods.  But  in  truth 
gods  do  exist,  and  they  do  care  for  human  things,  and  they  have  put  the 
means  in  man's  power  to  enable  him  not  to  fall  into  real  evil." 

"  It  is  sweet  to  live  if  there  be  gods,  and  sad  to  die  if  there  be  none."  ] 

537.    From  Epictetus :  — 

"He  is  unreasonable  who  is  grieved  at  things  which  happen  from  the 
necessity  of  nature." 

"  Nothing  is  smaller  than  love  of  pleasure  and  love  of  gain  and  pride. 
Nothing  is  superior  to  magnanimity  and  gentleness  and  love  of  mankind 
and  beneficence."  

1  Read  Watson's  Marcus  Aurelius,  or  Matthew  Arnold's  treatment  in  Essays 
in  Criticism,  First  Series.    See  also  Capes'  Antonim  J,  84-134. 


448     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  538 

"  What  we  ought  not  to  do  we  should  not  even  think  of  doing." 

"  No  man  is  free  who  is  not  master  of  himself." 

"  Think  of  God  more  frequently  than  you  breathe." 

"  Fortify  yourself  with  contentment,  for  this  is  an  impregnable 
fortress." 

"  If  you  wish  to  be  good,  first  believe  that  you  are  bad." 

"  Do  not  so  much  be  ashamed  of  that  disgrace  which  proceeds  from 
men's  opinions  as  fly  from  that  which  comes  from  the  truth." 

•'  No  man  who  loves  money  and  pleasure  and  fame,  also  loves  mankind, 
but  only  lie  who  loves  virtue." 

"  If  you  wish  to  be  rich,  know  it  is  neither  a  good  thing  nor  in  your 
power ;  if  you  wish  to  be  happy,  it  is  a  good  thing  and  in  your  power ; 
for  the  one  is  a  temporary  loan  of  fortune,  but  happiness  comes  from  the 
will." 

"  When  you  die  you  will  not  exist,  but  you  will  be  something  else  of 
which  the  world  has  need  ;  you  came  into  existence  not  when  you  chose, 
but  when  the  world  had  need  of  you." 

"To  me  all  significations  are  auspicious  if  I  choose;  for,  whatever 
results,  it  is  in  my  power  to  derive  benefit  from  it." 

"  It  is  not  possible  to  be  free  from  faults  ;  but  it  is  possible  to  direct 
your  efforts  incessantly  to  bring  faithlessness." 

"  Death  or  pain  is  not  formidable,  but  the  fear  of  pain  or  death." 


II    Christianity. 

538.  Some  Inner  Sources  of  its  Power.  —  Thus  far  we  have 
considered  the  morals  of  the  pagan  world  only.  But  during 
these  same  tiist  centuries  of  the  Empire,  Christianity  had  come 
into  the  world  (§  476)  and  was  already  growing  into  the  greatest 
single  power  that  has  ever  worked  upon  the  souls  of  men.  God 
as  a  tender  father  replaced  the  gods  demanding  worship  for 
""'in  the  price  of  holding  their  hands  from  afflicting 

men.  Confidence  in  a  blissful  life  after  death  replaced  the  old 
gloomy  and  shadowy  future.  The  obligation  of  pure  and  help- 
ful living  was  substituted  for  the  duty  of  minute  ceremonial. 
Christianity  made  hope,  love,  and  mutual  helpfulness  the 
ice  of  religion  for  the  masses  of  men,  and  it  replaced  the 
lofty  but  trembling  aspirations  of  the  noblest  philosophers  by 
a  sine  and  -lowing  faith. 


§£39]  CHRISTIANITY.  449 

Individuals  in  the  pagan  world,  it  is  true,  like  Plato  and 
Aurelius,  held  opinions  regarding  God,  duty,  immortality,  Dot 
unlike  the  teachings  of  Christ;  but  through  Christianity  these 
higher  doctrines,  "  which  the  noblest  intellects  of  [pagan] 
antiquity  could  barely  grasp,  have  become  the  truisms  of  the 
milage  school,  the  }yro  verbs  of  the  cottage  and  the  alley."1 

539.  Debt  to  the  Roman  Empire.2  —  In  three  distinct  ways 
the  Empire  had  made  preparation  for  Christianity.  (1)  The 
gentler  tendency  of  the  age  made  easier  the  victory  of  Chris- 
tianity, the  religion  of  humility  and  self-sacrifice.  (2)  The 
political  machinery  of  the  empire  had  important  influence 
upon  the  organization  of  Church  government  (§  5G5).  (3)  An 
incalculable  debt  is  due  to  the  unity  of  the  vast  Roman 
world. 

Except  for  the  widespread  rule  of  Rome,  Christianity  could 
hardly  have  reached  beyond  Judea.  The  early  Christian 
writers  recognized  this,  and  regarded  the  creation  of  the  Em- 
pire as  a  providential  preparation.  No  other  government  was 
tolerant  enough  to  permit  the  spread  of  such  worship.  The 
Empire  had  tolerated  broadly  the  religions  of  all  nations 
(except  those  believed  to  be  seriously  immoral),  and  so  had 
melted  down  sharp  local  prejudices.  The  union  of  diverse 
peoples  under  the  Empire,  with  a  common  language,  common 
sentiments  and  customs,  a  common  government,  and  habits  of 
easy  intercourse,  laid  the  foundation  for  their  spiritual  union 
in  Christianity.     Says  Renan :  — 

"  It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  how,  in  the  face  of  an  Asia  Minor,  a  Greece, 
an  Italy,  split  into  a  hundred  small  republics,  and  of  Gaul,  Spain,  Africa. 
Egypt,  in  possession  of  their  old  national  institutions,  the  apostles  could 
have  succeeded,  or  even  how  their  project  could  have  been  started.1' 


1  Lecky,  European  Morals.  See  that  work  (II,  1-4)  on  tin-  relation  of 
pagan  speculation  and  teaching  to  Christian  faith:  and  also  some  good  pages 
in  Matthew  Arnold's  Essays  in  Criticism,,  First  Series,  345-348.  Robinson's 
Readings  in  European  History,  1, 14-18,  has  some  excellent  source  extracts  to 
illustrate  the  same  relation. 

2  There  is  a  good  treatment  in  Fisher's  Beginnings  of  Christianity,  47-7'!. 


450     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  540 

540.  The  Early  Persecutions.  —  The  Empire  encouraged  the 
utmost  freedom  of  thought  upon  all  subjects.  Marcus  Aurelius, 
in  appointing  men  to  the  endowed  chairs  of  philosophy  at 
Rome,  did  not  inquire  whether  or  not  they  agreed  with  his 
own  philosophical  beliefs.  Why,  then,  did  Rome  persecute 
the  early  Christians  ? 

To  understand  this  at  all,  it  is  best  to  treat  separately  the 
"  persecution  "  under  Nero,  and  the  persecutions  in  the  follow- 
ing century. 

We  know  from  the  Book  of  Acts  that  within  thirty  years 
after  the  death  of  Christ  his  disciples  were  to  be  found  in  all 
large  cities  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  Empire,  and  that  they 
had  appeared  in  Rome  itself.  They  were  still  confined,  how- 
ever, almost  wholly  to  the  lower  classes  of  society.  Cultivated 
Romans  heard  of  them  only  by  chance,  if  at  all,  and  as  a  de- 
spised sect  of  the  Jews.  The  Jews  themselves  accused  the 
Christians  of  all  crimes  and  impieties,  —  of  eating  young  chil- 
dren and  of  horrible  orgies  in  the  secret  love-feasts  (the  com- 
munion suppers).  The  accusation  was  accepted  carelessly, 
because  of  the  secrecy  of  the  Christian  meetings1  and  because 
there  had  been  licentious  rites  in  certain  eastern  religions 
which  Rome  had  been  compelled  to  check.2 

The  great  fire  in  Rome,  64  a.d.  (§  482),  first  brought  the 

Christians  to   general  notice,  and  gave  occasion  for  the  first 

important    mention    of    them   by   a    pagan    historian.      The 

origin  of  the  fire,  says  Tacitus,  was  charged  upon  the  new 

I . — 

"  Whom  the  vulgar  call  Christians,  and  who  were  already  branded 
witli  deserved  infamy.  Christus,  from  whom  the  name  was  derived,  was 
ited  when  Tiberius  was  imperator,  by  Pontius  Pilate,  the  procurator 
in  Judea.  But  the  pernicious  superstition,  checked  for  the  time,  again 
broke  out,  nol  only  in  its  first  home,  but  even  in  Rome,  the  meeting  place 
oi  all  horrible  and  immoral  practices  from  all  parts  of  the  world." 

a  significant  extract  from  a  pagan  writer  in  Munro,  168  (No.  128). 
-  A  brief  cleai  Btatemenl   is  given  by  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the  Roman 
Government,  ;t-i  i  and  1 1  L5. 


§541]  CHRISTIANITY"  —  PERSECUTIONS.  15 1 

Tacitus  plainly  does  not   think   the   charge  of   incendiarism 

proven,  but  he  approves  the  punishment  of  these  "hatei 
the  human  race."  Nero  was  glad  to  satisfy  the  rage  of  the 
Roman  populace  by  sacrificing  such  victims  with  ingenious  and 
fiendish  tortures.  As  we  have  noted,  however  (§482),  the 
punishment  was  not  in  name  or  fact  a  religious  persecution,  and 
it  was  confined  to  the  city  of  Rome. 

Fifty  years  later,  Pliny  was  a  provincial  governor  under 
Trajan  (§§  501,  527).  Many  persons  in  his  province  were  ac- 
cused by  the  people,  sometimes  anonymously,  of  belonging  to 
the  "  deplorable  superstition  "  of  the  Christians.  Such  men,  it 
was  charged,  were  guilty  of  immoral  practices,  and  also  brought 
down  the  anger  of  the  gods  upon  the  state,  since  they  would  not 
sacrifice  to  its  gods.  Pliny  had  investigated  and  had  found 
that  they  lived  pure,  simple  lives,  but  that  they  refused  with 
"  immovable  obstinacy  "  to  sacrifice  to  the  Roman  gods.  This, 
he  thought,  deserved  death.  But  the  number  of  such  offenders 
was  so  great,  and  they  came  forward  so  readily,  that  he  was 
embarrassed,  and  he  wrote  to  Rome  for  instructions.  Trajan 
directed  him  not  to  seek  them  out,  and  not  to  receive  anony- 
mous accusations,  but  added  that  if  Christians  were  brought  be- 
fore him  and  then  refused  to  sacrifice,  they  must  be  punished.1 

541.  Causes  of  the  Persecutions.  —  From  these  letters  two 
things  appear.  (1)  The  populace  hated  the  Christians  as  they 
did  not  hate  the  adherents  of  other  strange  religions,  and 
pressed  the  government  to  persecute  them.  (2)  The  besl 
rulers,  though  deploring  bloodshed,  thought  it  proper  and  right 
to  punish  the  Christians  with  death. 

These  facts  can  be  partly  explained. 

a.  Rome  tolerated  and  supported  all  religions,  but  she  ex- 
pected all  her  populations  also  to  tolerate  and  support  the  state 
religion.     The  Christians  alone  not  only  refused  to  do  so,  but 


1  Read  the  correspondence  in  Munro's  Source  Book,  165-167,  Fling's 
Studies,  140-143,  or  in  Bury,  446-448.  See,  too,  Pennsylvania  Reprints, 
IV,  10;  Ramsay,  196-225,  Hardy,  102-124. 


152     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§542 

declared  war  upon  it  as  sinful  and  idolatrous.  To  the  populace 
this  seemed  to  challenge  the  wrath  of  the  gods;  and  to  enlight- 
ened men  it  seemed  to  indicate  at  least  a  dangerously  stubborn 
and  treasonable  temper. 

b.  Secret  societies  were  feared  and  forbidden  by  the  Empire, 
on  political  grounds.  Even  the  enlightened  Trajan  instructed 
Pliny  to  forbid  the  organization  of  a  firemen's  company  in  a 
large  city  of  his  province,  because  such  associations  were  likely 
to  become  "factious  assemblies."  The  church  was  a  vast, 
highly  organized,  widely  diffused,  secret  society,  and  "as  such, 
was  not  only  distinctly  illegal,  but  in  the  highest  degree  was 
calculated  to  excite  the  apprehension  of  the  government."  1 

c.  The  attitude  of  the  Christians  toward  society  added  to 
their  unpopularity.  Many  of  them  refused  on  religious  grounds 
to  join  the  legions,  or  to  fight,  if  drafted.  This  seemed  treason, 
inasmuch  as  a  prime  duty  of  the  Roman  world  was  to  repel 
barbarism.  Moreover,  the  Christians  were  unsocial:  they  ab- 
stained from  most  public  amusements,  as  immoral,  and  they 
refused  to  illuminate  their  houses  or  garland  their  portals  in 
honor  of  national  triumphs. 

Thus  we  have  religious  and  social  motives  with  the  people, 
and  a  political  motive  with  statesmen.  It  follows  that  the 
periods  of  persecution  often  came  under  those  emperors  who 
h;nl  the  highest  conception  of  duty. 

542.  The  Attitude  of  the  Government.  —  The  first  century,  ex- 
cepl  fur  the  horrors  in  Rome  under  Xero,  afforded  no  persecu- 
tion until  its  very  close.  In  95  there  was  a  persecution,  not 
very  severe,  and  lasting  only  a  few  months.  Under  Trajan  we 
spasmodic  local  persecutions  arising  from  popular  hatred, 
but  not  instigated  by  the  government.  Hadrian  and  Antoninus 
I'ius  strove  to  repress  popular  outbreaks  against  the  Christians. 
Aurelius,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  permitted  a  persecu- 

1  These  are  the  words  oi  George  Burton  Adams.  Fur  t  lie  jealousy  of  Trajan 
toward  associations,  Bee  Munro,  Source  />'""/.-,  •sv.  233.  Some  scholars,  how- 
ever, deny  that  tin-  Church  was  persecuted  as  a  secret  society;  see  Hardy, 
DO  '.'1  and  196. 


§543]  CHRISTIANITY— PERSECUTIONS.  153 

tion.  On  the  whole,  during  the  second  century,  the  Christians 
were  legally  subject  to  punishment,  but  there  were  only  a  few 
enforcements  of  the  law  against  them,  and  those  were  local,1 
not  general. 

The  third  century  was  an  age  of  anarchy  in  government, 
and,  as  we  shall  see,  of  decline  in  prosperity.  The  few  able 
rulers  strove  strenuously  to  restore  society  to  its  ancient 
order;  and  this  century  accordingly  was  an  age  of  definitely 
planned,  imperial  persecution.  Says  George  Burton  Adams : 
"  There  was  really  no  alternative  for  men  like  Decius,2  and 
Valerian,2  and  Diocletian.3  Christianity  was  a  vast  organized 
defiance  of  law."  No  return  to  earlier  Roman  conditions,  such 
as  the  reformers  hoped  for,  could  be  accomplished  unless  this 
sect  was  overcome. 

But  by  this  time  Christianity  was  too  strong.  It  had  come 
to  count  nobles  and  rulers  in  its  ranks.  At  the  opening  of 
the  fourth  century,  the  shrewd  Constantine  saw  the  advantage 
he  might  gain  by  enlisting  it  upon  his  side  in  the  civil  wars. 
Accordingly  Christianity  became  a  favored  religion,  and  the  era 
of  persecution  by  the  pagans  ceased  forever. 

543.  Summary.  —  (1)  It  is  possible  to  understand  how  some- of  the 
best  emperors  could  persecute  the  Church.  (2)  The  persecution  was  not 
of  such  a  character  as  to  endanger  a  vital  faith.  (3)  It  did  give  rise  to 
multitudes  of  heroic  martyrdoms  of  strong  men  and  weak  maidens,  which 
make  a  glorious  page  in  human  history,  and  which  by  their  effect  upon 
contemporaries  justify  the  saying,  "The  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed 
of  the  church."4  (4)  The  moral  results  of  Christianity  in  the  first  three 
centuries  were  most  apparent  in  the  social  life  of  the  lower  classes  in  the 
cities.  The  effect  upon  legislation  and  government  was  to  begin  in  the 
fourth  century  a.d. 

i  This  does  not  detract  from  the  heroism  of  those  noble  men  and  women 
who  chose  to  die  in  torture  rather  than  deny  their  faith.  On  the  slighl  nature 
of  the  persecution  before  Decius,  24!)  a.d.,  see  Lecky,  I,  443-445;  Curteis, 
Roman  Empire,  20-30. 

2  §494. 

3  §  549. 

4  Special  report:  stories  of  famous  early  martyrs;  the  persecutions  of 
Decius  and  of  Diocletian. 


454     EMPIRE  OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§  544 

For  Further  Reading  on  the  Persecutions. — Consult  Munro,  167- 
172,  for  extracts  from  the  Christian  Tertullian  (early  third  century). 
The  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  IV,  No.  1,  contains  other  source  material. 
There  are  a  few  excellent  pages  on  the  persecution  by  good  emperors  in 
Matthew  Arnold's  Essays  in  Criticism,  First  Series  (essay  on  "Marcus 
Aurelius"),  359-363.  The  causes  and  extent  of  persecution  are  sum- 
marized in  Ramsay,  ch.  xv  ;  chs.  x-xiv  give  its  history  in  the  first  two 
centuries.  The  attitude  of  the  imperial  government  is  discussed  in  Wat- 
son's Aurelius,  ch.  vii,  and  Capes'  Antonines,  ch.  vi.  Lengthy  treatments 
will  be  found  in  Hardy's  little  volume,  Christianity  and  the  Roman  Gov- 
ernment (about  two  hundred  pages)  and  in  Lecky's  European  Morals,  I, 
398-468,  and  a  valuable  brief  statement  in  Curteis' Roman  Empire,  20-30. 
See  also  Church's  To  the  Lions,  Farrar's  Darkness  and  Dawn,  and  New- 
man's Callista  (novels). 

IV.     THE   GENERAL    DECLINE    IN   THE   THIRD   CENTURY.* 

544.  In  general,  the  third  century  of  the  Empire,  from  Marcus 
Amvliiis  to  Diocletian  (180—284),  is  a  period  of  decline.  The 
political  anarchy  of  the  period  has  been  treated  briefly  in 
§§  493-495.  There  was  a  similar  falling  away  in  the  defense 
of  the  frontiers,  in  material  prosperity,  and  in  literary  activity. 
These  features  will  now  be  noted  in  some  detail. 

545.  Renewal  of  Barbarian  Attacks.  —  For  the  first  two  cen- 
turies the  task  of  the  legions  was  an  easy  one,  bat  in  the  reign 
of  the  peaceful  Marcus  Aurelius  the  torrent  of  barbarian  inva- 
sion began  again  to  beat  upon  the  ramparts  of  civilization. 
The  Moorish  tribes  were  on  the  move  in  Africa;  the  Parthians, 
whom  Trajan  had  humbled, again  menaced  the  Euphrates;  and 
Tartars,  Slavs,  Finns,  and  Germans  burst  upon  the  Danube. 
Aurelius  gave  the  years  of  his  reign  to  campaigns  on  the 
frontier.2 


1  Most  df  the  topics  in  1 1 1 is.  chapter  have  been  treated  (in  Division  III)  only 
to  about  200  A.D.  In  some  eases— imperial  organization,  lists  of  emperors, 
and  Christianity—  it  was  more  convenient  to  cover  the  three  centuries. 

1  Chapters  of  the  Thoughts  were  composed,  as  the  date  lines  show,  in  camp 
in  the  mountains  of  Bohemia  <>r  Moravia  against  the  Marcomanni  (Markmen) 
and  Quadi. 


§540]  THIRD   CENTURY  — GENERAL   DIXUNK.  455 

For  the  time,  indeed,  Koine  beat  off  the  attack;  but  from 
this  date  she  stood  always  on  the  defensive,  with  exhaust  less 
swarms  of  fresh  enemies  surging  about  her  defenses;  and  after 
the  great  and  prosperous  reigns  of  Septimius  and  Alexander 
Severus  (§  495)  they  began  to  burst  through  for  destructive 
raids. 

Early  in  the  third  century  the  Parthian  Empire  gave  way 
to  a  new  Persian  kingdom  under  the  Sassanidae  kings.  This 
Persian  power  for  a  time  seemed  the  great  danger  to  the 
lloman  world.  In  250  and  260  its  armies  poured  across  the 
Euphrates.  The  emperor  Valerian  was  defeated  and  taken 
prisoner,  and  Antioch  was  captured.  New  German  tribes,  too, 
—  the  mightier  foe,  as  events  were  to  prove,  —  appeared  on  the 
European  frontier.  The  Alemanni  crossed  the  Rhine  and 
maintained  themselves  in  Gaul  for  two  years  (236-238).  In 
the  disorders  of  the  fifties,  bands  of  Franks  swept  over  (laid 
and  Spain.  The  Goths  seized  the  province  of  Dacia,  and  raided 
the  eastern  European  provinces.  In  the  sixties,  Gothic  fleets, 
of  five  hundred  sail,  issuing  from  the  Black  Sea,  ravaged  tin- 
Mediterranean  coasts,  sacking  Athens,  Corinth,  Argos,  and 
Sparta. 

Claudius  II  and  Aurelian,  however,  restored  the  old  frontiers, 
except  for  Dacia,  and  chastised  the  barbarians  on  all  sides. 
The  worst  of  the  evil  was  confined  to  the  middle  third  of  tin- 
century  ; l  but  a  fatal  blow  had  been  struck  at  the  militarj 
fame  of  Rome. 

546.    Decline  of  Population  and  of  Material  Prosperity. —  By 
the  irony  of  fate,  the  reign  of  the  best  of  emperors  marks  also 
another  great  calamity.     In  the  year  166  a  new  Asiatic  pla 
swept  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic,  carrying  oil',  we  are 
told,  half  the  population  of  the  empire. 

From  Aurelius  to  Aurelian,  at  brief  intervals,  the  pestilence 
returned,  desolating  wide  regions  and  demoralizing  industry. 


1  Read  a  few  pages  in  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  I,  44-71,  if  ac- 
cessible. 


456     EMPIRE   OF  THE  FIRST  THREE  CENTURIES  A.D.    [§547 

Those  who  recovered  from  the  disease  often  showed  a 
weakened  energy,  and  the  vitality  of  society  was  fatally 
lowered.  Even  vigorous  young  societies  take  a  long  time 
to  recover  from  a  single  blow  of  this  kind.1  To  the  Roman 
Empire,  the  disaster  was  the  more  deadly  because  popula- 
tion had  already  become  stationary,  if  it  were  not  indeed  on  the 
decline. 

The  reasons  for  this  previous  falling  off  in  population  are 
not  altogether  clear.  The  widespread  slave  system  was  no 
doubt  one  cause.  A  high  standard  of  comfort  and  a  dislike 
for  large  families,  as  in  modern  France,  was  another.  But 
these  seem  insufficient.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  charge  the 
evil  to  immorality,  since  the  victory  of  Christianity  does  not 
seem  to  have  checked  it  afterward.  Whatever  the  cause,  the 
fact  of  the  decline  is  beyond  question ;  and  so  the  gaps  left 
by  pestilence  remained  unfilled.  "Year  by  year,  the  human 
harvest  was  bad."  The  fatal  disease  of  the  later  Empire  was 
want  of  men.2  There  followed  a  decline  in  material  prosperity 
and  in  tax-paying  power. 

547.  Decay  in  Literature.  —  Great  names  in  poetry,  history, 
and  science  cease.  Philosophy  and  theology  become  a  dreary 
waste  of  controversy.  We  have  multitudes  of  "  Apologies  " 
for  Ckristianity  from  the  Church  Fathers  (Lactantius,  Ter- 
tullian,  and  Origen),*  and  volume  upon  volume  against  them 
from  the  New  Platonists,  like  Plot  inns  and  his  disciple  Por- 
phyry (Asiatics).  Works  on  Christian  doctrine  and  practice 
were  written  also  by  St.  Clement  (of  Alexandria)  and  St. 
Cyprian  (of  Carthage). 

The  one  advance  is  in  Roman  law  (§  500).  This  is  the  age 
of  the  great  jurists,  of  whom  Ulpian  is  the  most  famous.  But 
even  this  progress  is  confined  to  the  early  part  of  the  century, 
closing  with  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus. 

1  li  i-  said  to  have  taken  a  century  for  England   to  recover  from  the  effects 
•  •1  the  Black  Death  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
d  Seeley'a  Roman  Imperialism,  .">:>— <J4. 
*  These  three  writers  were  all  citizens  of  Africa. 


§547]  THIRD  CENTURY— GENERAL    DECLINE.  457 

References  for  the  Empire  of  the  first  three  centuries. — Sources: 
Augustus'  Monumentum  Ancyranum  ("The  Deeds  of  Augustus11)  is 
important  for  the  reign  of  the  first  emperor  ;  it  is  a  long  inscription  Eound 
on  the  walls  of  a  temple  in  Ancyra,  copied  from  a  tablet  set  up  by  Augus- 
tus at  Rome;  a  translation  is  given  in  the  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  V. 
Tacitus  covers  the  early  period  of  the  Empire.  Suetonius  gives  as  the 
Lives  of  the  first  twelve  Caesars.  Some  other  sources  are  referred  to  in 
footnotes  on  special  subjects,  and  Munro's  Source  Book  contains  much 
good  material. 

Modern  authorities  :  General  Survey  :  Mommsen's  great  History  closes 
with  Julius  Caesar.  Capes'  Early  Empire  and  The  Age  of  the  Antonint  s 
(Epochs)  and  Bury's  Roman  Empire  (Student's  Series)  to  180  a. i>.,  till 
the  period  between  Mommsen  and  Gibbon.  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Full 
(chs.  iv-xii)  remains  the  great  guide  for  the  third  century.  Pelham 
covers  the  whole  period  in  brief.  The  third  century  is  not  attractive,  and 
writers  on  the  Early  Empire  show  a  disposition  to  stop  with  the  Antonines, 
while  treatments  of  the  later  period  usually  begin  with  Diocletian.  Hodg- 
kin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  I,  5-10,  has  an  excellent  summary  from 
Augustus  to  Diocletian. 

On  Society  :  chapters  in  the  works  mentioned  above,  and  the  special 
references  in  footnote  on  pages  424,  440. 

On  Christianity :  all  the  authorities  above  and  the  references  in  foot- 
note on  page  449  and  References  on  page  454. 

On  Architecture  :  see  footnote,  page  434. 

On  Literature  :  see  footnote,  page  438. 

Review  Exercises.  —  1.  Reread  carefully  §§  478-495,  so  as  to  get  a 
clear  idea  of  the  relation  of  the  different  emperors  to  the  great  move- 
ments treated  in  the  present  chapter.  If  the  teacher  thinks  it  desirable, 
a  catchword  review  of  the  narrative  in  those  sections  may  be  prepared  at 
this  point.  2.  Add  largely  to  the  list  of  terms  for  rapid  drill.  3.  Add 
to  the  table  of  dates  the  following  :  31  b.c,  9  a.d.,  14,  09,  180. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE    EMPIRE   OF    THE   FOURTH    CENTURY:    DIOCLETIAN    TO 
THEODOSIUS. 

( The  Story  of  the  Emperors}) 

I.     DIOCLETIAN   AND   THE    REORGANIZATION   OF  THE 
GOVERNMENT. 

{A  Centralized,  Despotic  Empire.) 

548.  The  Needs  of  the  Empire. — We  have  seen  that  the  third 
century  was  a  period  of  grave  disorder.  The  throne  was  the 
sport  of  the  legions  and  the  prize  of  successful  military  adven- 
turers. The  usefulness  of  the  Empire,  however,  was  not  over. 
Claudius  II  and  Aurelian  (§  495)  repulsed  the  perils  from 
without,  which  the  anarchy  in  government  had  encouraged, 
and  then  came  Diocletian  and  Constantine  to  end  the  internal 
disorder  itself  (§§  549  ff.). 

That  disorder  had  arisen  in  the  main  from  two  causes. 

a.  The  machinery  of  government  was  too  simple.  The  em- 
peror had  too  much  to  do.  He  could  not  ward  off  Persians 
on  the  Euphrates  and  Germans  on  the  Rhine,  and  also  super- 
vise closely  the  government  of  the  forty  provinces  into  which 
the  empire  had  come  to  be  divided.  Moreover,  some  single 
provinces  were  so  important  that  their  governors,  especially 
if   also  victorious   generals,  were   almost  the   equals   of  the 


1  The  fourth  century,  like  tin'  firsl  three,  is  treated  in  two  chapters  —  one 
fur  narrative  and  one  tor  a  topical  study.  For  convenience,  however,  the 
character  of  the  reorganized  government  is  discussed  in  the  first  chapter,  in 
connection  with  the  reign  of  its  creator  Diocletian,  and  the  victory  of  Chris- 
tianity in  connection  with  the  reign  of  its  champion  Constantine. 

458 


§550]  DIOCLETIAN  — REORGANIZATION.  459 

emperor  in  power.     For  the  past  century  there  had  averaged 
a  rebellion  of  a  governor  for  nearly  every  year. 

b.  T7ie  succession  to  the  throne  was  uncertain  (§  199).  Some- 
times the  emperor  named  his  successor;  sometimes  the  Senate 
elected  its  own  choice.  Sometimes  the  new  ruler  was  the 
creature  of  the  praetorians,  sometimes  the  favorite  of  one 
of  the  frontier  armies.  Finally  the  legions  had  ceased  to 
wait  for  the  throne  to  become  vacant,  and  made  vacancies 
at  will.  The  result  had  been  the  century  of  "barrack 
emperors." 

549.  Diocletian  (284-305  A.D.),  a  stern  Illyrian  soldier  and 
the  grandson  of  a  slave,  was  himself  one  of  these  barrack 
emperors.  He  was  the  last  and  greatest  of  them,  and  he  made 
them  well-nigh  impossible  ^thereafter.  Seizing  the  scepter 
with  a  strong  hand,  he  established  secure  and  victorious  peace 
on  all  the  frontiers,  and  ruled  firmly  for  twenty -one  years. 
Toward  the  close  of  his  reign  he  was  induced  to  carry  on  the 
most  terrible  and  thorough  of  all  the  persecutions  of  the  Chris- 
tians.1 His  greatest  work  was  his  reorganization  of  the  system 
of  government  (§§  550  ff.). 

550.  The  System  of  "  Partnership  Emperors  "  and  Caesars  ;  the 
Four  Prefectures.  —  Diocletian  introduced  a  system  of  "part- 
nership emperors."  He  chose  as  a  colleague  Maximian,  a 
rough  soldier  but  an  able  man  and  a  faithful  friend.  Each  of 
the  two  assumed  the  same  titles  and  dignity  ;  each  was  Im- 
perator  Caesar  Augustus.  The  two  Augusti  divided  the  empire, 
Diocletian  taking  the  East  and  giving  to  Maximian  the  West. 
Each  then  divided  his  half  into  two  parts,  keeping  one  under  Ins 
own  direct  control,  and  intrusting  the  government  of  the  other 
to  a  chosen  heir  with  the  title  of  Caesar.  The  two  emperors 
kept  their  own  capitals  in  the  central  and  more  settled  prov- 
inces of  the  empire,  —  Diocletian  at  Nicomedia  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  Maximian  at  Milan  in  North  Italy.  To  the  Caesars  were 
assigned  the  more  turbulent   and   exposed  provinces   of   the 

1  Special  report, 


460  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  551 

extreme  East  and  the  extreme  "West,  with  the  duty  of  guard- 
ing the  frontiers  against  Persians  and  Germans. 

Thus  the  empire  was  marked  off  into  four  great  sections, 
called  prefectures,  and  each  prefecture  was  put  under  the  im- 
mediate supervision  of  one  of  the  four  rulers.  This  made 
closer  oversight  possible.  At  the  same  time,  in  great  measure, 
it  did  away  with  the  danger  of  military  adventurers  seizing 
the  throne.  Thereafter  there  were  usually  certain  men  espe- 
cially pointed  out  for  the  succession.  This  was  not  so  defi- 
nitely arranged,  it  is  true,  as  to  prevent  disputes,  and  in  future 
more  than  one  war  took  place  for  the  crown ;  but  the  number 
of  possible  claimants  was  greatly  limited  and  the  evil  was 
lessened. 

551.  Nature  of  this  System:  not  a  Division  of  the  Empire. — 
This  arrangement,  however,  was  not  a  partition  of  the  empire 
It  was  only  a  division  of  the  burden  of  administration.  The 
power  of  each  emperor  in  theory  extended  over  the  whole 
empire.  Edicts  in  any  part  were  published  under  their  joint 
names.  It  was  intended  that  the  rulers  should  act  in  harmony, 
and  for  much  of  the  following  century  they  did  so.  TJiere 
were  not  two  empires  or  four.  There  was  only  one.  In  fact, 
though  equal  in  dignity,  the  two  emperors  were  usually  not 
equal  in  power.  Thus,  throughout  his  reign,  Diocletian's 
Btrong  will  ruled  his  colleague. 

552.  A  Complex  Hierarchy.  —  The  attempt  of  Diocletian  to 
prevent  disputes  about  the  succession  was  only  partially 
successful,  but  the  other  faults  of  the  government  (§  548  a)  he 
corrected  more  completely.  The  division  of  duties  between 
four  chief  rulers  was  only  the  beginning  of  his  reform. 
Below  the  Augustus  or  the  Caesar,  in  each  prefecture,  ap- 
peared  a  series  of  officials  in  regular  grades,  as  in  an  army. 
That  is,  the.  administration  was  organized  into  a  systematic 
hierarchy,  each  officer  under  the  immediate  direction  of  the 
"in-  just  above  him. 

Before  the  time  of  Diocletian  the  forty  provincial  governors 
had   stood   directly   below  the  emperor,  who  had  to  supervise 


S1A1E  NORMAL  SGMJUL, 

ItOS  AflCaiiBS,  CAit. 


§554] 


DIOCLETIAN  —  REORGANIZATION. 


461 


them  all  himself.1  Now  the  provinces  were  subdivided  so  as 
to  make  about  a  hundred  and  twenty.  These  were  grouped 
into  thirteen  dioceses,  each  under  a  vicar.  The  dioceses  were 
grouped  into  the  four  prefectures,  each  under  its  prefect,  who 
was  subject  to  a  Caesar  or  Augustus  in  person.  A  prefect  had 
under  him  three  or  five  vicars ;  a  vicar  had  under  him  several 
provincial  governors.  Each  officer  sifted  all  business  that  came 
to  him  from  his  subordinates,  sending  on  to  his  superior  only 
the  more  important  matters. 

553.   Table  of  Prefectures  and  Dioceses.  —  The  following  table  shows 
more  clearly  to  the  eye  the  grouping  of  these  units  of  government :  — 

Prefectures     Dioceses 

f  East 


The  East. 


The  West. 


f  East 


.  Illyricum 


Italy 


Gaul 


.     .     .     .  15  provinces. 

j  Egypt 6 

-   Asia 11         " 

Pontus 11         " 

Thrace 6        " 


Macedonia    1 

and  Greece  / 

Dacia    .    .     . 


rltaly 17 

-j  Africa 6 

I  Illyria 7 


r  Spain  .  . 
\  The  Gauls 
I  Britain .     . 


7 
17 


Countless 
munici- 
palities. 


554.  Separation  of  Civil  and  Military  Duties  ;  Other  Military 
Reforms.  —  The  provincial  governors  were  now  of  too  little 
importance  to  rebel  successfully  against  the  emperor,  but  an- 
other measure  guarded  still  further  against  such  internal  dis- 
order. The  governors  and  vicars  became  merely  civil  officials. 
All  military  command  was  intrusted  to  other  officers,  who  were 

1  For  an  illustration  of  the  minute  oversight  attempted  by  industrious 
emperors,  see  once  more  the  correspondence  of  Trajan  with  Pliny,  referred  to 
in  §§  527  and  540. 


4:62  EMPIRE    OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  555 

responsible,  not  to  the  vicars,  but  directly  to  the  emperor. 
Thus  the  civil  and  military  powers  watched  and  checked  each 
other.1 

At  the  same  time,  still  more  careful  precaution  was  taken 
against  military  adventurers.  The  powerful  legions  were 
broken  up  into  small  regiments,  which  had  less  corps  spirit  and 
were  less  able  to  act  in  concert  against  the  central  authority. 

555.  Development  of  a  Highly  Organized  Administration.  — 
Most  of  these  reforms  were  meant  to  divide  duties  and  to  fix 
responsibility  precisely.  One  more  change  was  aimed  at  the 
same  end.  In  the  Early  Empire  the  friends  or  servants  of  the 
emperor  were  often  given  great  power  in  the  administration, 
but  in  an  irregular  and  varying  manner.  Hadrian  (§  497,  note) 
had  made  these  irregular  assistants  into  regular  officers  and 
advisers.  But  now  each  such  officer  became  the  head  of  an 
extensive  department  of  government,2  organized  into  a  hierarchy 
of  many  ranks ;  and,  along  with  this  change  at  court,  went  also 
the  multiplication  of  subordinate  officials  throughout  the  prov- 
inces.3 

556.  Despotic  Forms.  —  To  secure  for  the  emperor's  person 
greater  reverence,  Diocletian  adopted  the  forms  of  monarchy. 
The  Republican  cloak  of  Augustus  was  cast  aside,  and  the 
Principate  gave  way  to  an  open  despotism.  At  last,  absolutism 
was  avowed  as  a  policy,  and  adorned  with  its  characteristic 
trappings.  The  emperor  assumed  a  diadem  of  gems  and 
robes  of  silk  and  gold.  He  dazzled  the  multitude  by  the 
oriental  magnificence  of  his  court,  and  fenced  himself  round, 


1  Cf.  §  Go  for  the  use  of  a  similar  device  in  a  ruder  way. 

2  Imperial  Rome  developed  her  machinery  of  government  out  of  the  offices 
of  the  emperor's  household.  The  chief  of  the  attendants  in  the  emperor's 
chamber  became  the  Great  Chamberlain,  the  head  of  an  important  branch  of 
the  administration.  See  Wilson's  The  State,  135,  136.  In  like  manner,  the 
great  administrative  officers  of  medieval  kingdoms  were  developed  from 
the  household  officers  of  the  kings. 

3  The  heads  of  departments  exercised  great  control  over  the  emperor's 
knowledge  of  the  empire  and  had  much  influence  upon  his  plans.  In  like 
manner  they  themselves  were  influenced  by  their  subordinates. 


§  557]  A   CENTRALIZED   DESPOTISM.  463 

even  from  his  nearest  associates,  with  minute  ceremonial  and 
armies  of  functionaries.  When  subjects  were  allowed  to  ap- 
proach him  at  all  they  were  obliged,  in  place  of  the  old  Repub- 
lican greeting,  to  prostrate  themselves  servilely  at  his  feet. 

At  this  time  the  Senate  of  Rome  —  the  last  of  the  old 
Republican  influences  —  ceased  to  have  part  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  empire.  It  became  thenceforth  only  a  city  coun- 
cil, just  as  the  officers  of  the  Republic  had  long  before  become 
mere  city  officials  (cf.  §§  473,  496,  497). 

557.  Summary;  a  Centralized  Despotism.  —  Like  the  reforms  which 
had  preserved  the  declining  society  of  Caesar's  day  (§  458),  the  changes 
introduced  by  Diocletian  were  in  the  direction  of  absolutism.  The 
medicine  had  to  be  strengthened  ;  soon  its  virtue  would  be  exhausted, 
and  only  the  poison  would  be  left. 

The  government  became  a  centralized  despotism,  a  vast,  highly  complex 
machine.  For  a  time  its  new  strength  warded  off  foreign  foes,  and  it 
even  stimulated  society  into  fresh  life.  But  the  cost  of  the  various 
courts  and  of  the  immense  body  of  officials  pressed  upon  the  masses  with 
crushing  weight,  and  the  omnipotence  and  omnipresence  of  the  central 
government  oppressed  the  minds  of  men.  Patriotism  died  ;  enterprise 
disappeared.1 

To  this  despotic  organization  we  owe  thanks,  however,  for  putting  off 
the  catastrophe  in  Western  Europe  for  two  centuries  more.  In  this  time, 
Christianity  won  its  battle  over  paganism,  and  Boman  law  took  on  a 
system  (§  613)  that  enabled  it  to  live  even  under  the  barbarian  conquest 
(§§582ff.). 

1  It  is  desirable  for  students  to  discuss  iu  class  more  fully  some  of  these 
forms  of  government  of  which  the  text  has  to  treat.  Absolutism  refers  to  the 
source  of  political  power :  i.e.,  in  a  system  of  absolutism,  supreme  political 
power  is  in  the  hands  of  one  person.  "  Centralization  "  refers  to  the  kind  <</'! 
administration.  A  centralized  administration  is  oue  carried  on  by  a  body  of 
officials  of  many  grades,  all  appointed,  from  above.  Thus  absolutism  and 
centralization  do  not  necessarily  go  together.  A  government  may  come  from 
the  people,  and  yet  rule  through  a  centralized  administration,  as  in  France 
to-day.  It  may  be  absolute,  and  yet  allow  much  freedom  to  local  agencies,  as 
in  Turkey,  or  in  Russia  in  past  centuries.  But  absolutism  is  likely  to  develop 
centralized  agencies,  as  Russia  lias  been  doing  rapidly  of  late. 

Under  a  great  genius,  like  Napoleun  the  First,  a  centralized  government 
may  for  a  time  produce  rapid  benefits.  But  the  system  always  decays,  and  it 
does  nothing  to  educate  the  people  politically .  Local  self-government  is  often 
provokingly  slow  and  faulty,  but  it  is  surer  in  the  long  run. 


4«*4 


EMPIRE  OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY  A.D. 


[§  558 


II.     CONSTANTINE   AND   THE   VICTORY   OF   CHRISTIANITY. 

558.  From  Diocletian  to  Constantine,  305-312.  —  In  305,  Dio- 
cletian laid  down  his  power,  to  retire  to  private  life,1  persuad- 
ing his  colleague  Maxiinian  to  do  the  same.  The  two  Caesars 
became  emperors,  —  Galerius  in  the  East  and  Constantius  in 
the  West.  Each  appointed  a  Caesar  as  an  assistant  and  suc- 
cessor.     I>ut  Constantius  died  in  a  few  months,  before  the 


\i;i  11  of  Constantine  To-day. — This  arch  was  erected  at  Rome  to 
commemorate  the  victory  at  the  Milvian  Bridge. 

position  of  the  new  Caesars  was  firmly  established,  and  this 
misfortune  plunged  the  empire  into  new  strife.  For  eight 
years  civil  war  raged  between  six  claimants  for  the  throne. 
Then,  in  :>\'J,  Constantine,  son  of  Constantius,  by 'the  victory  of 

!  When  pressed  to  assume  the  government  again  during  the  disorders  that 
followed,  Diocletian  wrote  rrom  his  rural  retreat :  "  <  lould  you  come  here  and 
seethe  vegetables  thai  I  raise  in  my  garden  with  my  own  hands,  you  would 

no  more  tulk  to  me  of  empire." 


§500]      CONSTANTINE  — VICTORY   OF   CHRISTIANITY.  165 

the  Milvian  Bridge  (near  Home),  established  himself  as  emperor 
in  the  West.  The  next  'year,  Licinius,  the  ally  of  Constantine 
in  the  civil  war,  became  emperor  in  the  East. 

559.  Constantine  the  Great,  312-337. —  After  a  few  years  of 
joint  rule,  the  two  emperors  quarreled,  and  a  new  civil  war 
made  Constantine  sole  master.  For  fourteen  years  more  he 
reigned  as  sole  emperor.  But  though  he  abandoned  the  sys- 
tem of  "partnership  emperors"  during  his  own  life,  yet  in  all 
other  respects  he  preserved  the  reforms  of  Diocletian.  Indeed, 
he  perfected  them,  standing  to  Diocletian  somewhat  as  the  first 
Augustus  stood  to  Julius  Caesar.  He  was  a  far-sighted,  broad- 
minded,  unscrupulous  statesman,  and  his  work,  with  that  of 
Diocletian,  enabled  the  Empire  to  withstand  unbroken  the 
storms  of  another  hundred  and  fifty  years  and  preserved  a 
great  part  of  it  for  ten  centuries  more. 

Constantine  definitely  removed  the  capital  of  the  Empire  from  Rome. 
He  established  it  at  Byzantium,  which  he  rebuilt  with  great  magnificence, 
and  which  took  from  him  its  new  name,  —  Constantinople,  "Constantine's 
city."  For  this  removal  there  were  several  wise  reasons,  political,  mili- 
tary, economic,  and  perhaps  religious.  (1)  The  turbulent  Roman  popu- 
lace still  clung  to  the  name  of  the  old  Republic,  and  an  eastern  city  would 
afford  a  more  peaceful  home  for  the  Oriental  monarchy  now  established. 
(2)  Lying  between  the  Danube  and  the  Euphrates,  Constantinople  was  a 
more  convenient  center  than  Rome  from  which  to  look  to  the  protection 
of  the  frontiers.  (It  must  be  understood  that  the  Persians  were  still 
^thought  the  chief  danger  to  the  empire.)  (3)  Constantinople  was  admi- 
rably situated  to  become  a  great  center  of  commerce  :  thus  she  could  sup- 
port a  large  population  by  her  own  industries  far  better  than  Rome,  which 
had  little  means  of  producing  wealth.  (4)  It  is  often  said  also  that  Con- 
stantine wished  a  capital  which  he  could  make  Christian  more  easily  than 
was  possible  with  Rome,  attached  as  the  Roman  people  were  to  the  old 
gods  connected  with  the  glories  of  the  city. 

This  last  consideration  introduces  us  to  the  most  important  part  of 
Constantine's  work  (§  500). 

560.  Constantine  favors  the  Church:  Motives.  —  Happily  for 
the  world,  Constantine  put  an  end  forever  to  the  persecutions 
against  Christians,  and  established  Christianity  as  the  most 
favored  religion  of  the  empire.     This  was  the  leading  event 


466  EMriRE   OF  THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.         [§561 

of  the  fourth  century,  overtopping  even  the  political  re- 
organization.1 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  victory  of  Christianity  was 

the  shrewd  statesmanship  of  Constantine  during  the  civil  wars. 
The  Christians  still  were  less  than  one  tenth  the  population 
of  the  empire,  but  they  were  the  strongest  force  within  it. 
They  were  energetic  and  enthusiastic;  they  were  massed  in 
the  great  cities,  which  held  the  keys  to  political  power;  and 
they  were  admirably  organized  for  rapid,  united  action. 

It  is  not  likely  that  Constantine  gave  much  thought  to 
the  truth  of  Christian  doctrine,2  and  we  know  that  he  did 
not  practice  Christian  virtues.  But  he  was  wise  enough  to 
recognize  the  good  policy  of  allying  this  rising  power  to  him- 
self against  his  rivals.  He  may  have  seen,  also,  in  a  broader 
and  unselfish  way,  the  folly  of  trying  to  restore  the  old  pagan 
world,  and  have  felt  it  desirable  to  bring  about  harmony  be- 
tween  the  government  and  this  new  power  within  the  empire, 
so  as  to  utilize  its  strength  instead  of  always  combating  it.3 

561.  Steps  in  the  Victory  of  Christianity.  —  At  the  decisive 
hat  lie  of  the  Milvian  Bridge  (§  558),  Constantine's  standard 
bore  the  Christian  symbol  of  the  cross.  The  next  year  (313), 
al  his  western  capital  Milan,  he  issued  the  famous  decree 
ii  as  the  Edict  of  Milan:  "We  grant  to  the  Christians 
and  to  all  others  free  choice  to  follow  the  mode  of  worship 
they  may  wish,  in  order  that  whatsoever  divinity  and  celestial 

iThe  victory  of  Christianity  just   at  tliis  time  enabled  it  to  conquer  also 

the  barbarians,  who  were  soon  t [uer  the  empire.     If  they  had  not  been 

converted  before  they  became  conquerors,  it  would  have  become  almost  im- 
possible to  convert  them  all.  This  is  what  Freeman  means  {Chief  Periods, 
67)  when  he  calls  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  Empire  the  "leading  fact  in 
all  history  from  that  time  onward,"  because,  "where  Rome  In!,  nil  must 
follow." 

2  Constantine's  lather,  however,  had  been  favorably  inclined  toward  the 
Christians,  and  hail  tried  to  protect  them  in  his  prefecture  (Gaul  and  Britain) 
during  the  persecution  of  Diocletian. 

8  For  fuii her  reading  on  the  •'  conversion  of  Constantine,"  see  Carr,  ch.  iv; 
Uhlhorn,  120-444,  or  the  large  church  histories,  if  accessible,  like  Schaff,  III, 
n  37,  and  Alzog,  I,  463-473. 


§561]      CONSTANTINE  — VICTORY   OF   CHRISTIANITY.         467 

power  may  exist  may  be  propitious  to  us  and  to  all  who  live 
under  our  government." 

This  edict  established  religions  toleration.  At  a  later  time 
Constantine  showed  many  favors  to  the  Church,  granting  monej 
for  its  buildings,  and  exempting  the  clergy  from  taxation  (cf. 
§  518).  But  it  is  not  correct  to  say  that  he  made  <  Ihristianity 
the  state  religion.  At  the  most  he  seems  to  have  given  it  an 
especially  favored  place  among  the  religions  of  the  empire. 

Constantine  himself  continued  to  make  the  public  sacrifices 
to  the  pagan  gods;  but,  partly  as  a  result  of  the  favor  he 
showed  the  Church,  both  court  and  people  passed  over  rapidly 
to  the  new  religion. 

The  struggle  between  Constantine  and  Licinius  for  sole 
power  (§  559)  was  also  in  part  a  decisive  conflict  between 
Christianity  and  paganism.  The  followers  of  the  old  faiths 
rallied  around  Licinius,  and  before  the  final  battle  that  genera] 
is  said  to  have  addressed  his  soldiers  with  these  words  (Euse- 
bius,  Life  of  Constantine,  II,  5) :  — 

"These  are' our  country's  gods,  and  these  we  honor  with  a  worship 
derived  from  our  remote  ancestors.  But  he  who  leads  the  army  opposed 
to  us  has  proven  false  to  the  religion  of  his  fathers  and  has  adopted  athe- 
istic sentiments,  honoring,  in  his  infatuation,  some  strange  and  unheard-of 
deity,  with  whose  despicable  standard  he  now  disgraces  the  army,  and 
confiding  in  whose  aid  he  has  taken  up  arms  .  .  .  not  so  much  against 
us  as  against  the  gods  he  has  forsaken.  However,  the  present  occasion 
shall  decide  .  .  .  between  our  gods  and  those  our  adversaries  profess  to 
honor.  For  either  it  will  declare  the  victory  to  be  ours,  and  so  most  just  lj 
evince  that  our  gods  are  the  true  helpers  and  saviours  ;  or  else  if  the  god 
of  Constantine,  who  comes  we  know  not  whence,  shall  prove  superior  to 
our  deities  ...  let  no  one  henceforth  doubt  what  god  he  ought,  to  worship." 

Whether  or  not  Licinius  used  such  words,  many  of  his 
followers  were  influenced  by  these  feelings.  Accordingly,  the 
victory  of  Constantine  was  accepted  as  a  verdict  in  favor  of 
Christianity,  and  before  the  end  of  the  century  Christianity 
became  the  state  religion.1 

1  On  the  privileges  and  powers  of  the  clergy,  see  Robinson's  Readings,  I. 

23-26. 


408  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  5G2 


III.  THE  EMPIRE  FROM  THE  VICTORY  OF  CHRISTIANITY 
TO  THE  END  OF  THE  UNITED  EMPIRE  —  CONSTANTINE 
TO   THEODOSIUS    (337-395). 

562.  From  Constantine  to  Julian  ;  the  Last  Attempt  to  restore 
Paganism.  —  Constantine  divided  the  empire  at  his  death  be- 
tween his  three  sons,  Constantine  II,  Constans,  and  Constan- 
tius.  These  princes,  in  true  oriental  fashion,  massacred  many 
relatives  whose  ambition  they  feared,  and  then  warred  among 
themselves.  After  thirteen  years,  Constantius  became  sole 
emperor.  He  proved,  however,  an  inefficient  ruler,  and  the 
realm  was  invaded  repeatedly  by  Persians  and  Germans. 

Finally  the  Alemanni,  a  German  people,  broke  into  Gaul 
and  seemed  about  to  become  masters  of  that  province.  This 
peril  .summoned  Julian,  a  cousin  of  Constantius,  from  his 
studies  at  Athens.  The  youthful  philosopher  was  given 
command  of  the  imperial  armies  in  Gaul.  He  defeated  the 
Alemanni  in  a  great  battle  at  Strasburg,  and  drove  them 
agaiD  beyond  the  Rhine.  The  enthusiastic  army,  against  his 
will,  saluted  him  emperor,  and  soon  afterward,  on  the  death  of 
Constantius,  he  succeeded  to  the  throne. 

Julian  would  have  preferred  to  live  the  quiet  life  of  a 
student,  but  he  made  a  strung  ruler.  He  spent  his  energy, 
however,  in  conflict  with  two  forces,  both  of  which  were 
to  prove  victorious,  —  the  barbarians  and  the  church.  This 
reign  saw  the  last  attempt  to  restore  paganism.  Julian  had 
been  brought  up  in  the  Christian  faith  (so  that  he  is  sometimes 
called  "Julian  the  Apostate");  but  his  studies  had  inspired 
in  him  a  love  for  the  pagan  Greek  philosophy,  and  he  was  filled 
with  disgust  ;it  the  crimes  and  vices  of  his  cousins'  "Chris- 
tian" court.  He  established  the  worship  of  the  old  gods  as 
the  religion  of  the  state,  rebuilt  the  ruined  temples,  and  re- 
stored the  pagan  emblems  to  the  standards  of  the  armies.  He 
wrote  also,  with  considerable  ability,  against  Christian  doc- 

ines.      lie  did  not  try,  however,  to  use  violence  against  the 

lurch,  and,  except  in  the  court,  his  efforts  had  little  result. 


§503]       CONSTANTINE  TO   THEODOSIUS,  337-395  A.D.        469 

Indeed,  he  had  little  time  to  work  in,  for  after  two  years 
(361-363)  he  fell  in  a  victorious  battle  in  a  brilliant  campaign 
against  the  Persians,  and  his  successor  restored  Christianity 
as  the  worship  of  the  empire.1 

563.  From  Julian  to  Theodosius  :  the  Last  Attempt  at  "  Part- 
nership Emperors." — On  Julian's  death,  one  of  his  officers, 
Jovian,  was  chosen  emperor  in  the  camp;  and  when  he  died, 
a  few  months  later,  the  officers  elected  the  vigorous  Vaientinian 
to  succeed  him.  Vaientinian  restored  the  system  of  "  partner- 
ship emperors."  He  kept  the  AVest  under  his  own  control  and 
assigned  the  East  to  his  brother  Valens. 

Vaientinian  (364-375)  was  harsh  and  cruel,2  but  an  able 
soldier.  The  Alemanni,  who  had  again  broken  across  the 
Rhine,  were  repulsed,  and  other  German  tribes  were  chastised. 
He  was  succeeded  in  the  West  by  his  son  (>'r<<fi<t>i  (.'!7.~>-383). 
In  the  East,  Valens  was  proving  himself  weak  as  well  as  cruel. 
The  Goths,  a  German  people,  were  allowed  (376  a.d.)  to  cross 
the  Danube,  to  find  homes  as  subjects  within  the  empire 
(§  589).  Enraged  by  the  deceit  of  imperial  officials,  these  bar- 
barians soon  rose  in  rebellion,  and  defeated  and  slew  Valens 
in  the  battle  of  Adrianople  (378  a.d.). 

In  the  West,  Gratian  had  in  name  associated  his  half- 
brother,  Vaientinian  II,  in  the  government;  but  Vaientinian 
was  a  mere  child,  and  now,  in  the  great  danger  of  the  empire, 
Gratian  gave  the  throne  of  the  invaded  East  to  Theodosius,  an 
experienced  general.  Theodosius  (379-395)  pacified  the  Goths 
and  restored  order.  On  the  death  of  Gratian,  he  succeeded 
to  the  real  authority  in  the  West  also,  although  the  young 
Vaientinian  was  allowed  to  keep  the  name  of  emperor  until  his 
death  in  392.     During  the  remaining  three  years  of  his  life 


1  According  to  a  legemd  of  later  growth,  when  Julian  felt  the  Persian  arrow 
which  gave  him  a  mortal  wound,  he  cried  out  (addressing  <  "lirist  i.  "  Thou  hast 
conquered,  O  Galilean!"  He  lived  two  days  in  much  pain,  and  spenl  the 
hours  in  talking  with  his  friends  about  the  immortality  of  the  soul. 

2  Special  report :  anecdotes  of  Vaientinian. 


470  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY  A.D.  [§  564 

Theodosius  was  sole  emperor,  even  in  name.     TJiis  teas  the  last 
real  union  of  the  ichole  empire  under  one  ruler. 

Theodosius  prohibited  pagan  worship,  on  pain  of  death.  This  ardent 
support  of  Christianity  makes  more  striking  a  remarkable  penance  to 
which  a  bishop  of  the  church  subjected  him.  The  Goths  had  been  ad- 
mitted into  the  army,  especially  in  the  East.  Many  quarrels  took  place 
between  them  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  great  cities,  and  at  last  a  number 
of  Gothic  officers  were  massacred  by  the  citizens  of  Thessalonica.  In 
rage  Theodosius  gave  orders  for  a  terrible  punishment.  By  his  command 
the  Gothic  army  in  the  guilty  city  surrounded  the  theater  where  the  great 
body  of  inhabitants  were  assembled  for  the  games,  and  killed  men, 
women,  and  children  without  mercy.  At  the  time  Theodosius  was  at 
the  western  capital,  Milan.  When  next  he  attended  church,  the  bishop 
Ambrose  sternly  forbade  him  to  enter,  stained  as  he  was  with  innocent 
blood.  The  emperor  obeyed  the  priest.  He  withdrew  humbly  and  ac- 
cepted  the  penance  which  Ambrose  imposed,  and  then,  some  months 
later,  was  received  again  to  the  services. 

564.  Final  Division  of  the  Empire.  —  On  the  death  of  Theodosius,  the 
empire  was  again  divided  between  his  two  sons,  Arcadius  and  Honorius. 
More  truly  than  any  previous  division,  this  was  a  real  separation.  After 
395  there  was  "The  Empire  in  the  East"  and  "The  Empire  in  the 
West."  The  two  were  still  one  in  theory,  but  in  practice  they  grew 
apart  and  even  became  hostile  powers. 

Fon  Ftktheb  Reading.  —  Pelham,  551-571;  Gardner's  Julian  ;  Hodg- 
kin's  Dynasty  of  Theodosius;  Robinson's  Headings  in  European  History, 
I,  21-33. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE  EMPIRE  OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY. 

(A  Topical  Study.) 

I.     THE    CHRISTIAN    CHURCH. 

565.  Organization:  One  " Catholic"  Church.  —  As  the  chinch 
extended  its  sway,  it  adopted  in  its  government  the  territorial 
divisions  of  the  empire.  Its  chief  officers,  too,  in  a  measure 
corresponded  to  the  grades  of  the  civil  state. 

The  early  Christian  missionaries  to  a  province  naturally 
went  first  to  the  chief  city  there.  Thus  the  capital  of  a 
province  became  the  seat  of  the  first  church  in  the  district. 
From  this  church,  as  a  mother  society,  churches  spread  to  the 
other  cities  of  the  province,  and  from  each  city  there  sprouted 
outlying  parishes.  The  head  of  the  church  in  each  city  was  a 
bishop  (overseer),  with  supervision  over  the  lower  clergy  and  the 
rural  churches  of  the  neighborhood.1  Gradually  the  bishop  of 
the  mother  church  in  the  capital  city  came  to  exercise  greal 
authority  over  the  other  bishops  of  the  province.  He  became 
known  as  archbishop  or  metropolitan ;  and  it  became  customary 
for  him  to  summon  the  other  bishops  to  a  central  council. 

The  next  step  was  to  exalt  one  of  these  metropolitans  in  a 
civil  diocese  above  the  others.  This  lot  fell  usually  to  the 
metropolitan  of  the  chief  city  of  the  diocese.  Thus,  over  much 
of  the  empire,  the  diocese,  also,  became  an  ecclesiastical  unit, 
and  its  chief  metropolitan  was  known  as  patriarch. 

1  At  the  head  of  each  parish  was  a  priest.  Below  the  priests  were  officers 
known  as  deacons  and   subdeacons,  with  special  care  of  the  poor.     Then 

there  were  also  the  "minor"  orders  —  acolyte,  exorcist,  reader,  <1 'keeper. 

Special  report:  the  life  and  work  of  a  bishop  in  the  early  Christian  Empire. 

471 


472  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  506 

By  degrees,  this  process  toward  a  monarchic,  centralized 
government  was  carried  still  further.  The  patriarchs  of  a  few 
great  centers  were -exalted  above  the  others.  Finally  all  the 
East  became  divided  between  the  four  patriarchates  of  Antioeh, 
Jerusalem,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople,  while  all  the  West 
came  under  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome.1 

This  unity  of  organization,  with  its  tendency  toward  a  single 
head,  helped  to  develop  the  idea  of  a  single  "  Catholic"  (all-embrac- 
ing) church,  which  should  rule  the  whole  world.2  After  300,  this 
idea  is  never  lost  sight  of. 

566.  Growth  of  a  Body  of  Doctrine  ;  the  Nicene  Creed  and  the 
Arian  Heresy.  —  The  first  Christians  did  not  concern  themselves 
with  fine  distinctions  in  doctrine.  By  degrees,  however, 
the  church  came  to  contain  the  educated  classes  and  men 
trained  in  the  philosophical  schools.  These  scholars  brought 
with  them  into  the  church  their  philosophical  thought;  and 
the  simple  teachings  of  Christ  were  expanded  and  modified  by 
them  into  an  elaborate  system  of  theology. 

Thus,  as  Christianity  borrowed  the  admirable  organization  of  its 
government  from  Rome,  so  it  drew  the  refinement  of  its  doctrine  from 
Greece.  Before  this  Semitic  faith  could  become  the  faith  of  Europe,  as 
Freeman  says,  "its  dogmas  had  to  be  defined  by  the  subtlety  of  the 
Greek  intellect,  and  its  political  organization  had  to  be  wrought  into  form 
by  the  undying  genius  of  Roman  rule." 

But  when  the  leaders  of  the  church  tried  to  state  just  what 
they  believed  about  difficult  points,  they  found  that  they  could 
not  all  agree,  and  some  violent  disputes  arose.  In  such  cases 
the  views  of  the  majority  finally  prevailed  as  the  orthodox 
doctrine,  and  the  views  of  the  minority  became  heresy.  Most 
of  the  early  heresies  arose  from  different  opinions  about  the 
nature  of  <  'hrist. 

1  These  eastern  cities  were  nearly  enough  equal  in  importance  to  be  rivals; 
bnl  there  nraa  do  i  itj  in  the  West  that  could  rival  Rome.  This  fact  accounts 
in  large  measure  for  the  authority  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  over  so  large  an  area. 
In  the  West  the  term  diocese  never  had  an  ecclesiastical  meaning  correspond- 
ing to  its  civil  use,  i>iii  was  applied  to  smaller  units. 

e  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  19-21,  for  a  third  century  statement. 


§567]  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  473 

This  was  the  case  with  the  great  Arian  heresy.  Alius,  a 
priest  of  Alexandria,  taught  that,  while  Christ  was  the  divine 
Son  of  God,  He  was  not  equal  to  the  Father.  Athanasius,  of 
the  same  city,  asserted  that  Christ  was  not  only  divine  and  the 
Son  of  God,  but  that  He  and  the  Father  were  absolutely  equal 
in  all  respects,  "of  the  same  substance"  and  "co-eternal."  The 
struggle  waxed  fierce  and  divided  Christendom  into  opposing 
camps.  But  the  Emperor  Constantine  desired  union  in  the 
church.  If  it  split  into  hostile  fragments,  his  reasons  for 
favoring  it  would  be  gone.  Accordingly,  in  325,  he  summoned 
all  the  principal  clergy  of  the  empire  to  a  great  council  at 
Nicaea,1  in  Asia  Minor,  and  ordered  them  to  come  to  agreement. 

Arius  and  Athanasius  in  person  led  the  fierce  debate. 
In  the  end  the  majority  sided  with  Athanasius ;  and  his 
opinion,  summed  up  in  the  Nicene  Creed,  became  the  orthodox 
creed  of  Christendom.  Arianism  was  condemned,  and  Arius 
and  his  followers  were  excluded  from  the  church  and  per- 
secuted. This  heresy  was  to  play  an  important  part,  however, 
in  later  history.  Its  disciples  converted  some  of  the  barbarian 
peoples,  who  brought  back  the  faith  with  them  into  the  empire 
when  they  conquered  it  (§§  590-595,  60C>).2 

567.  Persecution  by  the  Church.  —  Diocletian's  persecution 
was  the  last  which  the  church  had  to  endure.  In  312,  as  we 
saw,  Christianity  secured  perfect  toleration  for  its  worship, 
and,  soon  after,  it  was  given  an  especially  favored  place  among 
the  religions  of  the  empire.  Almost  at  once  it  began  itself 
to  use  violence  to  stamp  out  other  religions.  The  Emperor 
Gratian  (§  563)  permitted  orthodox  Christians  to  prevent 
the  worship  of  those  Christian  sects  which  church  councils 


1  This  was  the  first  council  representing  the  whole  church. 

2  Special  reports:  the  careers  of  Arius  and  Athanasius  after  the  Council  of 
Nicaea;  other  early  "heresies,  especially  that  of  the  Gnostics  and  thai  of  the 
Manichaeans,  and  the  church  councils  that  dealt  with  them.  (The  seel  of 
Manichaeans  arose  in  the  East  and  was  influenced  by  the  Persian  religion 
with  its  two  powers  of  good  and  evil;  §61.  According  to  this  heresy,  God  was 
not  all-powerful,  but  the  devil  existed  and  worked  as  an  independenl  power.) 


474 


E.MHRE  OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY  A.I). 


[§  567 


declared  heretical;  and  the  great  Theodosius  forbade  all  pagan 
worship  (§  563).1  Paganism  did  survive  for  a  century  more,  in 
out-of-the-way  places,2  but  Christianity  had  now  become  the 
sole  legal  religion.  Heathen  temples  and  idols  were  destroyed; 
the  philosophical  schools  were  broken  up ; 3  and  adherents  of 


Hall  of  thb  Baths  of  Diocletian:   now  the  Church  of  St.  Mary 

of  the  Angels. 


the  old  faiths  were  put  to  death.  This  deplorable  policy  was 
opposed  in  vain  by  some  of  the  greatest  of  the  Fathers,  as  by 
Augustine  and  Chrysostom  (§  579). 

In  centuries  to  come  this  persecution  by  the  church  dwarfed  into  insig- 
nificance even  the  terrible  persecutions  it  had  suffered.     The  motive,  too, 

various  decrees  in  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  23,  'Jti-27. 
'-'  Hence  the  name  pagans,  from  a  Latin  word  meaning  rustics.    From  a 
like  fad  tin-  Christian  Germans  at  a  later  time  came  to  describe  the  remain- 
ing adherents  of  tin-  old  worship  as  heathens  (heath-dwellers). 

Special  report  :  the  story  of  the  pure  and  noble  Hypatia,  of  Alexandria. 
Read  Kingsley's  novel,  Hypatia.    See  a  terrible  five-page  summary  of  early 
n  ions  by  the  Christians  in  Lecky,  European  Murals,  II,  194-198. 


§568]  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  175 

differed  widely  from  that  of  the  old  imperial  persecution.  It  was  not 
political.  In  general,  each  persecuting  sect  since  has  justified  its  action 
on  the  ground  that  belief  in  its  particular  faith  was  necessary  to  sal- 
vation. Therefore  it  seemed  right  and  merciful  to  torture  the  bodies  of 
heretics  in  order  to  save  their  souls  and  to  protect  the  souls  of  others. 
Under  cover  of  such  theory,  there  now  began  a  dark  and  bloody  chapter 
in  human  history  —  to  last  over  twelve  hundred  years. 

568.  Effect  of  the  Conversion  of  the  Empire.  —  The  ((inver- 
sion of  the  empire  produced  less  improvement  politically  than 
we  should  have  expected.  In  general  the  church  fell  in 
with  the  despotic  tendencies  of  the  times,  so  far  as  human  gov- 
ernment was  concerned.  But  upon  other  institutions  its  puri- 
fying influence  wras  marked.  It  mitigated  slavery;  it  made 
suicide1  a  crime ;  it  built  up  avast  and  beneficent  system  of 
charity;2  and  it  deserves  almost  sole  credit  for  the  rapid  aboli- 
tion of  the  gladiatorial  games.3  The  deeper  results,  in  the 
hearts  of  individual  men  and  women,  history  cannot  trace 
directly. 

But  no  event  of  this  kind  can  work  in  one  direction  only.  The  pagan 
world  was  converted  at  first  more  in  form  than  in  spirit,  and  paganism 
reacted  upon  Christianity.  The  victory  was  in  part  a  compromise.  The 
pagan  Empire  became  Christian,  but  the  Christian  church  became,  to 
some  degree,  imperial  and  pagan.  When  it  conquered  the  barbarians,  soon 
afterward,  it  became  to  some  degree  barbarian.  The  gain  enormously 
exceeded  the  loss  ;  but  there  did  take  place  a  sweeping  change  from  the 
earlier  Christianity. 

For  further  reaping  on  the  church  in  the  fourth  century  :  Can's 
The  Church  and  the  Empire,  27-139;  Fisher's  History  of  the  Christian 
Church;  Lecky's  European  Morals,  II;  Stanley's  Lectures  on  the 
Eastern  Church;  Newman's  Arians.  The  canons  and  creeds  are  given 
in  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  IV,  No.  2  ;  other  valuable  source  extracts  are 
found  in  Robinson's  Readings  in  European  History,  I,  chs.  ii,  iv. 


iMost  of  the  great  pagans  looked  upon  suicide  as  perfectly 
(though  Socrates  had  condemned  it  as  cowardly),  and  its  practice  bad  been 
growing  fruitfully  common. 

2  Read  Lecky,  European  Morals,  II,  79-98. 

*  lb.,  36-38. 


•±76  EMPIRE   OF  THE  FOURTH  CENTURY  A.D.  [§569 

II.     SOCIETY   IN   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY. 

569.  Growing  Exhaustion  of  the  Empire.  —  The  three  quar- 
ters of  a  century  after  the  reunion  of  the  empire  under 
Constantine  were  marked  by  a  fair  degree  of  outward  pros- 
perity. But  the  secret  forces  that  were  sapping  the  strength 
of  society  continued  to  work,  and  early  in  the  coming  century 
the  empire  was  to  crumble  under  barbarian  attacks.  These 
inroads  were  no  more  formidable  than  those  which  had  so 
often  been  rebuffed.  Apparently  they  were  weaker.  The 
barbarians,  then,  are  not  to  be  considered  as  the  chief  cause 
of  the  "Fall."  The  causes  were  internal.  The  Roman 
Empire  was  overthrown  from  without  by  an  ordinary  attack, 
because  ii  hud  grown  weak  within. 

This  weakness  was  not  due,  in  any  marked  degree  at  least, 
to  decline  in  the  army.  The  army  kept  its  superb  organization, 
and  to  the  last  was  so  strong  in  its  discipline  and  its  pride  that 
it  was  ready  to  face  any  odds  unflinchingly.1  But  more  and 
more  it  became  impossible  to  find  men  to  fill  the  legions,  or 
money  to  pay  them.  Dearth  of  men  and  of  money  was  the 
cause  of  the  fall  of  the  state.     The  empire  had  become  a  shell.2 

570.  The  Classes  of  Society. — The  Roman  society  of  the 
fourth  and  fifth  centuries  differed  widely  from  that  of  the  first 
Hi !•<■<■  centuries.  At  the  top  was  the  emperor  to  direct  the 
machinery  of  government.  At  the  bottom  were  the  peasantry 
and  artisans  to  produce  food  and  wealth  wherewith  to  pay 
taxes.     Between  these  extremes  were  two  aristocracies,  —  an 

J  Bead  Dill,  Roman  Si, ciet y  h>  the  Last  Century  of  the  Empire,  288-291. 

-  The  older  writers  explained  the  decay  <>n  moral  grounds.  Recent  scholars 
ii  one  iii  recognizing,  first,  that  the  moral  decay  of  Roman  society  has 
been  greatly  exaggerated,  and,  secondly,  that  the  immediate  causes  of  decline 
were  political  and  economic.  On  the  exaggeration  of  the  moral  decline,  read 
Dill,  Roman  Society,  bks.  ii  and  iii  (especially  pp.  115-131  and  227-228); 
.  Roman  Imperialism,  especially  54— «J4 ;  and  Adams,  Civilization,  79-81. 
Kingsley,  Roman  and  Teuton,  Lecture  II,  gives  graphic  statement  of  the 
older  Inn  unhistorical  view.  If  read,  it  should  be  corrected  by  Dill's  treat- 
ment oi  the  Bame  authorities. 


§  572]  SOCIETY.  477 

imperial  aristocracy  for  the  empire  at  large,  and  a  local  aristoc- 
racy in  as  many  sections  as  there  were  cities  (§§  571,  572). 

571.  The  senatorial  nobility,  the  higher  aristocracy,  now  in- 
cluded many  nobles  who  never  sat  in  the  Senate  cither  at 
Rome  or  at  the  new  capital  Constantinople.  It  had  swallowed 
up  the  old  senatorial  class  of  Rome,  and  most  of  the  knights. 
It  was  "  a  nobility  of  office  " :  that  is,  a  family  lost  its  rank, 
unless  from  time  to  time  it  furnished  officials  to  the  empire.1 

A  noble  of  this  class  possessed  great  honor  and  some  impor- 
tant privileges.  He  was  a  citizen  of  the  whole  empire,  not  of 
one  municipality  alone,  and  he  did  not  have  to  pay  load  taxes. 
He  bore,  however,  heavy  imperial  burdens.  He  might  be 
called  upon  at  any  moment  for  ruinous  expenses  at  tjie  capital, 
in  fulfilling  some  imperial  command,2  or  he  might  be  required 
to  assume  some  costly  office  at  his  own  expense,  on  a  distanl 
frontier.  But  only  a  few  individuals  were  actually  ruined  by 
such  duties,  and  the  lot  of  the  great  majority  was  enviable. 

572.  The  Curials.3 — Below  the  imperial  nobility  was  the  local 
nobility.  Each  city  had  its  senate,  or  curia.  The  curials  were 
not  drafted  into  the  armies,  as  the  lower  classes  might  be,  n<  r 
were  they  subject  to  bodily  punishment.  They  managed  the 
finances  of  their  city,  and  to  some  degree  still  (§§  500,50]  I 
they  controlled  its  other  local  affairs.  Those  curials  who  rose 
to  the  high  magistracies,  however,  had  to  bear  large  expense  in 
providing  shows  and  festivals  for  their  fellow  townsmen,  and 
all  curials  had  costly  duties  in  supplying  the  poor  with  corn. 

More  crushing  still  to  this  local  nobility  were  the  imperial 
burdens.  The  chief  imperial  tax  was  the  land  tax.  The  needs 
of  the  Empire  caused  the  amount  to  be  increased  steadily,  while 
the  ability  of  the  people  to  pay  steadily  decreased.    The  curials 

i  The  principle  seems  to  have  been  not  unlike  that  of  the  modern  Russian 
nobility.  Advanced  students  may  refer  to  Leroy-Beaulieu's  Tsars  and  (/"■ 
Russians,  I,  bk.  vi. 

2  Read  Dill's  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the  Empire,  249,  or 
Bury's  Later  Roman  Empire,  37-42. 

3  There  is  an  admirable  account  in  Dill,  250-262. 


478  EMPIRE   OF  THE   FOURTH   CENTURY  A.D.  [§  573 

were  made  the  collectors  of  this  tax  in  their  city,  and  were  held 
personally  responsible  for  any  deficit. 

This  duty  was  so  undesirable  that  the  number  of  curials 
tended  to  fall  away.  To  secure  the  revenue,  the  emperors  tried 
to  prevent  this  decrease.  The  curials  were  made  a  hereditary 
class  and  were  bound  to  their  office.  They  were  forbidden 
to  become  clergy,  soldiers,  or  lawyers ;  they  were  not  allowed 
to  move  from  city  to  city,  or  even  to  travel  without  special 
permission. 

A  place  in  the  senate  of  his  city  had  once  been  the  highest  ambition  of 
a  wealthy  middle-class  citizen  ;  but  in  the  fourth  century  it  had  become 
almost  an  act  of  heroism  to  assume  the  duty.1  Indeed,  as  the  position 
grew  more  and  more  unendurable,  desperate  attempts  were  made  to 
escape  at  any  sacrifice.  Of  course  the  desirable  escape  was  into  the  im- 
perial nobility,  but  this  was  possible  only  to  a  few.  Others,  despite  the 
law,  sought  refuge  in  the  artisan  gilds,  in  the  church,  —  or  even  in  serf- 
dom, in  a  servile  marriage,  or  in  flight  to  the  barbarians.2 

573.  The  Middle  Class.  —  Between  the  curials  and  the  laborers 
came  a  small  middle  class  of  traders,  small  landowners,  and 
professional  men.  AVhen  any  one  of  these  acquired  a  certain 
aim mnt  of  land,  he  was  compelled  by  law  to  become  a  curial ; 
but  the  general  drift  was  for  them  to  sink  rather  than  rise. 

574.  The  Artisans  were  grouped  in  gilds,  or  colleges,  each 
with  its  own  organization.  Each  member  was  bound  to  his 
gild,  as  the  curial  to  his  office. 

575.  The  Peasantry  had  become  serfs.3  That  is,  they  were 
bound  to  their  labor  on  the  soil,  and  changed  masters  with  the 
land  they  tilled. 

1  A  Btory  is  told  that  in  a  Spanish  municipality  a  public-spirited  man 
voluntarily  offered  himself  for  a  vacancy  in  the  curia,  and  that  his  fellow- 
citizens  erected  a  statue  iii  his  lionor. 

-  Bee  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  29. 

'■'  Arnold,  Roman  Provincial  Administration,  161-163;  Bury,  Later  Roman 
Empire,  I,  28-32,  and  [11,418-121;  Dill.  Roman  Society,  262-266 ;  Munro  and 
Sellerj  •  u'  du  -•<</  Civilization,  ch.  ii.  The  teacher  will  see  the  need  of  guard- 
in-;  the  students  against  thinking  of  serfdom  as  a  result  of  the  barbarian 
conquests  and  of  the  later  feudalism.  • 


§  575]  SOCIETY.  47(J 

In  the  latter  days  of  the  Republic,  the  system  of  great  es- 
tates which  had  blighted  Italy  earlier  (§§  396-398),  began  to 
curse  province  after  province  outside  Italy.  Free  labor  dis- 
appeared before  slave  labor;  grain  culture  declined;  and  large 
areas  of  land  ceased  to  be  tilled. 

To  remedy  this  state  of  affairs  in  part,  the  emperors  intro- 
duced a  new  system.  After  successful  wars,  they  gaoe  large 
numbers  of  barbarian  captives  to  great  landlords,  — thousands 
in  a  batch,  —  not  as  slaves,  but  as  coloni,  or  serfs.  The  pur- 
pose was  to  secure  a  hereditary  class  of  agricultural  laborers, 
and  so  keep  up  the  food  supply.  The  coloni  were  really  given 
not  to  the  landlord,  but  to  the  land. 

They  were  not  personal  property,  as  slaves  were.  They 
were  part  of  the  real  estate.  They,  and  their  children  after 
them,  were  attached  to  the  soil,  and  could  not  be  sold 
off  it.  They  had  some  rights  which  slaves  did  not  have. 
They  could  contract  a  legal  marriage,  and  each  had  his 
own  plot  of  ground,  of  which  he  could  not  be  dispossessed 
so  long  as  he  paid  to  the  landlord  a  fixed  rent  in  labor  and 
in  produce, 

Augustus  began  this  system  on  a  small  scale,  and  it  soon  became  a. 
regular  practice  to  dispose  thus  of  vanquished  tribes.  This  made  it  still 
more  difficult  for  the  free  small-farmer  to  maintain  himself.  That  class 
sank  into  serfs;  but  it  had  been  on  the  high  road  to  extinction  anyway. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  slaves  rose  into  serfs,  until  nearly  all  cultivators  of 
the  soil  were  of  this  order. 

This  institution  of  coloni  was  to  last  for  hundreds  of  years,  under  the 
name  of  serfdom,  and  it  was  to  help  change  the  ancient  slave  organization 
of  labor  into  the  modern  free  organization.  From  the  point  of  view 
of  the  slave,  it  was  an  immense  gain.  At  the  moment,  however,  it  was 
one  more  factor  in  killing  out  the  old  middle  class  and  in  widening  the 
gap  between  the  nobles  and  the  small  cultivators. 

In  the  fourth  century,  too,  the  lot  of  the  coloni  had  become  miserable. 
They  were  crushed  by  imperial  taxes,  in  addition  to  the  nut  due  their 
landlord  ;  and  in  Diocletian's  time,  in  Gaul,  they  rose  in  des]> 
revolt  against  the  upper  classes,  to  plunder,  murder,  and  torture.  This 
was  a  terrible  forerunner  of  the  peasant-risings  during  the  Middle 
Ages, 


480  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  576 

576.  The  Approach  of  a  Caste  System.  —  Thus  society  was 
crystallizing  into  castes.  Not  only  had  the  peasantry  become 
serfs,  attached  from  generation  to  generation  to  the  same  plot 
of  ground:  the  principle  of  serfdom  was  being  applied  to 
all  classes.  The  artisan  was  bound  to  his  hereditary  gild,  and 
the  curial  and  the  noble  each  to  his  hereditary  order.  Free- 
dom of  movement  seemed  lost.  In  its  industries  and  its  social 
relations  as  well  as  in  government,  the  Empire  was  becoming 
despotic  and  Oriental. 

577.  Crushing  Taxation.  —  The  Empire  was  "a  great  tax- 
gathering  and  barbarian-fighting  machine."  It  collected  taxes 
in  order  to  fight  barbarians.  But  the  time  came  when  the 
provincials  began  to  dread  the  tax-collector  more  than  the 
Goth.  This  was  partly  because  of  the  decrease  in  ability 
to  pay,  and  partly  because  the  complex  organization  cost 
more  and  more.  Says  Goldwin  Smith :  "The  earth  swarmed 
with  the  consuming  hierarchy  of  extortion,  so  that  it  was  said 
that  they  who  received  taxes  were  more  than  they  who  paid 
them."  What  made  the  burden  more  crushing  was  that  the 
taxes  were  no  longer  spent  (in  any  large  measure)  in  aiding 
industry.  They  went  to  support  the  machinery  of  govern- 
ment and  the  luxury  of  the  court.  Moreover,  the  wealthiest 
classes  succeeded  in  shifting  the  burden  largely  upon  those 
leasl  able  to  pay. 

Thus,  heavy  as  the  taxation  was,  it  produced  too  little.  It 
yielded    less    and    less.       The   revenues  of    the    government 

shrank  up.      Tl mpire  suffered  from  a  lack  of  wealth  as  well 

as  from  a  lack  of  men. 

578.  Peaceful  Infusion  of  Barbarians  before  the  Conquest. — 
The  only  measure  that  helped  fill  up  the  gaps  in  population 
was  the  introduction  of  barbarians  from  without.  This  took 
place  peacefully  on  a  large  scale;  but  so  far  as  preserving  the 
Empire  was  concerned,  it  was  a  source  of  weakness  rather 
than   of  strength. 

Not  only  was  the  Roman  army  mostly  made  up  of  Germans; 
whole  provinces  were  settled  mainly  by  them   before   their 


§579]  LITERATURE   AND   SCIENCE.  481 

kinsmen  from  without,  in  the  fifth  century,  began  in  earnest 
to  break  over  the  Rhine.  Conquered  tribes  had  been  settled, 
hundreds  of  thousands  at  a  time,  in  frontier  provinces,  and 
friendly  tribes  had  been  admitted,  to  make  their  homes  in 
depopulated  districts.  Thus  as  slaves,  soldiers,  coloni,  sub- 
jects, the  German  world  had  been  filtering  into  the  Roman 
world,  until  a  large  part  of  the  empire  was  peacefully  German  /.<  d. 
Even  the  imperial  officers  were  largely  Germans. 

This  infusion  of  new  blood  helped  to  renew  the  decaying 
population  and  to  check  the  decline  of  material  prosperity. 
The  Germans  within  the  empire,  of  course,  took  on  Roman 
civilization  and  customs,  in  large  measure;  but  at  the  same 
time,  they  kept  a  friendly  feeling  for  their  kinsmen  and  they 
retained  some  of  their  old  customs  and  ideas.  The  barrier 
between  the  Empire  and  its  assailants  melted  away  imperceptibly. 
All  this  lessened  the  agony  of  the  barbarian  conquest,  but  it 
helped  to  make  it  possible. 

For  Further  Reading  on  the  internal  decay  and  the  causes  of  the 
"Fall."  —  Munro  and  Sellery's  Medieval  Civilization,  ch.  ii.  ("Landed 
Aristocracy  and  Beginnings  of  Serfdom  "),  and  ch.  iii.  ("  Taxation  in  the 
Fourth  Century");  Oman's  Bark  Ages,  chs.  i,  ii ;  Seeley's  Imperialism, 
Lecture  III ;  Adams'  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages,  76-88  (especially 
good).  Advanced  students  may  consult  Bury's  Later  Roman  Empire,  I. 
25-30;  Dill's  Soman  Society  (the  best  one  work),  bks.  ii,  iii;  Taylor's 
Classical  Heritage  of  the  Middle  Ages,  chs.  ii-v  ;  Ilodgkin's  Itjihj  mid 
Her  Invaders,  II,  532-613,  if  accessible,  and  his  article  on  "The  Fall 
of  the  Roman  Empire"  in  the  Contemporary  "Review,  January,  1898; 
(Mr.  Hodgkin  in  this  article  does  not  even  refer  to  moral  can 
Hodgkin's  Dynasty  of  Theodosius,  ch.  ii,  contains  some  valuable  pag<  - 
on  Roman  Society. 

III.     LITERATURE   AND   SCIENCE. 

579.  Authors  and  Works  :  Theological  Character  of  the  Litera- 
ture.—  The  great  names  in  literature  in  the  fourth  century 
were  almost  all  names  of  churchmen,  and  the  writings  were 
nearly  all  theological.  In  other  lines,  as  in  the  third  century, 
the  period  was  one  of  intellectual  decay.     There  were  no  more 


482  EMPIRE    OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§  580 

poets,  and  no  new  discoveries  in  science.  Even  the  old  science 
and  literature  were  neglected.  The  following  table  makes  this 
apparent.     (The  most  important  names  are  italicized.) 

a.  The  chief  pagan  writers  were  :  — 

Ammianus,  an  Asiatic  Greek  soldier,  the  author  of  a  spirited  continuation 
of  Tacitus'  history  ; 

Eutropius,  a  soldier  and  the  author  of  a  summary  of  Roman  history  ; 

Julian  (the  emperor),  whose  chief  works  were  his  Memoirs  and  a  "  Refu- 
tation "  of  Christianity. 

b.  Many  Christian  writers  produced  a  flood  of  theological  and  argu- 
mentative works.     Among  them  were:  — 

Ambrose  (Saint),  a  Gallic  lawyer,  and  afterward  bishop  of  Milan  (the 

bishop  who  disciplined  the  Emperor  Theodosius)  ;  the  author  of  many 

letters,  sermons,  and  hymns; 
Anthony  (Saint),  an  Egyptian  hermit; 
Arius  and  Athanasius  (§  535)  ; 
Augustine  (Saint),  bishop  of  Hippo  in  Africa,  author  of  many  letters, 

commentaries,  sermons,  theological  works;   probably  the  most  widely 

known  are  his  Confessions  and  The  City  of  God; 
Basil  (Saint)  ; 

<  'hrysostom  (Saint),  a  famous  orator  ; 

Eusebius,  a  bishop  and  the  author  of  an  ecclesiastical  history  ; 
./<  rome  (Saint),  a  Syrian  hermit,  who  translated  the  Bible  into  Latin  (the 

Vulgate)  and  wrote  controversial  works  ; 
Martin  (Saint),  soldier,  monk,  and  bishop  of  Tours,  who  established  the 

first  monastery  in  Caul  (famous  for  its  beautiful  manuscripts)  ; 
I'/jilos.  a  Gothic  hostage,  who  became  bishop  and  missionary  among  his 

people,  converting  them  to  Arianism;  he  arranged  a  Gothic  alphabet 

and  translated  the  Bible  into  Gothic   (the  oldest  literary  work  in  a 

Teutonic  language  ;  a  copy  in  silver  letters  upon  scarlet  parchment  is 

preserved  in  the  library  of  Upsala  University). 

580.  Unfavorable  Attitude  of  the  Christians  toward  Pagan 
Learning.  —  One  cause  of  the  rapid  intellectual  decline  of  the 
fourth  century  is  that  many  Christians  were  hostile  to  pagan 
science  and  literature,  while  for  a  long  time  the  Christian 
world  produced  little  to  take  their  place.  The  pagan  poetry, 
beautiful  as  it  was,  was  filled  with  stories  of  the  old  gods,  and 


§  580]  LITERATURE   AND   SCIENCE.  483 

these  stories  were  often  humoral.  These  facts  explain  in 
part  why  the  Christians  feared  contamination  from  pagan 
literature.1  The  contempt  for  pagan  science  has  less  excuse, 
and  its  result  was  particularly  unfortunate. 

For  instance,  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth  was  well  known  to  the 
Greeks  (§240)  ;  bat  the  early  Christians  demolished  the  idea  by  theologi- 
cal arguments.  "  It  is  impossible,"  said  St.  Augustine,  "there  should  be 
inhabitants  on  the  other  side  of  the  earth,  since  no  such  race  is  recorded 
in  Scripture  among  the  descendants  of  Adam."  Many  argued  in  like 
tone  that  Scripture  gave  no  warrant  for  believing  the  earth  round,  and 
that  therefore  it  could  not  be  so.  "Besides,"  some  of  them  added,  "  it' 
it  were  round,  how  could  all  men  see  Christ  at  his  coming?" 

Even  St.  Jerome,  an  ardent  scholar  during  most  of  his  life, 
came  at  one  time  under  the  influence  of  this  hostile  feeling  so 
far  as  to  rejoice  at  the  growing  neglect  of  Plato  and  to  warn 
Christians  against  pagan  writers.  In  398,  a  council  of  tin* 
church  officially  cautioned  bishops  against  reading  any  books 
except  religious  ones;  and  the  prevalent  feeling  was  forcefully 
expressed  a  little  earlier  (350  a.d.)  in  a  writing  known  as  the 
"  Apostolical  Constitutions  " :  — 

"Refrain  from  all  the  writings  of  the  heathens;  ....  For  if  thou 
wilt  explore  history,  thou  hast  the  Books  of  the  Kings;  or  seekest  thou 
for  words  of  wisdom  and  eloquence,  thou  hast  the  Prophets,  Job.  and  the 
Book  of  Proverbs,  wherein  thou  shalt  find  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of 
all  eloquence  and  wisdom,  for  they  are  the  voice  of  the  Lord,  the  only 
wise  God.  Or  dost  thou  long  for  tuneful  strains,  thou  hast  the  Psalms; 
or  to  explore  the  origin  of  things,  thou  hast  the  Book  of  Genesis  ;  or  for 
customs  and  observances,  thou  hast  the  excellent  law  of  the  Lord  God. 
Wherefore  abstain  scrupulously  from  all  strange  and  devilish  books." 

The  Christians  did  not  usually  attend  the  public  schools 
until  the  time  of  Constantine,  and  soon  after  that  time  they 
began  to  break  up  the  old  philosophical  schools.     The  cora- 

1  The  attitude  was  somewhat  like  that  of  the  Puritans  of  the  seventeenth 
century  toward  the  plays  of  Shakspere  and  his  fellow-dramat  ists.     Bui  in  the 
third  and  fourth  centuries  the  result  was  more  disastrous,  because  th 
literature  and  science  were  pagan. 


484  EMPIRE   OF   THE   FOURTH   CENTURY   A.D.  [§581 

plete  extinction  of  these  schools  did  not  come  until  the  bar- 
barian invasions  of  the  next  century  added  to  their  difficulties; 
but  many  of  the  greatest  of  them  had  already  been  destroyed 
or  replaced  by  schools  of  a  much  lower  character  for  theolog- 
ical purposes  only.  The  church  was  soon  to  become  the 
mother  and  the  sole  protector  of  a  new  learning;  but  it  has 
to  bear  part  of  the  blame  for  the  loss  of  the  old.1 

581.  Other  and  Deeper  Causes  of  the  Decay  of  Learning.  —  But 
this  attitude  of  the  Christians  was  not  the  main  cause  for  the 
decay  of  learning.  A  deeper  and  more  far-reaching  cause  lay 
in  the  general  decline  of  the  Roman  world  which  we  have 
discussed  (§§  569-577).  That  world,  for  the  time  at  least, 
was  exhausted.  It  had  been  growing  weaker  year  by  year,  in 
government,  in  industry,  in  population,  as  well  as  in  literature 
and  science.  Now  it  was  to  be  torn  down  and  rebuilt  by  a 
more  vigorous  people. 

REVIEW   EXERCISE   FOR   PART   V. 

1.  Add  the  dates  284,  325,  378,  to  the  list. 

2.  Extend  list  of  terms  and  names  for  fact  drill. 

3.  Memorize  a  characterization  of  the  centuries  of  the  Empire;  i.e. — 

First  and  second  centuries  :  good  government,  —  happy,  peaceful, 
prosperous. 

Third  century:  general  decline, — material,  political,  and  intel- 
lectual. 

Fourth  century:  revival  of  imperial  power;  victory  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

Fifth  and  sixth  centuries  (in  advance)  :  barbarian  invasions  and 
conquests. 

4.  Review  the  growth  of   the   Christian  church  through  the  whole 

period. 
•"..    Review  briefly  the  movement  in  literature  and  science. 


>  Bee  Laurie,  Rise  of  Universities,  19-27;  or  Compayre',  History  of  Peda- 
gogy, 62-64.  Drane'a  Christian  Schools  and  Scholars,  1-47,  gives  an  in- 
teresting treatment  of  early  Christian  culture  somewhat  different  from  that 
presented  in  this  volume. 


PART   VI. 

ROMANO-TEUTONIC  EUROPE. 

The  settlement  of  the  Teutonic  tribes  ions  not  merely  the  introduction 
of  a  new  set  of  ideas  and  institutions,  .  .  .  it  was  also  the  introduction  of 
fresh  blood  and  youthful  mind  —  the  muscle  and  brain  which  in  the  fut  «r« 
were  to  do  the  larger  share  of  the  world's  icork.  —  George  Burton 
Adams. 

Before  entering'  upon  this  final  portion  of  Ancient  History, 
it  will  be  well  to  reread  carefully  the  summaries  in  §§  1-3, 
65-67,  191,  226,  and  252-254. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE   TEUTONS. 

582.  Early  Home  of  the  Germans,  and  the  Different  Germanic 
Peoples.  — The  Teutons  (Germans)  came  into  our  story  firsl  al 
the  time  of  Marius  (§  434).  At  frequent  intervals  during  the 
five  centuries  since  that  first  invasion  they  had  been  beating 
fiercely  upon  the  frontiers,  and  they  had  sent  great  swarms  of 
their  numbers,  as  prisoners  and  as  peaceful  colonists,  to  dwell 
within  the  empire.  Now  at  last  they  were  to  break  in  as 
conquerors  and  rulers,  introducing  one  of  the  great  eras  in 
history. 

The  Rhine  and  the  Danube  had  long  separated  the  barbaric 
German  world  from  the  Roman  world.  Between  the  Danube 
and  the  Baltic,  north  and  south,  and  between  the  Rhine  and  the 
Vistula,  east  and  west,  roamed  many  tribes  known  to  them- 
selves by  no  one  name,  but  all  called  Germans  by  the  Romans. 
In  the  fifth  century  the  more  important  groups  were  the  Goths, 

485 


486 


THE   TEUTONS. 


[§  583 


4 i: 


'■{y^f^ 


A  Dolmen  of  the  Ancient  Germans. 


Burgundians,    Vandals,    Alemanni,    Lombards,    Franks,   and 
Saxons.     The  Norsemen  were  to  appear  later. 

583.  Stage  of  Culture.  —  As  opposed  to  the  civilized  Romans, 
the  Germans  had  a  strong  family  likeness;  but  among  them- 
selves they  showed  wide 
differences.1  The  distant 
tribes  were  savage  and  un- 
organized. Those  nearer 
the  Empire  had  taken  on 
more  civilization  and  had 
moved  toward  a  stronger 
political  union,  under  the 
rule  of  kings;  but  in  gen- 
eral they  seem  to  have  been 
little,  if  at  all,  above  the 
level  of  the  better  North 
American  Indians.  They  had  no  cities,  but  their  important 
villages  were  surrounded  by  palisades,  like  the  Iroquois 
villages.  They  lived  chiefly  by  hunting  and  fishing,  and  what 
little  agriculture  they  had 
was  managed  by  women 
or  slaves.  They  had  no 
true  alphabet  (except  the 
Gothic,  invented  by  Ul- 
filas,  §  r>79)  and  no  litera- 
ture, except  simple  bal- 
lads.- They  had  no  money, 
and  their  trade  was  barter. 
Skinsor  rude  cloths  formed 
their  clothing,  but  the  nobler  warriors  possessed  chain  mail 
and  wore  helmets  crested  with  plumes,  horns,  dragons,  and 
"i  her  si  range  devices. 


Battle-ax  and  Mack.  —  Arms  of  Teu- 
tonic chieftains  in  an  early  period. 


1    Read  Dill,  Roman  Society  h,  the  Last  Century  of  the  Empire,  301,  for 
illustrations. 

-  Special  topic:  the  Runes. 


§  584]  CULTURE  —  CHARACTER.  I  S  7 

584.  Character.  —  Tacitus  says  of  the  Germans,  as  a 
whole  :  — 

"  They  have  «tern  blue  eyes,  ruddy  hair,  bodies  large  and  robust,  but 
powerful  only  in  sudden  efforts.  They  are  impatient  of  toil  and  labor. 
Thirst  and  heat  overcome  them,  but  from  the  nature  of  their  soil  and 
climate  they  are  proof  against  cold  and  hunger."  —  Germania,  iv. 

The  usual  marks  of  savagery  were  found  among  them.  They 
were  fierce,  quarrelsome,  hospitable.  Their  cold,  damp  forests 
had  helped  to  make  them  excessive  drunkards  and  immoderate 
eaters,  and  when  not  engaged  in  war  they  spent  day  after  day 
in  sleep  or  gluttony.  They  were  desperate  gamblers,  too,  and, 
when  other  wealth  was  gone,  they  would  stake  even  their 
liberty  upon  the  throw  of  the  dice. 

At  the  same  time,  they  do  seem  to  have  possessed  some 
peculiar  traits  not  common  in  savage  races.  Women  were 
revered.  Tacitus  (§  526)  dwells  upon  the  excellence  of  their 
family  life.  "  The  married  state,"  he  says,  "  is  a  life  of  affec- 
tion, and  it  is  kept  pure."  They  reverenced  truth  and  fidelity. 
Their  grim  joy  in  fighting  rose  to  fierce  delight  in  battle,  and 
sometimes  to  a  "  Baersark  "  rage  that  knew  no  peril  and  made 
men  insensible  to  wounds.  In  particular,  they  possessed  a 
proud  spirit  of  individual  liberty  (in  contrast  with  the  Human 
devotion  to  the  State),  a  "high,  stern  sense  of  manhood  and 
the  worth  of  man,"  which  was  to  influence  profoundly  later 
European  history. 

Another  quality  is  especially  important.  The  Germans 
resembled  the  Hebrews  in  a  serious,  earnest,  imaginative  tem- 
perament, which  has  made  their  Christianity  differ  widely  from 
that  of  the  clear-minded,  sunnier  peoples  of  Southern  Europe. 
They  felt  the  solemn  mystery  of  life,  with  its  shortness  of 
days,  its  sorrows,  and  unsatisfied  longings;  and  this  inspired 
in  them,  not  unmanly  despair  nor  light  recklessness  but  a 
heroism  tinged  with  melancholy.  In  the  Sony  of  Beowulf  (an 
old  poem  that  has  come  down  to  us  from  the  German  Eon 
the  chief  tou^i^^f|0|^|2|^  S@KH)fe?leSS  e,,r,"m,'r 


488  THE   TEUTONS.  [§  585 

with  a  terrible  dragon  that   had   been  destroying  his  people, 
exclaims :  — 

"  Each  man  must  abide  the  end  of  his  life  work;  let  him  that  may 
work,  work  his  doomed  deeds  ere  night  come." 

And,  again,  as  he  sits   by  the  dragon  mound,  victorious,  but 

dying  =  — 

"  These  fifty  winters  have  I  ruled  this  folk  ;  no  folk-king  of  folk-kings 
about  me  —  not  any  one  of  them  —  dare  in  the  war-strife  welcome  my 
onset !  Time's  change  and  chances  I  have  abided  ;  held  my  own  fairly  ; 
sought  not  to  snare  men  ;  oath  never  sware  I  falsely  against  right.  So, 
for  all  this,  may  I  glad  be  at  heart  now,  sick  though  I  sit  here,  wounded 
with  death-wounds  ! " 

The  same  trait  of  mingled  gloom  and  heroism  is  seen  in  a 
striking  feature  of  their  religion  (at  least  as  it  finally  developed 
in  Iceland).  This  was  the  belief  in  the  "  Twilight  of  the 
Gods."  Heroes  who  had  fought  a  good  fight  on  earth  were  to 
reap  their  reward  hereafter  in  fighting  beside  the  gods,  the 
powers  of  Light  and  Warmth,  against  the  evil  giants  of  Cold 
and  Darkness ;  but  in  the  end  the  gods  and  heroes  were  all  to 
perish  before  the  powers  of  evil.  With  these  Teutons,  says 
John  Richard  Green,  "life  was  built,  not  on  the  hope  of  a 
hereafter,  but  on  the  proud  self-consciousness  of  noble  souls." 

A  story  connected  with  the  conversion  of  the  Germans  in  Britain,  after 
they  had  conquered  that  island,  illustrates  the  same  trait.  The  pagan 
king  of  Northumbria  sat  among  his  chieftains,  and  the  missionaries  had 
just  spoken.  Then  arose  an  aged  chief:  —  *' O  king,  what  is  this  life  of 
man  ?  Is  it  not  as  a  sparrow's  flight  through  the  hall  when  one  sits  at 
meal  of  an  evening  in  wintertide  ?  Within  is  light  and  warmth  and 
song  ;  without,  cold,  darkness,  and  icy  rain.  Then  the  sparrow  flies  in  at 
one  door,  tarries  a  moment  in  the  warmth,  and,  flying  forth  from  the 
other  door,  vanishes  again  into  the  dark.  Such,  O  king,  seems  the  life  of 
man  ;  and  if  this  new  teaching  can  tell  us  aught  certain  of  the  time  before 
and  after,  let  us  follow  it." 

•585.  Religion.  —  The  old  Gorman  religion  was  a  rude  poly- 
theism,  based  on  nature  worship.  The  chief  place  was  held  by 
the  worship  of  Woden,  the  war   god.      From   him  the  noble 


§  586]  POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION.  489 

families  all  claimed  descent.  Thor,  whose  hurling  hammer 
caused  the  thunder,  was  the  god  of  storms  and  of  the  air. 
Freya  was  the  deity  of  joy  and  fruitfulness.1 

The  Franks  and  Saxons  when  they  broke  into  the  empire 
(§§  596,  597)  were  still  heathen.  All  the  other  tribes  that  set- 
tled in  the  empire  in  the  fifth  century  had  just  become  converts 
to  Arian  Christianity,  through  the  labors  of  Arian  exiles.  (Cf. 
Ulfilas  among  the  Goths,  §  579.) 

586.  Political  Organization.  —  Tacitus  shows  the  Germans, 
organized  in  three  political  units, — village,  canton,  and  tribe. 
The  village  was  originally  no  doubt  the  home  of  a  clan.  The 
village  and  the  tribe  each  had  its  popular  Assembly  with  its 
hereditary  chief.  The  tribal  chief,  or  king,  was  surrounded 
by  his  council  of  smaller  chiefs.     To  quote  Tacitus :  — 

"  In  the  election  of  kings  they  have  regard  to  birth  ;  in  that  of  generals 
to  valor.  Their  kings  have  not  an  absolute  or  unlimited  power  ;  and  their 
generals  command  less  through  the  force  of  authority  than  of  example. 
If  they  are  daring,  adventurous,  and  conspicuous  in  action,  they  procure 
obedience  from  the  admiration  they  inspire."  —  Germania,  7. 

"On  affairs  of  smaller  moment,  the  chiefs  consult ;  on  those  of  greater 
importance,  the  whole  community  ;  yet  with  this  circumstance,  that  what 
is  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  people  is  first  discussed  by  the  chiefs. 
They  assemble,  unless  upon  some  sudden  emergency,  on  stated  days, 
either  at  the  new  or  full  moon.  When  they  all  think  fit,  they  sit  down 
armed.  Silence  is  proclaimed  by  the  priests,  who  have  on  this  occasion  a 
coercive  power.  Then  the  king,  or  chief,  and  such  others  as  arc  conspic- 
uous for  age,  birth,  military  renown,  or  eloquence,  are  heard  ;  and  gain 
attention  rather  from  their  ability  to  persuade,  than  their  authority  to 
command.  If  a  proposal  displease,  the  assembly  reject  it  by  an  inai 
late  murmur;  if  it  prove  agreeable,  they  clash  their  javelins;  tor  the 
most  honorable  expression  of  assent  among  them  is  the  sound  of  arms.  In 
the  same  assemblies,  chiefs  are  also  elected  to  administer  justice  through 


1  Compare  with  Greek  deities,  §  88.  These  Teutonic  gods  live  still  in  our 
names  for  the  days  of  the  week.  Woden's  day.  Thor's  daj  ,  and  Freya's  day 
are  easily  recognized  in  their  modern  dress.  Tuesday  and  Saturday  take  their 
names  from  two  obscure  gods,  Tiw  and  Saetere,  or  the  latter  perhaps  from 
the  Latin  Saturn,  while  the  remaining  two  days  arc  the  .Moon's  day  and  the 
Sun's  day. 


490  THE  TEUTONS.  [§587 

the  cantons  and  districts.  A  hundred  companions,  chosen  from  the 
people,  attend  upon  each  of  them,  to  assist  them  as  well  with  their  advice 
as  their  authority."  1  —  Ib.  11,  12. 

587.  The  "  Companions."  —  One  peculiar  institution  must  be 
noted.  A  great  chief  was  surrounded  by  a  band  of  "  compan- 
ions," who  lived  in  his  household,  ate  at  his  table,  and  fought 
at  his  side.  To  them  the  chief  gave  food,  weapons,  and 
plunder ;  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  their  "  lord "  they  de- 
voted their  energies  and  lives.  The  element  of  personal  loyalty 
in  this  relation  of  "  companion  "  and  lord  was  to  influence  the 
development  of  later  European  feudalism.  In  Germany  itself 
the  class  of  companions  seems  to  have  been  made  up  largely 
of  outlaws  or  adventurers  skilled  in  arms.  It  grew  in  impor- 
tance, however,  after  the  invasions,  and  finally  developed  into 
the  nobility  of  later  Europe  (§  G42  b). 

588.  The  Charm  of  the  South.  —  The  sunny  south,  with  the 
wonders  and  riches  of  its  strange  civilization,  fascinated  these 
savages  with  a  potent  spell.  For  five  hundred  years  they  had 
been  striving  to  enter  in  and  possess  it.  The  pressure  of 
fiercer  barbarians  behind  them  and  of  their  own  increasing 
population  had  produced  certain  periods  of  special  effort,  and 
sometimes  they  had  burst  in  for  brief  periods  of  plunder. 
Always  hitherto  they  had  been  driven  out  again  by  some 
Marius,  Caesar,  Aurelius,  Aurelian,  Diocletian,  or  Julian.  All 
this  time,  however,  they  were  learning  to  unite  into  larger  con- 
federations, and  to  act  together  in  their  attacks.  Now,  about 
the  year  400,  in  the  exhaustion  of  the  empire,  they  began  at 
last  to  come  in  to  stay. 


Fob  IVimiKi!  Reading. — Sources:,  our  two  chief  authorities  for  the 
early  Germane  arc  Caesar  and  Tacitus.  Caesar  drew  his  knowledge 
largely  from  the  Cauls,  and  his  treatment  is  provokingly  brief  (Commen- 
taries on  tin-  Gallic  War,  bk.  iv,  chs.  1-3;  and  vi,  chs.  21-24).     Tacitus, 


1 I  1    the  early  Greek  political  organization,  §§  82-84. 


§  588]  POLITICAL   ORGANIZATION.  491 

in  his  Germania,  treats  them  at  length,  but  less  as  a  skilled  observer  than  as 
a  moralist  —  to  contrast  their  barbaric  simplicity  and  virtue  with  the  vices 
of  Roman  civilization.  Guernsey  Jones'  Source  Extracts — Civilization 
in  the  Middle  Ages  —  contains  twenty  pages  of  extracts  from  the  £?<  rmania 
and  longer  extracts  are  given  in  the  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  \T,  No.  ::. 
One  of  these  should  be  accessible  to  every  student. 

Modern  accounts  :  the  three  most  readable  treatments  are  the  opening 
pages  of  Green's  English  People,  Taine's  English  Literature  (bk.  i.  ch.  i. 
sections  1-3),  and  Kingsley's  Roman  and  Teuton,  1-16  ("The  Foresl 
Children").  The  last  is  idealized.  There  are  briefer  valuable  and 
scholarly  accounts  in  Hodgkin's  Theodosius  (close  of  chapter  ii),  and  in 
Henderson's  Short  History  of  Germany,  I,  1-11. 

Gibbon's  Deeline  and  Fall,  ch.  ix,  gives  a  famous  discussion.  Kingsley 
protests  indignantly  against  Gibbon's  view  of  the  stage  of  Teutonic  cul- 
ture ;  but  see  Adams'  Civilization,  7,  8. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   WANDERING   OF   THE   PEOPLES  —  FIFTH  AND   SIXTH 
CENTURIES.  —  (376-565  A.D.) 

How  can  a  man  draw  a  picture  of  that  which  has  no  shape;  or  tell  the 
order  of  absolute  disorder  ?  It  is  all  .  .  .  like  the  working  of  an  ant- 
heap;  like  the  insects  devouring  each  other  in  a  drop  of  water.  Teuton 
tribes,  Slavonic  tribes,  Tartar  tribes,  Boman  generals,  empresses,  bishops, 
courtiers,  adventurers,  <tj>jicttr  for  a  moment  out  of  the  crowd,  —  dim 
phantoms  ....  and  then  vanish,  proving  their  humanity  only  by  leav- 
ing behind  them  one  more  stain  of  blood.  —  Charles  Kingslky. 

I.  THE  TEUTONS  BREAK  OVER  THE  BARRIERS. 
A.     The  Danube  (37C-378  A.D.). 

589.  Admission  of  the  West  Goths  into  the  Empire ;  Battle  of 
Adrianople.  —  The  event  which  we  now  recognize  as  the  first 
step  in  the  victory  of  the  Teutons  seemed  at  the  time  only  a 
continuation  of  an  old  policy  of  the  Empire.  Many  tribes  had 
been  admitted  within  the  boundaries  as  allies  (§  f>78)  and  had 
proven  faithful  defenders  of  the  frontiers.  In  37G,  such  a 
measure  was  repeated  on  a  vast  scale. 

The  story  has  been  told  briefly  in  §  5G3.  The  whole 
people  <>!'  the  West  Goths  (Visigoths)  appeared  on  the  Danube 
fleeing  from  the  more  terrible  Huns — wild,  nomadic  horse- 
man from  Tartary.  Valens,  emperor  of  the  East,  granted  the 
prayers  of  the  fugitives,  allowed  them  to  cross  the  Danube, 
and  gave  them  lands  south  of  the  river.  They  were  to  give  up 
their  arms,  while  Roman  agents  were  to  supply  them  food  until 
the  harvest.  These  agents  embezzled  the  imperial  funds  and 
furnished  vile  and  insufficient  food3  while  at  the  same  time, 
for  bribes,   they  allowed  the  barbarians  to  keep  their  arms. 

492 


§589]  TEUTONS   BREAK   OVER   THE    BARRIERS.  t93 


494  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§590 

The  Goths  rose  and  marched  on  Constantinople.  At 
Adrianople  (.'578  a.d.)  Valens  was  defeated  and  slain.  This 
battle  marks  the  beginning  of  the  Teutonic  conquest.  The 
Goths  ravaged  the  land  up  to  the  walls  of  the  capital,  but  they 
could  not  storm  a  great  city.  The  new  emperor,  Theodosius 
the  Great,  finally  pacified  them,  and  they  remained  peaceful 
settlers  for  nearly  twenty  years. 

590.  Alaric  in  Greece,  Illyria,  and  Italy.  —  In  395,  Theodo- 
sius died,  and  at  once  masses  of  the  Goths  rose  under  an 
ambitious  young  chieftain,  Alaric,  whom  they  soon  made  king 
of  their  nation.  Alaric  led  his  host  into  Greece.  For  a  heavy 
ransom,  he  spared  Athens,  but  he  sacked  Corinth,  Argos, 
Sparta,  and  all  the  Peloponnesus.  He  was  trapped  there  by 
the  gigantic  Vandal  Stilicho,  a  general  of  Honorius,  emperor 
of  the  West  (§  564)  ;  but  finally  the  Goth  either  bought  or 
maneuvered  his  way  out,  with  all  his  plunder. 

Arcadius,  the  terrified  emperor  of  the  East,  then  gave 
him  a  commission  as  "imperial  lieutenant"  in  Illyria  and 
Greece;  and  "there  he  staid,  somewhere  about  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic,  poised  like  an  eagle  in  mid  air,  watching  Rome 
on  one  side  and  Byzant  on  the  other,  uncertain  for  a  while 
on  which  quarry  he  should  swoop."  In  402,  he  made  up 
his  mind  for  Rome.  Stilicho,  the  Roman  shield,  beat  him 
off  in  two  battles;  and  he  drew  back  for  a  few  years  more 
into  Illvria. 

591.  The  Sack  of  Rome,  410  ad.  —  Meanwhile  Stilicho 
turned  upon  and  destroyed  a  more  savage  horde  of  two  hun- 
dred thousand  wild  Germans,  who  had  poured  down  through 
the  Alps  under  Radogast  and  were  besieging  Florence.  Soon 
afterward  Honorius,  very  possibly  with  good  reason,  suspected 
Stilicho  of  plotting  to  seize  the  throne,  and  had  him  mur- 
dered.    The  deed  was  signal  enough  for  Alaric  to  try  Italy 

more.  The  weak  Honorius  hid  himself  in  his  impregna- 
ble fortress  of  Kaveuna,  defended  by  its  marshes,  and  left  the 
Goths  free  to  work  their  will.  Alaric  captured  Rome;  and 
then  for  live  days  and  nights  that  proud  city  was  given  up  to 


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SECOND  INROAD  OF  HUNS 

■     —  —  —    VANDALS 

■a* VISIGOTHS 

I  I   I    I    I      OSTROGOTHS,  TO  489 
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JUTES,   SAXONS,  AND  ANGLE8. 


§502]  TEUTONS    BREAK   OVER   THE   BARRIERS.  195 

sack  (410  a.d.)  '  — just  800  years  after  its  capture  by  the  Gauls 
(§  327). 

592.    The  Visigothic  Kingdom  in  Spain.  —  Alaric  then  led  his 

host  south,  intending  to  cross  to  Africa  by  way  of  Sicily  ;  but 
he  died  2  on  the  way,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Atauff 
(Adolph).  Alaric  had  not  been  a  mere  destructive  barbarian. 
He  had  great  respect  for  Roman  civilization  and  the  Roman 
name,  and  when  he  captured  Rome  lie  ordered  (an  order  nut 
well  obeyed)  that  the  lives  of  the  citizens  should  be  spared  and 
the  treasures  of  the  temples  be  left  unmolested.  Ataulf  felt 
even  more  strongly  the  spell  of  Roman  civilization.    Said  he :  — 

"  It  was  at  first  my  wish  to  destroy  the  Roman  name,  and  erect  in  its 
place  a  Gothic  empire,  taking  to  myself  the  place  and  the  powers  of  Caesar 
Augustus.  But  when  experience  taught  me  that  the  untamable  barbarism 
.of  the  Goths  would  not  suffer  them  to  live  beneath  the  sway  of  law,  .  .  . 
I  chose  the  glory  of  renewing  and  maintaining  by  Gothic  strength  the 
fame  of  Rome,  desiring  to  go  down  to  posterity  as  the  restorer  of  that 
Rinnan  power  which  it  was  beyond  my  power  to  replace." 

Meantime  other  Teutonic  tribes  had  broken  across  the  Rhine 
and  were  ravaging  Gaul  and  Spain  (§§  593  ff.).  Ataulf  married 
the  sister  of  the  emperor  and  accepted  a  commission  as  his 
lieutenant  to  conquer  these  new  invaders.  He  led  his  Goths 
out  of  Italy  (which  was  what  Honorius  cared  most  for),  con- 
quered the  Vandals  who  had  seized  Spain,  and  set  up  a  Gothic 
kingdom  there  (414.-419  A.D.).  This  ivas  the  first  permanent 
Teutonic  state  within  the  old  empire. 

The  Visigothic  kingdom  at  first  included  much  also  of  south  Gaul;  but 
that  territory  was  to  be  lost  in  less  than  a  century  to  the  Franks  (§  619). 


1  The  Romans  had  believed  Rome  the  "Eternal  City,"  and  the  world  was 
thrown  into  unspeakable  consternation  by  its  fall.  The  pagans  explained  it 
as  a  punishment  for  the  desertion  of  the  old  gods.  This  view  was  important 
enough  so  that  St.  Augustine  (§579)  wrote  his  City  <>f  God  to  refute  it  and  to 
show  that  the  true  "Eternal  City"  was  not  of  this  world.  Extracts  from 
this  work  are  given  in  Robinson's  Readings,  ch.  iii.  Dill's  Roman  TA/e  hi  /!(■■ 
Last  Cei/furi/  <>/  ("<'  Erhpire,  303-314,  lias  a.  good  t  reatment  of  the  moral  effect 
of  the  capture  of  Rome. 

2  Special  report:  story  of  Alaric's  burial. 


496  FIRST   AND   SIXTH    CENTURIES   A.D.  [§593 

The  kingdom  in  Spain  lasted  three  hundred  years,  to  the  Mohammedan 
conquest  (§  655),  and,  centuries  later,  its  fragments  grew  together  again 
into  the  Spain  of  modern  times. 

B.     The   Ehine. 

593.  The  Bursting  of  the  Barrier.  —  For  nearly  forty  years 
after  the  departure  of  the  West  Goths,  Italy  had  peace,  but 
meantime  all  the  rest  of  the  West  was  lost.  Even  before  the 
sack  of  Rome  the  Rhine  frontier  had  given  wa}^.  Clouds  of 
Germans  had  long  been  massing  on  that  river.  After  Alaric's 
first  attack  upon  Italy,  some  of  the  Roman  troops  were  with- 
drawn from  the  Rhine  to  strengthen  that  land  ;  and,  in  406,  the 
barbarians  forced  a  passage.  Then,  with  little  opposition,  they 
spread  themselves  over  Gaul  and  Spain.  The  leading  peoples 
of  the  invasion  were  the  Butgundians  and  the  Vandals. 

594.  The  Burgundians  settled  in  Southeastern  Gaul,  where 
their  name  has  always  remained.  A  little  later,  under  their 
king,  Gundobald,  they  produced  the  earliest  written  code  of 
Teutonic  law.  Like  the  Goths,  too,  they  soon  came  to  regard 
themselves,  in  a  vague  way,  as  living  under  the  authority  of 
the  Empire.  A  Burgundian  king,  thanking  the  emperor  for 
the  title  Patrician,  writes  :  — 

"  My  people  is  yours,  and -to  rule  them  delights  me  less  than  to  serve 
you.  .  .  .  Our  ancestors  have  always  preferred  what  an  emperor  gave  to 
all  their  fathers  could  bequeath.  In  ruling  our  nation,  we  hold  ourselves 
but  your  Lieutenants:  you,  whose  divinely  appointed  sway  no  barrier 
bounds,  whose  beams  shine  from  the  Bosphorus  into  distant  Gaul,  employ 
n-  to  administer  the  remoter  regions  of  your  empire;  your  world  is  our 
Fatherland." 

595.  The  Vandal  Kingdom  in  Africa. — The  Vandals  settled 
first  in  Spain.  In  414  (§  591),  they  were  attacked  by  the  West 
Goths.  The  struggle  was  long  and  stern;  but,  in  427,  the 
Vandals  withdrew,  crossing  into  Africa.  There,  after  ten  years 
of  fighting,  they  set  up  a  new  Teutonic  kingdom  with  its 
capital  at  <  !arthage. 

These  Vandals  were  the  most  untamable  of  all  the  Teutonic 
peoples,  and  the  word  "Vandalism"  has  become  a  synonym 


§597]  TEUTONS   BREAK   OVER   THE    BARRIERS.  497 

for  wanton  destructiveness.  Seated  at  Cartilage,  they  became 
pirates  and  terrorized  the  Mediterranean.  They  ravaged  much 
of  Sicily,  and,  in  J^55,  under  their  king  Geiseric,  they  invaded 
Italy  and  sacked  Rome  in  a  way  that  made  Alaric's  capture 
seem  merciful.  For  fourteen  days  the  barbarians  ravaged  the 
ancient  capital,  loading  their  ships  with  the  spoils  which  Rome 
had  plundered  from  all  the  world.  At  last  Carthage  was 
avenged,  and  Scipio's  foreboding  (§  390)  had  come  true. 

To  the  infinite  loss  of  the  world,  much  of  this  plunder  was 
engulfed  in  the  Mediterranean  in  a  storm  which  destroyed  a 
large  part  of  the  fleet  on  its  way  back  to  Africa.  The  Vandal 
kingdom  lasted  about  a  century  longer,  until  it  was  overthrown 
by  Belisarius,  general  of  the  Eastern  Emperor  Justinian  (§  612 1. 
At  that  time  Africa  was  again  reunited  to  the  Empire. 

596.  The  Franks  and  Romans  in  North  Gaul. —  Another  Ger- 
man people,  the  Franks,  had  long  had  homes  on  both  sides 
of  the  lower  Rhine,  from  Cologne  to  the  sea.  They  had  been 
"allies"  of  Rome  ;  but  now  they  began  to  add  to  their  terri- 
tory by  spreading  themselves  slowly  westward  over  North 
Gaul.  In  the  end  they  proved  the  most  important  of  all  the 
Teutonic  invaders,  but  their  real  advance  was  not  to  begin 
until  toward  the  close  of  the  century  (§§  616  ff.). 

Meantime,  in  northwestern  Gaul,  a  semblance  of  Roman 
authority  was  kept  up  by  Roman  generals,  who  were  really 
independent  sovereigns. 

597.  The  Angles  and  Saxons  in  Britain.  —  In  408,  the  Roman 
legions  were  withdrawn  from  Britain  to  defend  Italy  against 
Alaric,  and,  to  the  dismay  of  the  inhabitants,  that  island  was 
abandoned  by  the  imperial  government.  Fur  man}'  years,  in 
the  latter  part  of  Roman  rule,  fierce  Saxon  pirates  had  been 
cruelly  harassing  the  eastern  coasts,  swooping  down  in  their 
swift  barks  to  burn,  slay,  and  plunder;  then  sacrificin 
Woden  on  the  shore  a  tenth  of  their  captives,  and  vanishing 
as  swiftly  as  they  came.1 

1  Church's  Count  of  the  Scuoji  Shore  is  a  readable  novel  dealing  with  this 
period  of  England's  history. 


498  FIFTH  AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  598 

The  civilized,  peaceful  Britons  were  now  left  to  defend 
themselves  against  these  terrible  German  marauders  as  well  as 
against  the  untamed  Celts  beyond  the  northern  -wall  (§§  485, 
488).  In  despaii',  they  finally  called  in  the  German  raiders 
to  beat  off  the  other  foe,  and  these  dangerous  protectors  soon 
began  to  seize  the  land  for  themselves. 

The  chief  invading  tribes  were  the  Jutes  from  the  Danish 
peninsula  (Jutland)  and  the  Saxons  and  Angles  (English)  from 
its  base.  The  Jutes  made  the  first  permanent  settlement, 
about  the  middle  of  the  century  (449  a.d.),  in  southeastern 
Britain.  The  Saxons  occupied  the  southern  shore,  and  the 
Angles  the  eastern,  carving  out  numerous  petty  states  in  a 
long  series  of  cruel  campaigns.  Gradually  these  little  units 
were  welded  into  larger  kingdoms,  until  there  appeared  seven 
prominent  Teutonic  states:  Kent,  the  kingdom  of  the  Jutes: 
Sussex,  Essex,  and  Wessex  (kingdoms  of  the  South  Saxons, 
East  Saxons,  and  West  Saxons)  ;  and  the  English  kingdoms 
of  East  Anglia,  Nbrthumbria,  and  Mercia.  AYe  sometimes 
call  the  group  of  seven  kingdoms  the  Heptarchy. 

This  conquest  unlike  that  of  Gaul  and  Spain,  was  c<jrii  slow. 
The  inhabitants  soon  rallied  and  waged  a  gallant  defense. 
It  took  the  Germans  a  century  and  a  half  (until  about  GOO) 
to  extend  their  sway  over  the  eastern  half  of  the  island. 

ii.    the  iiuns. 

598.  New  Barbarian  Races. —  The  Roman  world  had  lone:  since  conic  in 
<■■  mtacl  with  ( '<  Its  (( ianls  and  Britons)  in  western  Europe  and  with  Germans 
in  tin'  central  parts.  In  the  southeast,  beyond  the  Danube  and  the  Goths, 
there  had  appeared  also  a  new  people,  the  Slavs,  who  were  soon  to  play, 
cast  of  the  Adriatic,  the  part  played  by  the  Teutons  on  the  west.  Though 
barbarians,  these  three  races.  Celts,  Germans,  and  Slavs,  all  showed  some 
ity  for  civilization.  All  of  them,  too,  spoke  languages  allied  in 
some  measure  to  the  Greek  and  Roman. 

But  somewhat  before  400,  as  we  have  noted  (§§  563,  589),  there  ap- 
peared behind  the  Germans  and  Slavs  a  confused  mass  of  ruder  and 
more  3*a  age  peoples,  Huns,  Tartars,  Finns,  Avars,  pressing  into  Europe 
from  the  steppes  of  Asia.       We  call  thesH  invaders  Turanians.       They 


§000]  THE    HUNS.  499 

seem  to  have  belonged  to  different  stocks  from  the  European  peoples,  and 
to  have  resembled  the  ancient  Scythians  (§  62).  The  pressure  of  these 
savages  is  said  to  have  been  one  cause  why  the  Teutons  dashed  so  fran- 
tically upon  the  Roman  barriers  about  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century. 
Now  they  themselves  were  to  break  in  (§  599).1 

599.  The  Hunnish  Invasion ;  the  Rallying  of  the  West.  — 
"While  the  Teutons  were  busy  setting  up  kingdoms  in  the 
crumbling  Empire,  they  and.  the  Romans  were  threatened  for 
a  moment  with  common  ruin.  Attila,  king  of  the  Huns,  had 
built  up  a  vast  military  power,  reaching  from  central  Asia  into 
central  Europe.  It  was  his  boast  that  grass  never  grew  again 
where  his  horse's  hoof  had  trod.  Now,  in  the  middle  of  the 
fifth  century,  his  terrible  hordes  rolled  resistlessly  into  Gaul. 

Happily  the  peoples  of  the  West  realized  their  danger  and 
laid  aside  all  small  rivalries  to  meet  it.  Theodoric,  the  hern- 
king  of  the  Visigoths,  brought  up  his  hosts  from  Sp;iin  1m  fight 
under  the  Roman  banner.  Burgundian  and  Frank  rallied  from 
the  corners  of  Gaul,  and  Aetius2  "the  Last  of  the  Romans," 
marshaled  all  these  allies  and  the  last  great  Roman  army  of 
the  West  against  the  countless  Hunnish  swarms  reenforced. 
by  Tartar,  Slav,  Finn,  and  even  by  tributary  German  peoples. 

600.  Battle  of  Chalons. — The  fate  of  the  world  hung  trem- 
bling in  the  balance,  while  the  great  "battle  of  the  nations" 
was  fought  out  at  Chalons  {451  a.d).  United  though  they 
were,  the  forces  of  civilization  seemed  insignificant  before  the 
innumerable  hosts  of  the  Asiatics.  Theodoric  fell  gallantly, 
sword  in  hand.  But  at  last  the  victory  was  won  by  the 
generalship  of  the  hero  Aetius.  Attila  is  said  to  have  losl 
three  hundred  thousand  men  (greatly  exaggerated  numbers,  no 
doubt);  and  with  spent  force  his  invasion  rolled  away  to  Italy 
and  the  East. 

i  Caution:  the  student  must  remember  that  the  Slavs  were  nol  a  branch  <>f 
the  Germans,  but  a  distinct  race.  (From  them  came  the  modern  Russians, 
Bulgarians,  Poles,  Bohemians,  Servians.)  In  like  manner,  tin  Eluna  musl  be 
kept  distinct  from  both  Teutons  and  Slavs. 

2  Despite  his  Romanized  name,  Aetius  was  a  German;  much  of  his  youth 
had  been  spent  among  the  Huus. 


500  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  001 

"  That  is  the  Hunnenschlacht ;  '  a  battle,'  as  Jornandes J  calls  it,  'atrox, 
multiplex,  humane,  pertinax.'  Antiquity,  he  says,  tells  of  nothing  like 
it.  No  man  who  had  lost  that  sight  could  say  that  he  had  seen  aught 
worth  seeing.  A  fight  gigantic,  supernatural  in  vastness  and  horror,  and 
in  the  legends  which  still  hang  about  the  place.  You  may  see  one  of  them 
in  Von  Kaulbach's  immortal  design  —  the  ghosts  of  the  Huns  and  the 
ghosts  of  the  Germans  rising  from  their  graves  on  the  battle-night  in 
every  year,  to  fight  it  over  again  in  the  clouds,  while  the  country  far 
and  wide  trembles  at  their  ghostly  hurrah.1'  —  Kingsley,  Roman  and 
T(  uton,  88. 

"  It  was  the  perpetual  question  of  history,  the  struggle  told  long  ago  by 
Herodotus,  the  struggle  between  Europe  and  Asia,  the  struggle  between 
cosmos  and  chaos  —  the  struggle  between  Aetius  and  Attila.  For  Aetius 
was  the  man  who  now  stood  in  the  breach,  and  sounded  the  Roman 
trumpet  to  call  the  nations  to  do  battle  for  the  hopes  of  humanity  and 
defend  the  cause  of  reason  against  the  champions  of  brute  force.  The 
menace  of  that  monstrous  host  which  was  preparing  to  pass  the  Rhine 
was  to  exterminate  the  civilization  that  had  grown  up  for  centuries  .  .  . 
and  to  paralyze  the  beginnings  of  Teutonic  life.  .  .   . 

'•  Rut  the  interests  of  the  Teutons  were  more  vitally  concerned  at  this 
crisis  than  [even]  the  interests  of  the  empire.  .  .  .  Their  nascent  civili- 
zation would  have  been  crushed  under  the  yoke  of  that  servitude  which 
blights,  and  they  would  not  have  been  able  to  learn  longer  at  the  feet  of 
"Rome  the  arts  of  peace  and  culture.''''  —  Bury,  Later  Roman  Empire, 
I,  170. 

601.  Attila  before  Rome;  Pope  Leo.  — Attila  turned  upon  de- 
fenseless Rome  ;  but  the  great  Pope  Leo  journeyed  to  the  camp, 
and  by  his  intercession  turned  the  Hun  from  his  prey.2  There 
may  have  been  other  causes  to  assist  Leo.  One  ancient  writer 
hints  that  Attila's  army  was  wasting  under  Italian  fever;  and 
no  doubt  it  was  sadly  harassed  by  the  forces  of  Aetius  hang- 
ing upon  its  rear. 

At  all  events,  Attila  withdrew  from  Italy  and  died  shortly 
after.  Then  his  empire  fell  to  pieces,  and  the  Teutons  of 
Germany  regained  their  freedom  in  another  great  battle,  at 
Netad. 

1  A  bishop  and  historian  who  wrote  about  a  century  after  Chalons.  Abetter 
spelling  of  the  Dame  is  Jordanes. 

2  See  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  40-51,  for  two  ancient  accounts. 


§603]  ITALY  FROM  ALARIC   TO   ODOVAKER.  50] 

One  curious  result  followed  Attila's  invasion  of  Italy.  To 
escape  the  Huns,  some  of  the  ancient  Yeneti  (§  261)  of  north- 
east Italy  took  refuge  among  swampy  islands  at  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic,  and  so  began  a  settlement  destined  to  grow  into 
the  great  republic  of  Arenice. 

Special  Reports.  — 1.  A  glimpse  of  Hun  life  (see  Bury's  Later  Roman 

Empire,  I,  213-223,  and  Robinson's  Readings,  35-36,  47-49).    2.  Attila's 
pretexts  (see  Bury,  I,  175).      3.  Aetius. 


III.     ITALY  IN  THE    FIFTH    AND   SIXTH    CENTURIES. 

A.    From  Alaric  to  Odovaker. 

602.  The  Empire  in  the  West  from  the  Division  under  the 
Sons  of  Theodosius  to  the  Reunion  with  the  East.  — ■  Early  in  the 
fifth  century,  as  we  have  seen,  Africa  and  all  the  provinces  of 
the  Empire  west  of  Italy  were  abandoned  to  the  Germans. 
The  "Empire  in  the  West"  was  restricted  in  actual  power  to 
Italy.  It  had  its  capital  at  Eavenna,  amid  the  impenetrable 
swamps  of  the  northeast;  and  there  the  line  of  "emperors  in 
the  West"  lasted,  after  the  division  of  the  Empire  between 
the  sons  of  Theodosius,  until  Romulus  Augustulus,  in  I7<i 
(§  604).  During  all  this  period  of  eighty  years  tin-  real  power 
was  held  by  German  generals  whose  ability  supported  the  totter- 
ing throne.  Until  455,  however,  this  fact  was  much  less  clear 
than  it  was  after  that  date  (§§  (508,  604). 

603.  Story  of  the  Emperors,  395-455.  —  The  reign  of  Ifonorius  (395- 
423),  son  of  Theodosius  the  Great,  has  been  referred  to  several  times  in 
the  account  of  the  Invasions.  His  great  general  Stilieho  the  Vandal, 
who  had  long  held  Alaric  in  check  and  who  destroyed  the  hordi 
Radogast  (§§  590,  591),  was  at  last  murdered  by  Honorius,  lest  lie  should 
grow  too  powerful.  Then  Alaric's  Goths  ravaged  Italy  and  s 
Rome  (410  a.d.).  At  the  same  time  Britain  was  abandoned,  and  now 
Spain,  with  most  of  Gaul,  was  lost  to  Burgundians,  Franks.  Vandals,  ami 
Goths  (§§  592-596).  Through  the  regard  of  Alaric's  successor,  Ataulf, 
for  Roman  civilization,  Italy  was  freed  from  her  invaders,  and  for  forty 
years  rested  in  c^fa^fE  Wffifr  M  k  1    ^CH,m  . 


ItQg  AflGBkBS,  GKh. 


502  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§604 

<  >n  the  death  of  Honorius,  Theodosius  II,  Emperor  in  the  East,  gave 
the  western  throne  to  Valentinian  III.,  son  of  a  daughter  of  Theodosius 
the  Great.  Valentinian,  a  weak  and  wicked  prince,  reigned  from  42-5  to 
155.  Africa  was  lost  to  the  Vandals,  and  German  tribes  began  to  estab- 
lish themselves  in  Britain  (§§  595,  597).  Such  part  of  the  Empire  as  was 
saved  owed  its  preservation  to  Aetius,  an  imperial  general,  who  for  many 
years  upheld  Roman  authority  in  much  of  Gaul  against  the  German 
peoples,  and  who  finally  united  these  Germans  to  repulse  Attila  at  Chalons 
I  §§  599-601).  Aetius  expected  to  marry  his  son  to  the  daughter  of  the 
emperor,  and  so  secure  the  throne  for  his  family  ;  but  Valentinian,  jeal- 
ous of  his  great  protector,  murdered  him.  Soon  afterward  Valentinian 
was  himself  murdered  by  a  Roman  senator  Maximus,  whose  home  he  had 
outraged. 

Maximus  seized  the  throne  and  compelled  Eudoxia,  the  widow  of  his 
victim,  to  marry  him.  Eudoxia  invited  Geiseric,  king  of  the  Vandals,  to 
avenge  her.  The  Vandals  captured  Rome  (§  595),  and  Maximus  was 
slain  in  his  flight,  after  a  three  months'  reign. 

604.  Italy  :  Story  of  the  Rulers  from  the  Sack  of  Rome  by 
Geiseric  to  the  Reunion  of  Italy  with  the  Empire  in  the  East,  455- 
476.  —  After  the  Vandal  raid,  power  in  Italy  fell  to  Count 
Rikimer,  a  German  general,  avIio  in  sixteen  j^ears  (456—472) 
set  up  and  deposed  four  puppet  emperors.  That  is,  at  last 
Rikimer  did  successfully  what  Honorius  and  Valentinian  had 
suspected  Stilicho  and  Aetius  of  planning  to  do. 

Then  Orestes,  another  general  of  the  Empire,  advanced  a 
step  beyond  the  policy  of  Rikimer.  He  deposed  the  reigning 
prince  and  set  his  own  son  upon  the  throne,  while  lie  himself 
ruled  as  the  real  power  for  four  years,  until  he  was  over- 
thrown and  slain  by  Odovaker,  yet  another  German  officer  in 
the  imperial  service. 

Odovaker  took  another  step  in  advance  in  the  attack  upon 
the  Empire  in  the  West.  He  dethroned  the  boy,  Romulus 
Augustus  Ui<>  Little,  the  son  of  Orestes  (476  a.d.),  and  sent  him 
to  live  in  luxurious  imprisonment  in  a  villa  near  Naples  ;  Odo- 
>■  then  ruled  trill, out  even  tin-  form  of  an  Emperor  in  If<di/. 
He  did  not.  however,  dare  call  himself  king  of  Italy.  Instead, 
he  claimed  to  represent  the  distant  emperor  at  Constantinople. 
At  his  command,  the  Senate  of  Rome  sent  to  Zeno  (then  em- 


§605]       KINGDOM   OF   THE   EAST   GOTHS   IN   ITALY.  503 

peror  in  the  East)  the  diadem  and  royal  robes,  urging  that  the 
West  did  not  need  a  separate  emperor.  They  asked,  therefore, 
that  Zeno  receive  the  "diocese"  of  Italy  as  part  of  his  domin- 
ion, and  intrust  its  government  to  Odovaker  as  his  lieutenant.1 

Thus,  in  name,  Italy  became  a  province  of  the  Greek  Em- 
pire,2 and,  after  4?6}S  there  tvas  no  emperor  in  the  West  for  more 
than  three  hundred  years.  Odovaker's  power  really  rested  upon 
the  support  of  German  tribes  who  made  up  the  Roman  army 
in  the  peninsula.  Of  one  of  these  tribes  (the  Heruli)  he  was 
king.  But  with  the  native  Italians  his  authority,  in  theory, 
came  from  his  position  as  the  representative  of  the  emperor 
at  Constantinople. 

Odovaker  tried  to  reconcile  his  German  and  his  Roman  sub- 
jects. He  gathered  about  him  Roman  philosophers  and  states- 
men, established  good  order,  and  ruled  firmly  for  many  years, 
until  he  was  overthrown  by  a  powerful  German  people  whose 
king  was  to  carry  his  work  still  further  (§  605). 

B.     The  Kingdom  of  the  East  Goths  in  Italy. 

605.  The  Ostrogoths  before  they  entered  Italy.  —  When  the 
West  Goths  sought  refuge  south  of  the  Danube  in  .'576  (§  593), 
an  eastern  division  of  the  same  race  had  submitted  to   the 


i  Cf.  like  commissions  to  Goths,  Burgundiaus,  and  Franks  (§§  590,  592, 
594,630). 

2  For  this  name,  see  §  010. 

3  The  year  47<>  is  sometimes  said  to  have  seen  the  "  Fall  of  the  Empire." 
The  act  of  Odovaker  in  that  year,  however,  is  simply  a  continuation  of  the 
policy  of  Aetius,  Rikimer,  and  Orestes,  and  that  policy  was  t<>  be  carried  still 
further  hy  Theodoric  (§  '305).  Probably  the  name  of  the  boy-emperor  wli" 
lost  the  throne  in  47<>  has  had  much  to  do  with  exaggerating  the  importanc 
of  the  date.  It  was  very  tempting  to  say  that  the  history  of  Rome  and 
that  of  the  Empire  came  to  an  end,  witli  a  ruler  who  bore  Hie  name  cf  1 1 1«- 
founder  of  the  city  and  the  founder  of  the  Empire.  The  .hit,',  however,  has 
no  more  significance  than  378,  410,  or  4<K.  It  is  one  of  a  series.  The  student 
may  consult  Bryce's  Holy  Roman  Empire,  eh.  iii.  or  Freeman's  review  of 
that  hook  in  his  Essays.  3d  Series,  or  Bury's  Latt  r  Roman  Empire,  Preface, 
and  bk.  iii,  ch.  v. 


504  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  606 

Huns.  On  the  death  of  Attila,  these  East  Goths  (Ostrogoths) 
recovered  their  independence.  Soon  afterward  they  forced  their 
way  into  the  provinces  of  the  Eastern  Empire  south  of  the 
J  hxnube.  There  they  dwelt  for  thirty  years,  sometimes  as  allies 
of  the  Empire,  sometimes  as  enemies. 

Their  young  king,  Theodoric,1  was  brought  up  at  the  imperial 
court  as  a  hostage.  He  had  felt  the  charm  of  Roman  civiliza- 
tion and  adopted  its  culture ;  but,  with  it  all,  he  remained  a 
typical  Teutonic  hero  —  of  gigantic  stature  and  romantic  tem- 
per, a  matchless  warrior,  impetuous  in  strife  and  wise  in 
counsel  —  the  kingliest  figure  of  all  the  centuries  of  the 
invasions. 

606.  The  Conquest  of  Italy.  —  In  489,  Theodoric  asked  leave 
fi( mi  Zriio  to  reconquer  Italy  for  the  Empire.  Both  Theodoric 
and  Odovaker  had  been  growing  too  powerful  to  please  the 
Emperor,  who  would  have  been  glad  to  destroy  either  bar- 
barian by  the  other.  Accordingly,  with  magnificent  ceremo- 
nial In-  appointed  Theodoric  "  patrician,"  and  gave  the  desired 
commission. 

<  Idovaker  made  a  gallant  resistance  for  four  years.  Theodo- 
ric beat  him  at  Verona  in  a  great  battle,  and  then  besieged 
him  in  the  fortress  of  Ravenna.  Odovaker  finally  surrendered 
on  terms,  but  soon  after  was  murdered  at  a  banquet,  on  some 
suspicion,  by  Theodoric's  own  hand,  —  the  one  sad  blot  on  the 
great  Goth's  fame. 

607.  "  Theodoric  the  Civilizer,  "  493-526  A.D.  —  Then  began 
a  Gothic  kingdom  in  Italy,  like  the  Teutonic  states  in  Spain 
and  Burgundy,  and  one  that  deserved  a  better  fate  than  was 
1()  befall  it.  The  Ostrogoths  had  come  in  as  a  nation,  with 
women  and  children.  They  took  a  third  of  the  lands  of  Italy, 
I'ni  all  the  rights  of  the  Roman  population  were  respected 
scrupulously.  Goth  and  Roman  lived  in  harmony  side  by  side, 
each    under  his  own   law.     Cities  were  rebuilt  and  new  ones 


1  This  Theodoric  must  nol  be  confused  with  Theodoric  the  West  Goth,  §599. 
Students  will  enjoy  and  profit  by  Hodgkin's  Theodoric  the  doth. 


§608]        KINGDOM  OF   THE   EAST   GOTHS    IX    ITALY. 


505 


founded,  with  a  new  period  of  architectural  splendor.  The 
land  was  subdivided  into  small  estates.  Agriculture  revived, 
and  Italy  once  more  raised  her  own  food.  Theodoric's  long 
reign  was  peaceful,  prosperous,  and  happy,  and  the  peninsula 
began  to  recover  her  former  greatness. 


Church  of  San  Vitale  at  Ravenna  (time  of  Theodoric  the  Great). 

608.    The  " Empire"  of  Theodoric.  —The  power  of  Theodoric 

extended,  indeed,  far  beyond  Italy.     He  organized  an  alliance 
reaching  over  all  the  Teutonic  states  of  the  West.     His  wife 


506 


FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D. 


[§609 


was  a  Frankish  princess;  the  Burgundian  and  Visigothic  kings 
were  his  sons-in-law;  his  sister  was  married  to  the  king  of  the 
Vandals.  All  these  peoples  recognized  a  certain  preeminence 
in  "  Theodoric  the  Great."  It  seemed  as  though  he  were  about 
to  reunite  the  West  into  a  great  Teutonic  empire,  and,  by  three 
centuries,  anticipate  Charles  the  Great  (§§  671-674). 

609.  Weak  Points  in  the  Gothic  State.  —  After  all,  however, 
the  Goths  were  strangers  ruling  a  Roman  population  vastly 
larger  than  themselves.     More  serious  still,  they  were  Arians. 


mm 

mm  n..4$P 


Sepulcher  of  Theodoric  the  Great  at  Ravenna. 


Theodoric  had  given  perfect  freedom  to  the  orthodox  Chris- 
tians; but  the  more  zealous  of  these  found  it  unbearable 
to  be  ruled  by  heretics.  Theodoric's  last  years  were  dark- 
ened by  plots  among  the  Romans  to  bring  in  the  orthodox 
Eastern  power;  and  the  night  after  his  death,  so  it  was 
told,  a  holy  hermit  saw  his  soul  flung  down  the  crater  of 
Stromboli. 

A  strong  successor  perhaps  could  yet  have  maintained  the 
state.  But  Theodoric  left  only  a  daughter;  the  Goths  at  once 
fell  into  factions  among  themselves;  and  soon  the  kingdom 
was  attacked  and  destroyed  by  the  Empire  (§  612). 


§612]  THE  EMPIRE   AT  CONSTANTINOPLE.  507 

C.    Revival  of  the  Empire  at  Constantinople. 

610.  The  "Greek"  or  Byzantine  Empire.  —  The  Latin  parts 
of  the  empire  had  now  crumbled  away  and  fallen  to  the  Ger- 
man invaders.  There  was  left  the  empire  east  of  the  Adri- 
atic. This  part  had  always  been  essentially  Greek  in  culture 
(§§  400,  516);  and  though  it  called  itself  Roman  for  the  next 
ten  centuries,  we  commonly  speak  of  it  as  the  Greek  Empire 
or  the  Byzantine  Empire.  Separated  from  the  West,  it  rapidly 
grew  more  and  more  Oriental  in  character.  It  preserved 
Greek  learning,  and  warded  off  Persian  and  Arabian  con- 
quest, but  for  several  centuries  it  did  not  otherwise  greatly 
influence  Western  Europe. 

611.  Slav  Invasions  in  the  East. — When  Theodoric  led  his 
Goths  into  Italy,  he  left  the  line  of  the  Danube  open  to  the 
Slavs  (§  598).  That  people  had  been  filtering  into  the  East, 
as  the  Teutons  had  into  the  West,  as  slaves,  coloni,  and 
mercenaries.  Now,  in  403,  in  a  period  of  weak  rulers,  came 
their  first  real  invasion.  Then,  for  a  generation,  successive 
hordes  poured  in,  penetrating  as  far  as  Greece.  Even  the 
neighborhood  of  Constantinople  was  saved  only  by  a  Long  Wall 
which  protected  the  narrow  tongue  of  land,  seventy-eight  miles 
across,  on  which  the  capital  stood. 

612.  Justinian  the  Great :  Restoration  of  the  Empire.  —  Hap- 
pily, before  it  was  too  late,  another  strong  emperor  arose  at 
Constantinople.  Justinian  (527-565  a.d.)  renewed  the  old 
frontier  of  the  Danube,  saved  Europe  from  a  threatened 
Persian  conquest,  and  then  turned  to  restore  the  imperial 
power  in  the  West. 

He  reconquered  Africa,  the  Mediterranean  islands,  and  part 
of  Spain;  and  of  course  he  caught  eagerly  at  the  conditions  in 
Italy,  after  the  death  of  Theodoric,  to  regain  that  land  and  the 
ancient  Roman  capital.  His  generals,  Bel. '/sarins  and  Narses, 
were  victorious  there  also,  but  only  after  a  dreadful  twenty 
years'  war  that  destroyed  at  once  the  Gothic  race  and  the 
rising   greatness  of  the  peninsula.     Rome  itself  was  sacked 


508  FIFTH  AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  613 

once  more  (by  the  Gothic  king,  Totila,  546  a.d.);  and  left  for 
eleven  days  absolutely  uninhabited.1 

613.  The  Justinian  Code.  —  Justinian  is  best  remembered  for 
his  work  in  bringing  about  the  codification  of  the  Roman  law. 
In  the  course  of  centuries  that  law  had  become  an  intolerable 
maze.  Julius  Caesar  had  planned  to  codify  it;  but  the  need 
had  grown  vastly  more  pressing  since  his  time.  A  beginning 
of  the  work  had  been  made  by  Theodosius  II,  emperor  of  the 
East,  and  the  Theodosian  Code  was  published  in  438.2  Now, 
a  century  later,  under  Justinian,  the  great  task  was  completed. 
A  commission  of  able  lawyers  put  the  whole  body  of  the  law 
into  a  new  form,  marvelously  compact,  clear,  and  orderly.3 

This  benefited  not  only  the  empire :  it  made  easier  the 
preservation  of  Roman  law  and  its  adoption  by  the  nations  of 
Europe  in  after  times  (cf.  §  557).  The  reconquest  of  Italy 
by  Justinian  established  the  Code  in  that  land.  Thence,  in 
later  centuries,  it  spread  over  the  West,  and  became  the  foun- 
dation of  all  modern  legal  study  in  continental  Europe,  and 
the  basis  of  nearly  all  codes  of  law  now  in  existence. 

Says  lime  (Early  Home,  2),  "Every  one  of  us  is  benefited  directly  or 
indirectly  by  this  legacy  of  the  Roman  people  —  a  legacy  as  valuable  as 
the  literary  and  artistic  models  which  we  owe  to  the  great  writers  and 
sculptors  of  Greece."  And  Woodrow  Wilson  declares  (The  State,  158) 
thai  Roman  Law  "has  furnished  Europe  with  many,  if  not  most,  of  her 
principles  of  private  right."  4 

1  Read  the  story  of  this  struggle  in  Kingsley's  Roman  and  Teuton.  On 
Justinian's  work  in  general,  see  Oman's  Dark  Ages,  chs.  v,  vi. 

-  Extracts  are  given  in  Robinson's  Readings,  ch.  ii.  Theodosius  II  was  a 
grandson  of  Theodosius  the  Great. 

'■■  The  work  comprised  the  Code,  or  laws  proper,  the  Digest,  based  upon  the 
multitudinous  "  opinions  "  of  the  greal  lawyers  of  the  past,  and  the  Institutes, 
a  kind  of  text-book  upon  tlie  principles  of  Roman  law. 

•M'f.  §  :<:;:>.  English  and  American  law  is  always  regarded,  properly,  as 
having  a  very  distinct  origin;  but  Roman  law  profoundly  affected  legal 
development  even  in  England,  and  so  in  the  United  States,  while  the  law  of 
Louisiana  came  very  directly  from  it  through  the  French  code.  Wilson's  The 
State,  1 12-161,  gives  an  excellent  account  of  the  growth  of  Roman  Law  and  a 
full  bibliography  for  advanced  students.  A  good  treatment  of  Justinian's 
work  is  given  in  Bury's  Later  Roman  Empire,  bk.  iv,  eh.  iii. 


§015]  THE   LOMBARDS  IN   ITALY.  509 


D.     The  Lombards  in  Italy. 

614.  Invited  by  Narses.  —  Among  the  mercenaries  with 
whom  Narses,  Justinian's  general,  had  conquered  the  Goths 
were  bands  of  Lombards.  These  were  a  new  German  people 
who  had  crossed  the  Danube  into  the  Eastern  Empire  when 
the  East  Goths  moved  on  into  Italy.  Narses  became  governor 
of  Italy,  with  the  title  of  exarch  and  with  his  capital  at 
Kavenna.  After  the  death  of  Justinian,  it  is  said,  he  found 
that  enemies  at  the  imperial  court  were  plotting  his  ruin, 
and  in  revenge  he  invited  the  Lombards  to  seize  Italy  for 
themselves. 

615.  Final  Break-up  of  Italian  Unity.  —  In  568,  these  new 
invaders  entered  the  land,  and  soon  occupied  the  greater  pari 
of  it.  Their  chief  kingdom  was  in  the  Po  valley  (which  ever 
since  has  kept  the  name  Lombardy),  while  Lombard  "  duke- 
doms" were  scattered  over  other  parts  of  the  peninsula.  The 
Empire  retained  (1)  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna  on  the  Adri- 
atic, (2)  Rome,  with  a  little  surrounding  territory  on  the  west 
coast,  and  (3)  the  extreme  south.  This  last  was  to  remain 
Greek  for  centuries. 

Thus  the  middle  land,  for  which  Roman  and  Teuton  had 
struggled  through  two  centuries,  was  at  last  divided  between 
them  and  shattered  into  fragments  in  the  process.  Italy  was 
not  again  united  until  1870.  Probably,  too,  no  other  land 
suffered  as  much  in  the  two  centuries  of  invasions  as  this 
beautiful  peninsula,  which  had  so  long  been  mistress  of  the 
Mediterranean  world. 

"Taking  one's  stand  at  Rome,  and  looking  toward  the  north,  what 
does  one  see  for  nearly  one  hundred  years  ?  Wave  after  wave  risin 
of  the  north,  the  land  of  night,  and  wonder,  and  the  terrible  unknown  ; 
visible  only  as  the  light  of  Roman  civilization  strikes  their  crests,  and 
they  dash  against  the  Alps,  and  roll  over  through  the  mountain  pi 
into  the  fertile  plains  below.  Then  at  last  .  you  discover  that  the 
waves  are  living  men,  women,  and  children,  horses,  dogs,  and  cattle,  all 
rushing  headlong  into  that  great  whirlpool  of  Italy  :  and  yet  the  gulf  is 


510  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  C16 

never  full.  The  earth  drinks  up  the  blood  ;  the  bones  decay  into  the 
fruitful  soil  ;  the  very  names  and  memories  of  whole  tribes  are  washed 
away.  And  the  result  of  an  immigration  which  may  be  counted  by  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  is  —  that  all  the  land  is  waste." 

—  Kingsley,  Roman  and  Teuton,  58. 


IV.     THE   FRANKS. 

616.  Preeminence     among    the    Teutonic   Conquerors. — The 

early  conquests  of  the  Franks  in  North  Gaul  have  been  re- 
ferred to  (§  590).  Their  real  advance  began  a  little  before 
the  year  500,  —  almost  at  the  time  of  the  rise  of  the  East 
Goths.  This  was  some  eighty  years  later  than  the  making  of 
the  Vandal,  Burgundian,  and  Visigothic  kingdoms,  and  as 
much  earlier  than  the   Lombard  kingdom. 

To  the  Franks  fell  the  work  of  consolidating  the  Teutonic 
states  into  a  mighty  empire.  Their  final  success  was  due,  in 
the  main,  to  two  causes. 

a.  They  did  not  migrate  to  distant  lands,  but  only  expanded 
from  their  original  home.  Their  state,  therefore,  kept  a  large 
unmixed  Teutonic  element,  while  the  other  conquering  nations 
Losl  themselves  in  the  Roman  populations  among  whom  they 
settled. 

b.  When  they  adopted  Christianity,  it  was  the  orthodox  form 
instead  of  Arianism.  This  gained  them  support  in  their  wars 
with  the  other  Teutons  (§§  618,  G19,  etc.). 

617.  Clovis  ;  Early  Conquests.  —  Until  nearly  500,  the  Franks 
were  pagans.  Nor  were  they  a  nation  :  they  were  split  into 
petty  divisions,  without  a  common  king.  The  founder  of  their 
greatness  was  Clovis  (Clodowig,  Louis).  In  481,  at  the  age  of 
fifteen,  he  became  king  of  a  petty  tribe  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Rhine.  In  186,  he  attacked  the  Roman  possessions  in  North 
Gaul,  and.  alter  ;i  victory  at  Soissons,  added  them  to  his  king- 
dom. Ten  years  later  he  conquered  the  Alemanni,  who  had 
invaded  Gaul,  in  a  great  battle  near  Strasburg, and  made  tribu- 
tary their  territory  beyond  the  Rhine. 


§619]  THE    FRANKS.  .".I  I 

618.  The  Conversion  of  Clovis  to  Catholic  Christianity.1 —  The 
real  importance  of  the  battle  of  Strasburg  lies  in  this  —  that 
it  was  the  occasion  for  the  conversion  of  ('/oris.  His  wife,  Clo- 
tilda, was  a  Bnrgnndian  princess,  but,  unlike  most  of  her 
nation,  she  was  a  devout  Catholic.  In  a  crisis  in  the  battle, 
Clovis  had  vowed  to  serve  the  God  of  Clotilda  if  He  would 
grant  victory.  In  consequence,  the  king  and  three  thousand 
of  his  warriors  were  baptized  immediately  afterward. 

Clovis  was  influenced,  no  doubt,  by  keen  political  insight. 
In  the  coming  struggles  with  the  Arian  Goths  and  Burgun- 
dians,  it  was  to  be  of  immense  advantage  to  have  the  subject 
Roman  populations  on  his  side,  as  an  orthodox  sovereign, 
against  their  own  hated  heretic  rulers.  The  conversion  was 
a  chief  agency,  therefore,  in  building  up  the  great  Frankish 
state. 

Another  result,  not  so  easily  foreseen,  was  equally  important. 
The  rising  Prankish  kingdom  came  into  intimate  union  with  tin' 
rising  bishops  of  Rome.  Thus  this  conversion  was  to  prove  a 
factor  in  building  up  the  temporal  power  of  the  papacy 
(§§  GG2  ff.). 

619.  Later  Conquests  of  Clovis  and  his  Sons ;  the  Frankish 
Empire  of  the  Seventh  Century. — His  conversion  furnished 
Clovis  with  a  pretext  for  new  advances.  Declaring  it  intoler- 
able that  those  "Arian  dogs"  should  possess  the  fairest  prov- 
inces of  Gaul,  he  attacked  both  Burgundians  and  Visigoths, 
driving  the  latter  for  the  most  part  beyond  the  Pyrenees. 
Then,  by  a  horrible  series  of  bloody  treacheries  during  the 
remainder  of  his  thirty  years'  reign,  he  got  rid  of  the  kings  of 
the  other  tribes  of  the  Pranks,  and  consolidated  that  whole 
people, under  his  sole  rule.  "Thus,"  says  the  pious  chronicler, 
Gregory  of  Tours,  "did  God  daily  deliver  the  enemies  of  ( ilovis 
into  his  hand,  because  he  walked  before  His    face   with   an 


i  Advanced  students  will  enjoy  looking  up  Gregory  of  'I' 's'  delightfully 

naive  account,  ii,  30.     Compare  with  the  conversion  <>f  Constantine.      Smn.- 
exl  racts  from  Gregory  are  given  in  Robinson's  Readings,  I.  ■  ■!  53. 


512  FIFTH  AND   SIXTH  CENTURIES  A.D.  [§  620 

upright  heart."  The  sons  of  Clovis  completed  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Burgundy,  and  added  Bavaria  and  Thuringia,  as  tribu- 
taries, to  the  Frankish  state,  —  the  last  two  on  the  German 
side  of  the  Rhine,  well  beyond  the  borders  of  the  old  Roman 
world. 

620.  The  Empire  of  the  Franks  under  the  Later  Merovingians. 
—  In  fifty  years,  mainly  .through  the  cool  intellect  and  fero- 
cious energy  of  one  brutal  savage,  a  little  Teutonic  tribe  had 
grown  into  the  great  Frankish  state.  That  state  included 
nearly  the  whole  of  modern  France,  the  Netherlands,  Switzer- 
land, and  Germany  almost  to  the  Elbe  (except  for  the  lands  of 
the  heathen  Saxons  toward  the  mouth  of  that  river). 

Such  territory  to-day  would  make  the  greatest  power  in 
Europe.  In  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  its  preeminence 
was  even  more  marked.  Gothic  Spain  was  weakened  by  quar- 
rels between  Arian  and  Catholic ;  Italy  was  torn  to  shreds ; 
Britain  was  in  chaos  (§  621) ;  non-Frankish  Germany  was 
filled  with  savage,  unorganized  tribes.  The  only  real  rivals  of 
the  Frankish  state  were  the  Greek  Empire  and  a  neiv  Moham- 
medan power  just  rising  in  Arabia  (§§  651  ff.),  soon  to  contest 
Europe  with  both  Greek  and  Frank. 

I'll"  family  of  Clovis  is  known,  from  one  of  his  ancestors,  as 
Merovingian.  It  kept  the  throne  for  over  two  centuries  after 
Clovis'  death.  In  the  first  half  of  the  period  the  rulers  were 
commonly  men  of  ruthless  energy.  In  the  second  half  they 
became  mere  phantom  kings,  and  all  real  authority  was  exer- 
cised  by  great  nobles,  who  finally  replaced  the  Merovingians 
with  ;i  new  royal  line  (§  663). 

The  two  hundred  years  make  a  dismal  story  of  greed,  family 
hate,  treachery,  vice,  brutality,  and  murder.1  Few  chapters  in 
history  are  so  unattractive.  The  empire  was  divided  among 
the  four  sons  of  Clovis,  according  to  prankish  custom.  The 
fragments  were  reunited  under  one  of  these  sons,  by  methods 
similar  to  those  of  Clovis  himself.     Then  it  was  again  divided ; 

1  See  Munro  and  Sellery,  Medieval  Civilization,  ch.  vi. 


15        Loajuude     West     10     from    Greenwich 


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After  507  the  Kingdom  of  the  West  Gothe  la 


§G22]  THE   TEUTONIC    STATES   IX    HIM  IAIN'.  513 

and  so  on  for  long  periods.  Some  sense  of  unity,  however,  was 
preserved;  but  the  Franks  themselves  spread  very  little  south 
of  the  Loire.  North  and  South  Gaul  remained  distinct  from 
each  other  in  blood  and  character  (§§  647,  649). 

For  Further  Reading  on  the  Franks  through  the  time  of  Clovis,  sec 
especially  Oman's  Dark  Ages,  ch.  iv,  and  Sergeant's  Franks. 


V.    GROWTH  OF  THE  TEUTONIC   STATES  IN  BRITAIN. i 

621.  Causes  of  the  Slowness  of  the  Teutonic  Conquest. — Great 
provinces,  like  Gaul  or  Spain,  fell  to  the  Vandals  or  Franks 
after  one  or  two  battles  with  the  Roman  armies.  The  natives 
themselves  made  almost  no  resistance  in  the  field.  But,  as  we 
have  seen,  in  Britain,  where  there  were  no  Roman  armies,  the 
Teutonic  invaders  in  150  years  of  incessant  warfare  conquered 
only  half  the  island  (§  597). 

Causes  for  this  delay  are  to  be  found  both  in  the  nature  of 
the  invasion  and  in  the  condition  of  the  island. 

a.  The  Saxons  at  home  were  living  in  petty  tribes,  under  no 
common  government,  and  therefore  they  could  make  no  great 
organized  attack.  Coming  by  sea,  too,  they  necessarily  came 
only  in  small  bands.  Moreover,  they  were  still  pagans,  and, 
unlike  the  Franks,  they  were  untouched  by  Roman  civilization  ; 
therefore  they  spread  ruthless  destruction  and  provoked  a 
more  desperate  resistance. 

b.  Britain  was  less  completely  Romanized  than  were  the 
continental  provinces  :  there  was  more  of  forest  and  marsh,  and 
a  less  extensive  network  of  Roman  roads.  Hence  the  natives 
found  it  easier  to  make  repeated  stands.  The  Britons,  too, 
had  not  so  completely  laid  aside  military  habits  as  had  tin- 
Gauls. 

622.  Result :  England  preeminently  a  Teutonic  State.  —  Be- 
cause the  conquest  was  so  slow,  it  was  thorough.     Elsewhere 

l  Review  §  597. 


514  FIFTH   AND   SIXTH   CENTURIES   A.D.  [§  623 

the  invaders  were  soon  absorbed  by  trie  larger  native  popula- 
tions. England  alone,  of  all  the  Roman  provinces  seized  by  the 
Teutons,  became  strictly  a  Teutonic  .state.  In  the  eastern  half 
of  the  island,  in  particular,  Eoinan  political  and  legal  institu- 
tions, the  Roman  language,  Christianity,  even  Roman  names 
for  the  most  part,  vanished,  and  the  Romanized  natives  were 
slain,  driven  out,  or  enslaved. 

623.  Conversion  to  Christianity.  —  About  the  year  600,  Chris- 
tianity began  to  win  its  way  among  these  heathen  conquerors. 
In  the  north  of  England,  the  early  missionaries  came  mainly 
from  the  old  (Celtic)  Christian  church  still  surviving  in  west- 
ern Britain  and  in  Ireland,1  long  cut  off  from  close  connection 
with  the  rest  of  Christendom.  The  south,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  converted  by  missionaries  sent  out  directly  by  the  pope  of 
Rome ; 2  and  the  rulers  of  the  north  were  soon  brought  to  ac- 
cept this  better  organized  form  of  Christianity.  The  victory 
of  the  Roman  Church  dates  from  the  famous  Council  ofMltitby 
in  Xorthumbria,  in  664  a.d.3 

624.  Three  political  results  followed  the  conversion  to  Chris- 
tianity :  — 

or.  Warfare  with  the  native  Britons  became  milder  and  more 
like  ordinary  wars  between  rival  states. 

b.  The  ecclesiastical  union  of  the  island  helped  to  create 
the  later  political  union.  The  different  states  had  a  common 
church  Council  before  they  had  one  king  and  one  political 
Assembly. 

c.  The  adoption  of  the  same  form  of  Christianity  and  the 
same  church  government  as  that  on  the  Continent  brought  the 
island  back  into  the  general  current  of  European  politics. 


1  Special  report:  Btories  of  the  Celtic  monks  in  northern  England;  see 
Green's  Short  History  of  the  English  People,  and,  especially,  a  translation  of 
a  Life  of  St.  Columban,  in  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  II,  No.  7. 

2  Special  reports:  anecdote  of  Pope  Gregory  and  the  English  prisoners; 
story  of  the  mission  of  Augustine  to  the  king  of  Kent;  Queen  Bertha's  work 
in  aiding  the  missionary  (cf.  Clotilda  in  Gaul). 

ial  report:  story  of  this  Council. 


§024]  THE   TEUTONIC   STATES   IN    BRITAIN.  515 

For  Further  Reading  on  the  Chapter.  —  The  sources  are  not  avail- 
able except  Gregory  of  Tours  for  the  Franks,  the  first  real  history  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  If  the  whole  work  is  not  in  the  school  library,  the  student 
at  least  will  have  the  extracts  in  Robinson's  Headings,  I,  ch.  iii.  That 
volume  of  Headings,  97-105,  contains  also  Bede's  account  of  the  con- 
version of  Britain. 

Modern  authorities:  Hodgkin's  Theodoric ;  Kingsley's  Soman  and 
Teuton;  Sheppard's  Fall  of  Rome ;  Bradley's  Goths;  Curteis'  Boman 
Empire,  48-54  and  05-209;  Green's  English  People,  opening  chapters; 
Bryce's  Holy  Boman  Empire,  chs.  ii  and  iii ;  Freeman's  Historical  Geog- 
raphy, 87-110  ;  Sergeant's  Franks ;  Adams'  Civilization  during  the  Middh 
Ages;  Church's  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages;  Church's  Early  Britain  ; 
Oman's  Byzantine  Empire,  chs.  vi-vii  ;  Emerton's  Introduction  to  the 
Middle  Ages.  Church's  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore  and  Dahn's  Felicitas 
(novels).  Each  member  of  the  class  should  have  access  to  the  exceeding 
valuable  articles  by  Lavisse  reprinted  in  Munro  and  Sellery's  Medieval 
Civilization,  chs.  iv,  v,  and  vi  ("Influence  of  the  Migrations,"  "The 
Germans  in  the  Empire,"  and  "Faith  and  Morals  of  the  Franks"). 

Exercise.  —  (1)  Trace  each  barbarian  people  from  the  crossing  of  the 
barriers  to  the  last  mention  in  this  period.  (2)  Trace  the  history  of  Gaul, 
Italy,  and  Spain,  through  the  period,  noting  for  each  land  what  peoples 
left  important  elements  in  race  or  institutions.  (In  both  exercises,  the 
device  of  catchwords  may  be  used  with  advantage;  ;  and  students  may  ln- 
encouraged  to  prepare  tables,  showing,  in  separate  columns,  the  peoples. 
events,  leaders,  dates,  etc.)  (8"!  List  battles,  with  leaders  and  dales,  for 
rapid  "fact-drills."  (4)  The  field  is  a  good  one  for  exercises  calling  Eor 
historical  imagination  (see  page  190). 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE   STATE   OF   WESTERN   EUROPE,   400-800. 

(TJie  Dark  Ages.) 

625.  Plan  of  Treatment.  —  We  have  traced  the  movements  of  peoples 
and  the  growth  of  new  states  during  the  two  centuries  of  invasions. 
During  the  next  two  centuries  (600-800)  the  political  story  has  to  do  with 
four  great  movements :  (1)  the  continued  growth  of  the  Prankish  state, 
until  it  included  most  of  civilized  Western  Europe  ;  (2)  the  rise  of  the 
MolinmiiU'dans  in  A.sia  and  Africa,  and  their  repulse  from  Europe  by  the 
(l  nek  Empire  on  the  East  and  by  the  Franks  on  the  West ;  (3)  the  growth 
of  the  papacy  into  a  temporal  power,1  partly  because  of  its  alliance 
with  the  Franks ;  and  (4)  the  rise  of  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne,  out  of 
this  same  alliance  of  the  papacy  and  the  Franks. 

These  political  movements  will  be  treated  in  the  next  chapter.  But 
first,  in  order  to  understand  them,  we  interrupt  the  story  to  survey  briefly 
the  condition  into  which  the  invasions  plunged  Western  Europe  for  the 
whole  four  centuries,  —  (1)  the  chaos  and  misery;  (2)  the  survival  of 
some  of  the  Roman  civilization  ;  and  (3)  the  new  institutions  which 
were  growing  up.     Such  a  survey  is  the  subject  of  this  chapter. 

I.    DESTRUCTION  WITH    THE   GERMS    OF  PROGRESS. 
A.     The   Dark   Side. 

626.  The  Loss  to  Civilization.  —  After  all  allowances  are  made 
(§§  628-632),  the  invasions  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  re- 
main the  most  terrible  catastrophe  that  ever  befell  so  great  a 
civilized  society.  It  took  long  to  restore  order.  The  seventh 
and  eighth  centuries,  after  the  invasions  themselves  had  ceased, 
are  a  dreary  period  of  confusion,  lawlessness,  and  ignorance,  — 

1  The  term  "  temporal  "  is  used  in  contrast  with  "  spiritual."  The  temporal 
power  oi  ili<-  pope  means  his  power  as  a  prince,  like  kings  and  other  potentates 
of  this  world,  in  contrast  with  his  power  in  religious  matters — matters  not 
"  temporal  "  but  eternal. 

516 


§627]  THE   DARK    SIDE.  517 

the  lowest  point  ever  reached  by  European  civilization.  The 
whole  four  hundred  years,  from  400  to  800,  are  properly  called 
the  Dark  Ages.1 

During  these  long  centuries  there  was  no  tranquil  leisure  and 
therefore  no  study.  There  was  little  security  and  there  loir 
little  labor.  While  the  Franks  and  Goths  were  learning  the 
rudiments  of  civilized  life,  the  Latins  were  losing  all  but  the 
rudiments,  —  and,  for  a  time,  they  we're  losing  faster  than 
the  Germans  gained.  Classical  literature  suddenly  became 
extinct.  The  old  Roman  schools  disappeared,  or  were  repre- 
sented only  by  new  monastic  schools  with  meager  instruction. 

627.  New  Causes  for  Decline  in  Culture.  —  Roman  civilization, 
as  we  have  noticed  (§  581),  had  been  falling  away  for  two  cen- 
turies before  the  barbarian  conquests  began.  The  disorder  and 
destruction  connected  with  the  two  hundred  years  of  invasions 
added  tremendously  to  the  decay;  and  then,  when  at  last  the 
invaders  had  settled  down,  two  causes  of  decline  were  added 
to  the  old  ones. 

a.  Tlie  new  ruling  classes  mere  grossly  ignorant,  and  did  not 
care  for  the  old  literature  and  science,  even  so  far  as  it  had 
survived.  Few  of  the  greatest  nobles  could  read,  or  write  their 
names. 

6.  More  and  more  the  language  of every-dau  speech  grew  a  inn/ 
from  the  literary  language  in  which  the  remains  of  the  old  knowl- 
edge was  preserved.  This  process  had  begun  long  before; 
but,  until  the  coming  of  the  Teutons,  a  man  who  spoke  the 
usual  language  in  Gaul  or  Spain  could  also,  without  much  diffi- 
culty, understand  the  Latin  if  he  heard  it.  The  coming  of  the 
barbarians  hastened  the  change  in  the  spoken  language.  The 
old  inflections  were  disregarded;  words  were  corrupted  in 
form ;   new  Teutonic   words  were   added.2     The   language   of 


1  Read  Church,  Beginnings  of  the  Middle  Ages,  cli.  ii  (close)  and  ch.  iii. 

2  The  many  different  dialects  which  were  springing  up  in  the  different 
parts  of  Gaul,  Burgundy,  Spain,  Italy,  were  finally  to  grow  into  French, 
Spanish,  and  Italian.  These  languages  — mingled  of  Teutonic  and  Roman 
elements  —  are  called  Romance  languages. 


518  WESTERN   EUROPE,    400-800   A.D.  [§628 

learning  was  left  so  far  from  the  spoken  language  that  it  be- 
came "  dead."  It  could  be  acquired  only  by  special  study,  and 
was  known  only  to  the  clergy.  Even  by  them  it  was  known 
very  imperfectly. 

At  the  same  time  the  old  Roman  civilization,  in  many  obscure 
ways,  did  survive.     The  causes  of  the  survival  ice  will  now  notice. 

B.     Preservation  of   Some  Roman   Civilization. 

628.  The  Barbarian  Conquests  accomplished  by  Small  Numbers. 

—  We  must  not  suppose  that  the  invasions  greatly  changed 
the  character  of  the  population  in  Western  Europe  (outside 
of  Britain).  The  forces  which  occupied  the  western  Roman 
world  in  the  fifth  century  -were  far  smaller  than  had  been 
driven  back  in  rout  many  times  before.  The  highest  estimate 
for  the  whole  Burgundian  nation  is  eighty  thousand.  The 
Vandals  counted  no  more.  The  Visigoths,  when  they  conquered 
Spain,  hardly  exceeded  thirty  thousand  warriors.  Clovis  com- 
manded less  than  six  thousand  men  when  he  annexed  Roman 
Gaul. 

629.  The  conquests  (outside  Britain)  were  attended  with  little 
warfare. — When  the  Roman  legions  had  been  beaten  in  the 
held,  the  struggle  was  over.  Those  legions  and  their  com- 
manders were  mainly  German.  The  provincials  were  largely 
so ;  and  in  any  case  they  had  come  to  be  indifferent  to  a  change 
of  masters. 

630.  Reverence  of  the  Conquerors  for  Roman  Civilization.  — 
The  barbarians  felt  a  wholesome  reverence  for  the  Roman 
Empire  and  for  all  connected  with  it.  This  important  fact 
lias  been  illustrated  repeatedly  in  the  preceding  pages.  Even 
Clovis  was  delighted  when  the  emperor  at  Constantinople  sent 
him  an  appointment  as  consul  and  as  a  lieutenant  of  the 
Empire. 

I  lie  Germans  were  awed  by  the  marvelous  devices,  the 
massive  -tinctures,  the  stately  pomp,  of  the  civilization  they 
bad  conquered.     The  mood  is  best  shown  by  the  exclamation 


§632]         PRESERVATION   OF   ROMAN'   CIVILIZATION.  519 

of  a  Gothic  king  when  first  he  visited  Constantinople  :  "  With- 
out doubt  the  emperor  is  a  god  on  earth,  and  he  who  attacks 
him  is  guilty  of  his  own  blood." 

631.  The  Influence  of  the  Old  Populations. —  The  Germans 
already  within  the  Empire  in  the  year  400  had  been  Ln 

"Romanized.  The  new  invaders  settled  among  populations 
ten,  twenty,  or  fifty  times  their  own  numbers.  At  first  the 
Teutons  were  the  rulers  and  the  bulk  of  the  large  landlords. 

.They  formed  the  government  and  the  aristocratic  forces  in  rural 
society.  But  the  towns,  so  far  as  they  survived  at  all,  with 
their  varied  industries,  remained  Roman.  For  a  long  time, 
too,  the  old  population  furnished  most  of  the  clergy.  From 
them,  also,  came  the  secretaries  of  the  conquering  lords  and 
many  confidential  officers.  Gradually  these  various  forces 
secured  the  adoption  of  many  customs  of  the  old  civilization 
by  the  conquerors.  The  influence  of  the  church  in  this  respect 
was  so  important  that  it  demands  a  separate  section  (§  032). 

632.  The  Church  and  the  Barbarians. — The  barbarian  con- 
verts to  Christianity  understood  its  teachings  of  love,  purity, 
and  gentleness  very  imperfectly,  and  adopted  them  still  less 
fully.  The  church  suffered  a  lowering  of  religious  spirit, — 
although  the  superstition  of  the  ignorant  age  gave  it,  perhaps, 
increased  power.  Christianity  raised  the  new  nations,  but  in 
the  effort  it  was  dragged  down  part  way  to  their  level.  More 
emphasis  was  placed  on  ceremonies  and  forms.  The  clergy, 
especially  the  higher  clergy,  became  often  merely  ambitious 

^and  worldly  lords,  preachers  of  a  coarse  and  superficial  reli- 
gion, men  who  allied  themselves  to  the  schemes  of  wicked 
rulers,  lived  vicious  lives,  and  were  unable  to  understand  the 
services  they  mumbled. 

All  this  was  to  be  expected.  The  church  as  a  whole  could 
not  be  a  great  deal  better  than  the  people  of  the  time, —  who 
had  to  furnish  the  clergy  and  the  flocks.  The  danger  is  that 
the  student  will  overrate  the  degradation.  In  spite  of  it, 
the  church  teas  the  salt  that  kept  the  world  sweet  for  later  times. 
In  the  wildest  disorder  of   the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries 


520  WESTERN   EUROPE,   400-800   A.D.  [§  G33 

there  were  found  priests,  monks,  and  bishops  inspired  with 
zeal  for  righteousness  and  love  for  men,  and  there  were  found 
also  in  all  ranks  of  society  some  willing  followers  of  such 
teachers.  The  church,  as  a  whole,  protected  the  weak  and 
stood  for  peace,  industry,  and  right  living. 

Moreover  the  church  was  an  institution  with  its  own  gov- 
ernment. The  rulers  of  the  land  did  not  greatly  interfere 
with  it.  Therefore  it  kept  up  the  old  forms  and  habits  and 
the  principles  of  the  Roman  law  more  than  any  other  part  of 
Western  society. 

The  church  of  those  centuries  is  sometimes  accused  of  putting  all  stress 
upon  forms  and  of  neglecting  totally  the  duty  of  man  to  man.  The 
charge  is  bitterly  unjust.  Many  sermons  of  the  seventh  century  place 
peculiar  emphasis  upon  good  works.  "  It  is  not  enough,"  says  the  good 
Bishop  St.  Eloy,  to  his  flock,  in  a  fervent  exhortation,  —  "  It  is  not  enough, 
most  dearly  beloved,  for  you  to  have  received  the  name  of  Christians  if 
you  do  not  do  Christian  works.  .  .  . 

"Come,  therefore,  frequently  to  church;  humbly  seek  the  patronage 
of  the  saints  ;  keep  the  Lord's  day  in  reverence  of  the  resurrection  with- 
out any  servile  work  ;  celebrate  the  festivals  of  the  saints  with  devout 
feeling  ;  love  your  neighbors  as  yourselves  ;  what  you  would  desire  to 
be  done  to  you  by  others,  that  do  you  to  others  ;  what  you  would  not 
have  done  to  you,  do  to  no  one  ;  before  all  things  have  charity,  for 
charity  covereth  a  multitude  of  sins  ;  be  hospitable,  humble,  casting  your 
care  upon  God,  for  he  careth  for  you ;  visit  the  sick  ;  seek  out  the  cap- 
tives ;  receive  strangers ;  feed  the  hungry  ;  clothe  the  naked  ;  set  at 
naught  soothsayers  and  magicians  ;  let  your  weights  and  measures  be 
fail-,  your  balance  just,  your  bushel  and  your  pint  honest.  .  .  .  "  1 

633.  Summary.  —  Thus  the  destruction  of  civilization  was 
less  than  at  first  we  should  expect.     The  conquerors  were  few; 

1  This  sermon  is  printed  at  some  length  by  Maitland  (Dark  Ages,  109  ff.). 
Curiously  enough,  garbled  extracts  from  just  this  sermon  led  many  historians 
(Robertson,  Hallam,  etc.)  to  deny  any  religion  of  good  works  to  this  age. 
Advanced  students  may  like  to  compare  Robertson's  treatment  (History  of 
Charles  V,  note  xi.  of  the  "  Proofs  and  Illustrations,"  with  Maitland's  refuta- 
tion. Guizot  (Civilization  in  France,  II,  322,  327)  gives  some  good  illus- 
trations of  the  homely  and  practical  preaching  of  the  day  and  its  intensely 
religious  character. 


§634]         THE   IDEA   OF  ONE   UNIVERSAL    EMPIRE.  521 

there  was  little  actual  fighting;  the  old  population  and  the 
church  kept  on  living  in  many  respects  in  the  old  ways. 
Most  important  of  all,  the  barbarian  conquerors  did  not  wish 
to  destroy  the  civilization:  they  wished  to  possess  it.  Much, 
of  course,  they  did  destroy.  Part  they  ruined  in  the  wanton 
mood  of  children,  —  as  in  the  story  of  the  warrior  who  dashed 
his  battle-ax  at  the  beautiful  mosaic  floor  to  see  whether  the 
swan  swimming  there  were  alive.  More  was  lost  because  they 
did  not  understand  its  use.  But  much  survived  ;  and  much 
more  which  at  the  time  seemed  ruined  was  sooner  or  later 
to  be  recovered  by  the  Teutons  themselves,  —  so  that 

"almost,  if  not  quite,  every  achievement  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  in 
thought,  science,  law,  and  the  practical  arts  is  now  a  part  of  our  civilization 
—  either  among  the  tools  of  our  daily  life  or  in  the  forgotten  foundation- 
stones  which  have  disappeared  from  sight  because  we  have  built  some 
more  complete  structure  upon  them."  x 

This  complete  recovery,  however,  was  a  matter  of  some  centuries  later, 
beyond  the  period  of  this  volume.  At  present  we  will  observe  some  of 
the  important  ideas  and  institutions  which  survived  at  the  time  or  which 
arose  then  from  the  mingling  of  Roman  and  Teutonic  elements  (§§  G34- 
645). 

II.     SOME   SURVIVALS  AND  NEW  INSTITUTIONS. 

A.     The  Idea  of  One  Universal  Empire. 

634.  The  idea  of  the  Roman  Empire  as  the  one  legitimate  uni- 
versal government  survived.  We  can  see  now  that  the  Empire 
had  passed  away  in  the  West  before  the  year  500.  But  men 
of  that  day  did  not  see  it.  They  could  not  believe  that  the 
dominion  of  the  " Eternal  City"  was  dead;  and  therefore  it 
did  not  altogether  die.  For  three  hundred  years  it  lived  on, 
in  the.  minds  of  men,  until  Charlemagne  made  it  again  external 
fact  (§  673).  To  understand  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eij 
centuries,  it  is  needful  to  remember  this  truth. 

i  Read  Adams'  Civilization,  9,  10.    Cf.  §  253  of  this  book. 


522  WESTERN   EUROPE,   400-800  A.I).  [§635 

';  Teutonic  kings  ruled  in  the  West,  but  nowhere  (except  in  England) 
had  they  become  national  sovereigns  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  the  land. 
They  were  simply  the  chiefs  of  their  own  peoples  (Goths,  Franks,  etc.) 
reigning  in  the  midst  of  a  Roman  population  who  looked  to  the  Caesar  of 
New  Borne  [Constantinople]  as  their  lawful  sovereign."  —  Condensed 
from  Freeman. 

B.      MONASTICISM. 

The  survival  of  the  church  has  been  already  noticed,  with 
some  reference  to  its  service  in  preserving  and  upbuilding 
society.  The  growth  of  the  papacy  will  be  noted  in  §§  658  ff. 
At  present  we  will  study  only  one  institution,  which  grew 
up  in  the  church  during  the  Dark  Ages. 

635.  Eastern  Hermits  and  Western  Monks.  —  The  eastern 
Church  gave  rise  early  to  a  class  of  hermits,  who  strove  each  to 
save  his  own  soul  by  tormenting  his  body  and  by  secluding 
himself  from  the  world.1  The  persecutions  in  the  third  century 
augmented  the  numbers  of  these  fugitives  from  society,  until 
the  Egyptian  and  Syrian  deserts  swarmed  with  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  them.  In  some  cases  they  came  to  unite  into  small 
bodies  with  common  rules  of  life.  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
fourth  century  this  idea  of  religions  communities  was  trans- 
planted to  the  AVest,  and  the  long  anarchy  following  the 
invasions  gave  peculiar  inducements  to  such  a  life. 

Thus  arose  monasticism,  one  of  the  most  powerful  medieval2 
institutions.  The  fundamental  causes  were:  (1)  the  longing 
for  a  life  of  quiet  religious  devotion,  and  (2)  the  conditions 
which  made  quiet  living  impossible  except  through  some  such 
withdrawal  from  society. 

European    monasticism  differed  widely   from  its  model   in 

1  Kingsley's  Hermits  gives  an  account  of  the  most  extravagant  eases  of  this 
movemenl . 

2  The  in-pouring  of  the  Teutons  between  ."70  and  476  is  sometimes  said  to 
close  Aii.-i.ni  History.  Those  who  speak  in  this  way  divide  history  into 
Ancient,  Medieval,  and  Modern,  and  give  the  name  Medieval  to  the  period 
from  aboul  WOtoaboul  1500  a.d.    This  book  follows  a  different  classification 

bu1   it   sometimes  uses   the  expressions  Medieval  and  Middle  Age  as 
■*escriptive  terms  for  the  period  to  which  they  are  commonly  applied. 


§  637]  MONASTICISM.  523 

the  East.  The  monks  in  the  West  did  believe  that  holy  liv- 
ing lay,  in  part,  in  crushing  natural  instincts  and  affections; 
but  they  never  paralleled  the  excesses  of  the  hermits  of  the 
East.  Even  within  their  quiet  walls,  they  wisely  sought  escape 
from  temptation,  not  in  idleness,  but  in  active  and  incessanl 
work.  Their  very  motto  was,  "  To  work  is  to  pray " :  the 
old  proverb  of  Satan  and  idle  hands  strikes  a  keynote  in 
western  monasticism. 

636.  Growth  and  Organization.  —  The  growth  of  many  a  rich 
monastery  was  a  romantic  story  of  humble  beginnings,  lofty 
enthusiasm,  and  noble  service.  A  body  of  enthusiasts,  unit- 
ing for  mutual  religious  aid,  would  raise  a  few  rude  build- 
ings in  a  pestilential  marsh  or  in  a  wilderness.  Gradually 
their  numbers  grew;  the  marsh  was  drained,  or  the  desert 
became  a  garden  through  their  toil;  the  first  plain  struc- 
tures gave  way  to  massive  and  stately  towers;  lords  or  kings 
gave  the  monastery  lands;  fugitive  slaves  and  serfs  tilled 
them;  perhaps  villages  or  towns  sprang  up  upon  them,  under 
the  rule  of  the  abbot. 

Such  was  the  growth  of  hundreds  of  early  communities. 
Similar  institutions  for  women  afforded  a  much-needed  refuge 
for  great  numbers  of  that  sex  in  that  troublous  age.  At  first 
each  monastery  or  nunnery  was  a  rule  unto  itself.  Finally  the 
various  communities  became  united  in  great  brotherhoods.  In 
particular,  St.  Benedict,  in  the  sixth  century,  published  and 
preached  rules  for  a  monastic  life  that  were  widely  adopted. 
Two  hundred  years  later,  nearly  all  monks  in  Western  Europe 
were  Benedictines.  The  order  at  its  height  is  said  to  have 
counted  over  forty  thousand  monasteries. 

637.  The  Three  Vows  and  the  Monastic  Life.— Each  Bene- 
dictine took  the  three  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience. 
(1)  He  renounced  all  wealth  for  himself  (though  the  monastery 
might  become  wealthy).  (2)  He  renounced  marriage.  (3)  Fie 
renounced  his  own  will  in  all  things,  in  favor  of  that  of  his 
superior  in  the  monastery,  —  the  abbot  or  prior.  To  all  this 
was  added  the  obligation  of  work. 


524  WESTERN  EUROPE,   400-800   A.D.  [§638 

During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  monks  were  the  most  skillful 
and  industrious  tillers  of  the  soil.  They  taught  neighboring 
youth  in  their  schools.  They  lovingly  copied  and  illustrated 
manuscripts,  and  so  preserved  whatever  learning  was  saved  at 
the  time  in  the  West.  They  themselves  produced  whatever  new 
literature  Europe  had  for  some  centuries.  In  particular,  they 
cared  for  the  poor  and  suffering.  For  many  centuries  of  dis- 
order and  violence  the  monasteries  were  to  Western  Europe 
the  only  almshouses,  inns,  asylums,  hospitals,  and  schools. 

638.  Relation  to  the  other  Clergy.  —  A  monastery,  at  first, 
was  a  religious  association  of  laymen ;  but  gradually  the  monks 
became  the  most  zealous  of  missionaries  and  the  most  devoted 
of  preachers.  As  they  took  up  the  duties  of  the  clergy,  there 
arose  a  long  struggle  between  them  and  the  bishops.  The 
bishops  desired  to  exercise  authority  over  them  as  over  other 
lower  clergy;  the  monks  insisted  upon  independence  under 
their  own  abbots,  and  finally  won  it  by  grants  from  the  popes. 
Because  subject  to  rule,  the  monks  became  known  as  regular 
clergy,  while  the  ordinary  clergy  were  styled  secular  ("  belong- 
ing to  the  world  ").1 

C.     Development  of  Teutonic  Law. 

639.  Codes.  — When  the  barbarians  entered  the  Empire,  their 
law  was  simply  unwritten  custom.  Much  of  it  continued  so, 
especially  in  England;  but,  under  the  influence  of  Roman 
ideas,  the  tribes  on  the  continent  soon  began  to  put  parts  of 
their  law  in  the  form  of  written  codes  (cf.  §  594).  These  codes 
throw  interesting  sidelights  upon  the  times.  Three  points 
may  be  noted  here  (§§  637-639). 


i  Good  brief  treatments  of  early  monasticism  will  be  found  in  Curteis  and 
in  Adams,  a  longer  account  in  Guizot,  II,  or  in  the  Church  histories.  Hen- 
derson's Documents  gives  the  "Rule  of  St.  Benedict."  Read  Munro  and 
Sellery,  MedU  val  Civilization,  ch.  ix,  on  the  "  Economic  Services  of  the  Mon- 
asteries."  Robertson's  Readings,  I,  86-93,  gives  source  extracts  illustrating 
some  phases  of  the  monastic  attitude  of  mind. 


§641]  DEVELOPMENT  OF  TEUTONIC  LAW.  525 

640.  Law  was  "personal."  That  is,  a  man  carried  his  law 
with  him  wherever  he  went.  It  was  felt  that  a  Roman,  a 
Goth,  a  Burgundian,  even  though  all  were  members  of  the 
Frankish  state,  should  each  be  judged  by  his  own  law.  The 
barbarian  codes  tried  to  recognize  this  principle,  and  of  course 
such  a  practice  led  to  much  confusion.1 

641.  Compurgation  ;  Ordeal ;  Judicial  Combat.  —  When  a  man, 
in  a  trial,  wished  to  prove  himself  innocent,  or  to  prove  an- 
other man  guilty  of  some  charge,  he  did  not  try  to  bring 
evidence  of  the  fact.  Proof  consisted  in  an  appeal  to  God  to 
show  the  right.     There  were  three  kinds  of  such  appeal. 

a.  The  accused  and  accuser  swore  solemnly  to  their  state- 
ments. Each  was  backed  by  his  compurgators,  —  not  wit- 
nesses, but  persons  who  swore  they  believed  that  their  man 
was  telling  the  truth.2  To  swear  falsely  was  to  invite  the 
divine  vengeance,  and  stories  are  told  of  men  who  fell  dead 
with  the  judicial  lie  on  their  lips.  This  form  of  trial  was 
compurgation. 

b.  Sometimes  the  trial  was  by  ordeal.  The  accused  tried  to 
clear  himself  by  being  thrown  bound  into  water:  if  he  floated 
he  was  innocent.  Or  he  plunged  his  arm  into  boiling  water, 
or  carried  red-hot  iron  a  certain  distance,  or  walked  over  burn- 
ing plowshares;  and  if  his  flesh  was  uninjured,  when  exam- 
ined some  days  later,  he  was  declared  innocent.3    All  these 

1  In  modern  civilized  countries,  law  is  territorial,  not  personal.  That  is, 
all  persons  in  a  given  country  come  under  the  same  law,  —  the  law  of  the  land. 

2  The  idea,  and  prohably  the  practice  itself,  survives  in  the  boy's  incanta- 
tion, "  Cross  my  heart  and  hope  to  die,"  if  his  word  is  questioned.  The  value 
of  a  man  as  a  compurgator  depended  upon  his  rank  ;  a  noble  was  worth 
several  freemen.  The  number  called  for  depended  also  upon  the  crime.  Ac- 
cording to  one  code,  three  compurgators  of  a  given  rank  could  free  a  man 
accused  of  murdering  a  serf;  it  took  seven,  if  he  were  accused  of  killing  a 
freeman;  and  eleven,  if  a  noble. 

3  For  a  brief  description  of  these  trials,  see  Emerton,  Introduction  to  the 
Middle  Ages,  80-87.  Such  tests  were  sometimes  made  by  deputy;  hence  our 
phrase,  "  to  go  through  fire  and  water  "  for  a  friend.  The  byword,  "  he  is  in 
hot  water,"  comes  also  from  these  trials;  and  so,  to...  the  later  tesl  <>f  witch- 
craft by  throwing  suspected  old  women  into  a  pond,  to  sink  or  float. 


526  WESTERN   EUROPE,    400-800   A.D.  [§  042 

ordeals  were  under  the  charge  of  the  clergy,  and  were  pre- 
ceded by  sacred  exercises. 

c.  Among  the  nobles,  the  favorite  method  came  to  be  the 
trial  by  combat,  —  a  judicial  duel  which  was  prefaced  by  reli- 
gious ceremonies  and  in  which  God  was  expected  to  "  show 
the  right." 

642.  Offences  were  atoned  for  by  money  payments.  Warriors 
were  too  valuable  to  be  lightly  sacrificed,  and  punishment  by 
imprisonment  was  not  in  keeping  with  Teutonic  custom.  Prac- 
tically all  crimes  had  a  money  penalty,  varying  from  a  small 
amount  for  cutting  off  the  joint  of  the  little  finger  to  the  icer- 
gelcl  (man-money),  or  payment  for  a  man's  life.  It  is  signifi- 
cant that  the  fine  for  cutting  off  a  man's  right  arm  was  about 
the  same  as  for  killing  him  outright.  The  wer-geld  varied 
with  the  rank  of  the  victim.1 


D.     The  Development  of  New  Political  Institutions. 

643.  The  conquest,  together  with  the  influence  of  Roman 
ideas,  modified  the  political  institutions  of  the  conquerors  in 
many  ways.  Particular  attention  should  be  given  to  the 
changes  in  the  three  leading  political  elements,  —  the  king, 
the  council  of  chiefs,  and  the  Assembly  (§§  586-587). 

a.  The  kings  became  more  absolute.  (1)  They  secured  large 
si ) ares  of  confiscated  land,  so  that  they  could  reward  their 
immediate  followers  and  build  up  a  strong  personal  follow- 
ing. (2)  The  Roman  idea  of  absolute  power  in  the  head 
of  the  state  had  its  influence.  (3)  Their  authority  grew  by 
custom,  since,  in  the  confusion  of  the  times,  all  sorts  of 
matters  were  necessarily  left  to  their  decision.     From  these 


1  Probably  the  best  brief  treatment  of  early  Teutonic  law  is  in  Emerton's 
Introduction,  7:^'.»1 :  Henderson's  Documents  (314-319)  gives  a  number  of 
formulas  for  ordeals,  ami  a  more  complete  source  treatment  is  found  in  Penn- 
sylvania Reprints,  IV,  No.  4.  Extracts  from  an  early  Fraukish  code  are  given 
in  Henderson's  Documents,  ITU- 189. 


§044]  ROMAN  AND  TEUTONIC   CONTRIBUTIONS.  527 

three  factors   it   came   to   pass  that  the   former   war   chiefs 
became  real  sovereigns.1 

b.  Tlie  old  nobility  of  blood  gave  way  to  a  new  territorial 
nobility  of  office  or  service.  The  higher  ranks  came  in  part 
from  the  old  class  of  "companions"  of  the  king  (§  587),  who 
were  now  rewarded  with  grants  of  land  and  intrusted  with 
important  powers  as  rulers 2  (counts  and  dukes). 

c.  The  popular  assemblies  decreased  in  importance  as  the 
power  of  the  kings  and  nobles  grew.  Such  assemblies,  how- 
ever, did  not  at  this  time  altogether  disappear.  In  England 
they  survived  as  occasional  Folk-moots,  and  under  the  Frank ish 
kings  as  Mayfield  assemblies.  They  tended,  however,  to  be- 
come gatherings  of  nobles  and  officials. 

III.    SUMMARY  OF  ROMAN  AND  TEUTONIC   CONTRIBUTIONS. 

The  great  streams  of  influence  that  were  to  make  the  modern  world 
had  now  come  in  contact  (§  3).     Let  us  sum  up  the  elements  of  each. 

644.    The  Roman  Empire  contributed:  — 

Indirectly : 

a.  The  Greek  intellectual  and  artistic  conceptions,  together 

with  all  the  material  gains  that  had  been  preserved 
from  the  older  world. 

b.  Christianity  and  the  organization  of  the  church. 
Directly : 

c.  A  universal  language  —  a  common  medium  of  learning 

and  intercourse  for  centuries. 


1  Clovis  was  a  fairly  despotic  king  toward  the  end  of  his  reign  ;  a  specia 
report  upou  the  vase  of  Soissons  incident  (told  in  all  histories  of  France)  will 
show  how  limited  his  power  was  at  first,  and  also  how,  in  war,  a  chief  could 
increase  his  power. 

2  Thus  were  Drought  together  (1)  the  Teutonic  personal  relation  of  "  com- 
panion "  and  lord,  (2)  the  holding  of  land,  and  (3)  the  exercise  of  political 
power.  After  the  fall  of  Charlemagne's  Empire,  in  a  renewal  of  the  Dark 
Ages  through  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  these  elements  were  to  furnish 
material  out  of  which  was  huilt  the  feudal  system.  This  peculiar  organizatioi 
of  society,  however,  hardly  began  to  appear  within  the  period  of  this  volume. 


528  WESTERN   EUROPE,   400-800   A.D.  [§645 

d.  Koman  law. 

e.  Municipal  institutions. 

/.   The  idea  and  machinery  of  centralized  administration. 
g.   The  conception  of  one,  lasting,  universal,  supreme  author- 
ity, to  which  the  civilized  world  owed  obedience. 

Note  that  these  elements  were  not  all  of  them  unmixed  with  evil.  The 
fifth  and  sixth,  also,  were,  to  some  degree,  inharmonious. 

645.  The  Teutons  contributed:  — 

a.  Themselves  (cf.  theme  sentence  on  page  485). 

b.  A  new  sense  of  the  value  of  the  individual,  as  opposed  to 

that  of  the  state.1 

c.  Loyalty  to  a  lord,  as  contrasted  with  loyalty  to  the  state. 

d.  A  new  chance  for  democracy  —  in  the  popular  assemblies 

of  different  grades,  some  of  which,  in  England,  were  to 
develop  representative  features. 

It  is  not  correct  to  say  that  the  Teutons  gave  us  representative  gov- 
ernment. What  they  did  was  to  give  another  chance  to  develop  it.  The 
earlier  peoples  had  lost  their  chances.  Some  peculiar  features  in  later 
English  history  were  to  develop  these  Teutonic  assemblies  in  that  island 
into  representative  bodies. 

e.  A  system  of  growing  law.    The  codification  of  the  Roman 

law  (§  613)  preserved  it,  but  also  fixed  and  crystal- 
lized it.  Teutonic  law  was  crude  and  unsystematic, 
but  it  contained  possibility  of  growth.  The  importance 
of  this  has  been  felt  mainly  in  the  English  "  Common 
Law,"  which  is  of  course  the  basis  of  our  American 
legal  system. 

646.  Influence  of  the  Mixture  upon  Later  European  Civilization.  — 
This  mingling  of  forces  lias  been  felt  ever  since  in  European  history.  As 
has  been  before  noted  (§§  65-67),  Oriental  civilization  quickly  became 
uniform;  society  crystallized;  development  ceased.  European  civiliza- 
tion began  in  Greece  with  diversity  and  freedom,  and  these  factors  were 
aided  by  geographical  conditions  over  all  Western  Europe,  with  its  small 


Christianity  had  much  to  do,  no  doubt,  in  strengthening  this  idea. 


§C4G]         ROMAN  AND  TEUTONIC   CONTRIBUTIONS.  529 

territorial  divisions  and  indented  coast.  But  after  some  centuries,  the 
Roman  Empire  had  begun  to  take  on  Oriental  uniformity  :  Bocietj  there, 
too,  had  crystallized  (§  576),  and  progress  apparently  had  ceased.  The 
mingling  of  the  new  elements  contributed  by  the  Teutons  with  the  older 
Roman  elements  resulted  in  an  interaction  of  opposing  principles  which 
has  prevented  later  European  society  from  becoming  stagnant. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

POLITICAL  EUROPE,  600-768.1 

I.    THE   FRANKS   TO   CHARLES   MARTEL. 

647.  Rivalry  of  Neustria  and  Austrasia.  —  In  the  seventh 
century  the  dividing  lines  between  the  Frankish  sub-kingdoms 
(§  620)  shifted  from  time  to  time ;  but  on  the  whole  there  stand 
out  four  great  sections.  These  were  Burgundy  and  Aquitaine 
in  the  south,  and  the  East  Franks  and  West  Franks  (Austrasia 
and  Neustria)  in  the  north. 

The  first  two  were  mainly  Roman  in  blood;  the  last  two 
were  largely  German.  This  was  true  especially  of  Austrasia. 
That  province  comprised  the  old  home  and  the  chief  vigor  of 
the  Frankish  race,  little  affected  by  Roman  influences.  Neu- 
stria, however,  contained  the  early  conquests  of  Clovis  and  his 
imperial  capital,  and  it  held  a  certain  prestige  over  all  the  rest 
of  the  Frankish  state. 

The  family  contests  among  the  rulers  of  the  sub-kingdoms 
finally  resolved  themselves  into  a  struggle  for  supremacy  be- 
tween these  two  states,  Neustria  and  Austrasia.  It  was  plain 
that  south  Gaul  must  fall  to  the  victor. 

648.  The  "  Do-nothing  Kings  "  and  the  Mayors  of  the  Palace. 
—  From  628  to  638,  the  whole  Frankish  empire  was  reunited 
under  the  vigorous  Dagobert;  but  after  that  monarch's  death 
the  Merovingian  lino  declined  rapidly.  The  kings  earned 
the  name  of  "Do-nothings"  and  real  power  was  exercised  in 
each  sub-kingdom  by  a  mayor  of  the  palace.  Originally  this 
officer  was  a  chief  domestic,  the  head  of  the  royal  household 
(cf.  §  555)  ;  but,  one  by  one,  he  had  withdrawn  all  the  powers 

1  Review  §  <;•_'.}. 
530 


§649J  THE   FRANKS   TO   CHARLES   MARTEL.  531 

of  government  from  the  indolent  kings.  At  first  the  office 
of  mayor  was  filled  by  the  king's  appointment.  As  it  grew 
more  important,  the  nobles  sometimes  claimed  the  right  to 
elect  the  holder ;  and  in  Austrasia  the  position  finally  became 
hereditary. 

Soon  after  Dagobert's  time,  the  rule  of  the  mayors  became 
so  undisguised  that  men  began  to  date  events  by  the  mayor's 
name  rather  than  by  the  king's.  Once  a  year,  the  long-haired 
king  himself  was  carried  forth  in  stately  procession  on  his 
ox-cart,  to  be  shown  to  the  Assembly  of  the  Mayfield.  The 
rest  of  the  time  he  lived  retired  on  some  obscure  estate,  in 
indolence  and  swinish  pleasures  that  brought  him  to  an  early 
grave,1 

649.  Pippin  of  Heristal :  Testry. — The  fifty  years  after  Dago- 
bert  were  filled  with  anarchy  and  civil  war,  and  the  Frank ish 
state  seemed  about  to  fall  to  pieces.  Indeed,  Bavaria  and 
Thuringia  (purely  German)  and  Aquitaine  (the  most  purely 
Roman  province)  did  break  away  into  states  practically  inde- 
pendent under  their  native  dukes. 

But  finally,  at  the  battle  of  Testry  (687  a.d.),  the  Austrasians 
under  their  mayor,  Pippin  of  Heristal,  established  their  su- 
premacy over  the  West  Franks.  Austrasia  at  this  moment 
had  no  separate  king,  and  Pippin  might  now  have  set  up  an 
independent  kingdom  there;  but  instead  he  chose  wisely  to 
rule  both  kingdoms  as  mayor  of  Neustria,  appointing  a  trusted 
friend  mayor  of  Austrasia. 

In  appearance,  Austrasia  remained  the  less  dignified  state. 
but  really  it  had  given  to  the  realm  of  the  Franks  a  new  line 
of  rulers  and  a  new  infusion  of  German  blood.  Testry  stands 
for  a  second  Teutonic  conquest  of  the  more  Romanized  pari  o\ 
the  Frankish  state,  and  for  a  reunion  of  the  two  halves  of  the 
empire.  Some  of  the  great  border  dukedoms  still  remained 
almost  independent ;  but  Pippin  is  rightly  regarded  as  the  second 
founder  of  the  Frankish  state. 


1  Read  Hodgkin's  Charles  the  Great,  13. 


532  POLITICAL  EUROPE,   600-768  A.D.  [§  050 

650.  Charles  Martel,  Sole  Mayor.  —  Pippin's  son,  Charles, 
went  farther.  He  concentrated  in  his  single  person  the  offices 
of  mayor  of  Austrasia,  of  Keustria,  and  of  Burgundy,  and 
brought  back  to  subjection  the  great  dukedoms  of  Bavaria  and 
Tlmringia.  He  established  firm  order,  too,  among  the  unruly 
chiefs  of  the  German  frontier,  and  partially  restored  Frankish 
authority  over  Aquitaine,  which  was  now  making  a  gallant 
fight  for  independence. 

The  crushing  blows  Charles  dealt  his  rivals  in  these  struggles 
won  him  the  title  of  the  Hammer  {Martel),  which  he  was  soon 
to  justify  in  a  more  critical  conflict  that  saved  Europe  from 
Mohammedanism  (§  655).  Except  for  Pippin  and  Martel,  there 
would  have  been  no  Christian  power  able  to  withstand  the  Arab 
onslaught.  The  victory  of  Testry  and  the  pounding  by  the 
Hammer  of  the  Franks  came  none  too  soon. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Hodgkin's  Charles  the  Great,  8-45; 
Church's  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  82-88  ;  Oman's  Dark  Ages, 
ch.  xv ;  Sergeant's  Franks;  Munro  and  Sellery's  Medieval  Civilization, 
ch.  vi. 

II.    THE   MOHAMMEDAN  PERIL. 

651  Arabia  before  Mohammed. — About  a  century  after 
Clovis  built  up  the  empire  of  the  Franks,  a  better  man,  out  of 
less  promising  materials,  created  a  mighty  power  in  Arabia, 
—  a  region  until  then  beyond  the  pale  of  history.  This  new 
power  was  destined,  within  the  time  spanned  by  one  human 
Life,  to  win  Persia  from  the  Zoroastrians,  Asia  and  Africa  from 
the  Greek  Empire,  Spain  from  the  Goths,  and  to  contest  the 
rest  of  Western  Europe  with  the  Franks.  Checked  in  this 
attempt,  it  still  maintained  itself  in  Spain  for  eight  hundred 
years,  and  in  the  fourteenth  century  it  won  Eastern  Europe, 
where,  though  corrupt  and  decayed,  it  still  maintains  a  foot- 
hold. 

The  best  of  the  Arabian  tribes  were  related  to  the  Jews  and 
the  old  Assyrians,  but  on  '.he  whole  the  peninsula  contained 
a  mongrel  population.     A  few  tribes  near  the  Bed  Sea  had 


§652]  EISE   OF   MOHAMMEDANISM. 

acquired  some  mechanical  arts  and  some  wealth,  but  the 
greater  number  were  poor  and  ignorant.  All  were  weak,  dis- 
united, and  idolatrous.  The  inspiring  force  that  was  to  lift 
them  to  a  higher  life,  and  fuse  them  into  a  world-conquering 
nation,  was  the  fiery  enthusiasm  of  Mohammed. 

652.  Mohammed,  to  the  Hegira.  —  This  remarkable  man  never 
learned  to  read,  but  his  speech  was  ready  and  forceful,  and 
his  manner  pleasing  and  commanding.  His  youth  had  been 
modest,  serious,  and  truthful,  so  that  he  had  earned  the  sur- 
name of  the  Faithful.  At  twenty -five  he  became  wealthy  by 
marriage  with  his  employer,  the  good  widow  Kadijah,  and 
until  forty  he  continued  to  live  the  life  of  an  influential, 
respected  merchant. 

Mohammed  had  always  been  subject,  however,  to  occasional 
periods  of  religious  ecstasy  (which  may  have  been  connected 
with  a  tendency  to  epilepsy);  and  now,  upon  a  time  as  he 
watched  and  prayed  in  the  desert,  a  wondrous  vision  revealed 
to  him  (he  said)  a  higher  religion,  and  enjoined  upon  him 
the  mission  of  preaching  it  to  his  people.  At  first,  Mo- 
hammed seems  to  have  feared  that  this  vision  was  a  subtle 
temptation  of  the  devil ;  but  Kadijah's  confidence  convinced 
him  that  it  came  truly  from  heaven,  and  he  entered  upon  his 
arduous  task. 

The  better  features  of  the  new  religion  were  drawn  from 
Jewish  and  Christian  sources,  with  which  the  merchant  had 
become  somewhat  acquainted  in  his  travels.  Indeed  Moham- 
med recognized  Abraham,  Moses,  and  Christ  as  true  prophets, 
but  claimed  that  he  was  to  supersede  them.  His  precepts  were 
embodied  in  the  sacred  book  of  the  Koran.  The  two  essential 
elements  of  his  religious  teaching  were  belief  in  one  God 
(Allah)  and  submission  to  His  will  (Islam)  as  revealed  by  His 
final  prophet,  Mohammed. 

Mohammed's  closest  intimates  accepted  him  at  once;  but  be- 
yond them,  in  the  first  twelve  years  of  his  preaching,  he  made 
few  converts.  Especially  did  his  townsfolk  of  Mecca,  the 
chief  city  of  Arabia,  jeer  his  pretensions.     The  priests  of  the 


534  POLITICAL  EUROPE,   600-768  A.D.  [§653 

old  religion  roused  the  people  there  against  him,  and  finally  he 
barely  escaped  with  life  from  his  home. 

653.  From  the  Hegira  to  the  Death  of  Mohammed,  622-632 
a.d.  —  This  flight  of  the  prophet  from  Mecca  is  the  Hegira, 
the  point  from  which  the  Mohammedan  world  reckons  time, 
as  Christendom  does  from  the  birth  of  Christ.  The  first  year 
of  the  Mohammedan  era  corresponds  to  our  year  622  a.d. 

From  this  event  dates  a  change  in  Mohammed's  policy.  Like 
his  enemies,  he  also  took  up  the  sword.  He  now  made  converts 
rapidly,  and  soon  recaptured  Mecca,  which  became  the  sacred 
city  of  the  faith.  His  fierce  warriors  were  almost  irresistible. 
They  were  inspired  by  religious  devotion.  They  felt  sure  that 
to  every  man  there  was  an  appointed  time  of  death  which  he 
could  neither  delay  or  hasten ;  and  this  high  fatalism  conquered 
fear.  Indeed  they  rejoiced  in  death  in  battle,  as  the  surest 
admission  to  the  joys  of  Paradise. 

"The  sword,"  said  Mohammed,  "is  the  key  of  heaven.  A  drop  of 
blood  shed  in  the  canse  of  God  is  of  more  avail  than  two  months  of  fast- 
ing and  prayer  ;  whoso  falls  in  battle,  all  his  sins  are  forgiven  ;  at  the 
day  of  judgment  his  wounds  shall  be  resplendent  as  vermilion  and  odor- 
iferous as  musk." 

At  the  same  time,  they  were  comparatively  mild  in  victory. 
Pagans,  it  is  true,  had  to  choose  between  the  new  teaching 
and  death;  but  Jews  and  Christians  were  allowed  to  keep 
their  faith  on  payment  of  tribute. 

Moreover,  Mohammed  preached  a  political  system  as  well 
as  a  religion.  He  became  not  only  prophet,  but  king  —  supreme 
in  all  matters  civil,  military,  and  religious.  This  character 
descended  to  the  Caliphs  who  followed  him1  and  has  marked 
the  chief  rulers  of  the  Mohammedan  world  ever  since. 

Mohammed  has  been  vehemently  accused  of  resorting  to 
fraud  and  deceit  to  advance  his  cause.  To  ascertain  the  exact 
truth  of  the  matter  is  impossible.  In  the  stress  of  conflict, 
and  under  the  temptation  of  power,  his  character  no  doubt 

1  Caliph  means  "  successor  "  of  the  Prophet. 


§655]  THE   MOHAMMEDAN   PERIL.  535 

suffered  some  decline.  On  the  whole,  however,  he  set  ins  to 
have  been  earnest  and  sincere  to  the  end,  however  much  self- 
deluded.  Certainly  his  rules  restrained  vice  and  set  up  higher 
standards  of  right  than  had  ever  been  presented  to  the  people 
for  whom  he  made  them.  The  religious  enthusiasm  lie  inspired 
created  a  mighty  nation  of  devoted  courage  and  strict  morals. 
and,  finally,  of  noble  culture. 

Just  before  his  death,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  demand  the  submission 
of  the  two  great  powers  in  the  East,  —  the  Greek  Empire  and  Persia. 
According  to  the  story,  the  Persian  ruler  answered  the  messenger,  natu- 
rally enough:  "Who  are  you  to  attack  an  empire?  You,  of  all  peoples 
the  poorest,  most  disunited,  most  ignorant!"  "What  you  say."  replied 
the  Arabian,  "  teas  true.  But  now  we  are  a  new  people.  God  has  raised 
up  among  us  a  man,  His  prophet;  and  his  religion  has  enlightened  our 
minds,  extinguished  our  hatreds,  and  made  us  a  society  of  brothers." 

654.  The  Ninety  Years  of  Conquest. — Mohammed  lived  only 
ten  years  after  the  Hegira,  and  his  own  sway  nowhere  reached 
beyond  Arabia.  Eighty  years  after  his  death,  his  followers 
stood  victorious  upon  the  Oxus,  the  Indus,  the  Black  Sea,  the 
Atlantic.1  All  the  Asiatic  empire  of  Alexander  had  fallen  to 
them  ;  all  North  Africa,  beside;  and  already,  drawing  together 
the  sweeping  horns  of  its  mighty  crescent-form,  this  new 
power  was  trying  to  enter  Europe  from  both  east  and  west 
—  by  the  narrow  straits  of  the  Hellespont  and  of  Gibraltar. 

655.  The  Attack  upon  Europe  in  the  East:  the  Repulse  at 
Constantinople.  —  The  preservation  of  Europe  from  the  first 
attacks  lay  with  the  Greek  Empire.  After  Justinian  thai 
state  had  fallen  again  to  decay,  and,  for  a  time,  had  seemed 
in  danger  of  annihilation  by  Slavs  from  Europe  and  Per- 
sians from  Asia.  Now  the  Arabs  conquered  Persia,  taking 
its  ancient  place  as  the  champion  of  the  Orient.  They  over- 
ran Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  also;    and,  in  672,  they 


i  Most  of  the  wide  realm  so  bounded  —  including  the  greal  historic  ]>< 
of  the  Iran  plateau  and  of  the  Nile  and  Euphrates  valleys -still  belonj 
the  Mohammedan  faith. 


536  POLITICAL   EUROPE,   G00-708   A.D.  [§  6r>6 

Constantinople  itself.  Their  victory  at  this  time  (before  the 
battle  of  Testry)  would  have  left  all  Europe  open  to  their  tri- 
umphal march;  but  the  heroism  and  generalship  of  Constan- 
tine  IV  saved  the  western  world. 

Happily,  in  the  twenty  years'  anarchy  that  followed  this 
emperor's  death,  the  Saracens  made  no  determined  effort.  In 
717,  they  returned  to  the  attack;  but  a  new  and  vigorous  ruler 
had  just  come  to  the  throne  at  Constantinople.  This  was  Leo 
the  Isaurian,  who  was  to  begin  another  glorious  line  of  Greek 
emperors.  Leo  had  only  five  months  after  his  accession  in 
which  to  restore  order  and  to  prepare  for  the  terrific  onset  of 
the  Mohammedans;  but  once  more  the  Asiatics  were  beaten 
back  —  after  a  twelve  months'  siege.  TJie  most  formidable 
menace  to  Europe  wore  itself  away  on  the  walls  of  the  city  of 
( 'onstantine.1 

656.  The  Attack  in  the  West :  Repulse  at  Tours.  —  In  711, 
however,  the  A  rubs  entered  Spain,  and  were  soon  masters  of 
the  kingdom,  except  for  a  few  remote  mountain  fastnesses. 
Then,  crossing  the  Pyrenees,  the  Mohammedan  flood  spread 
over  Gaul,  even  to  the  Loire.  Now,  indeed,  it  "  seemed  that 
the  crescent  was  about  to  round  to  the  full."  But  the  danger 
united  the  Frankish  state.  The  duke  of  Aquitaine  (who  had 
long  led  a  revolt  against  Frankish  supremacy)  fled  to  Charles 


1  Arabian  chroniclers  themselves  say  that  only  thirty  thousand  survived  of 
a  host  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  well-appointed  warriors  who  began 
the  siege.  The  Greek  authorities  made  the  Saracen  numbers  some  three 
hundred  thousand,  and  "  by  the  time  the  story  reached  Western  Europe  these 
numbers  had  grown  beyond  all  recognition." 

A  chiii  weapon  of  the  defense  was  the  newly  invented  Greek  fire,  which 
was  afterward  to  be  used  with  terrible  effect  by  the  Mohammedans  them- 
selves. Six  centuries  later,  Western  Europe  was  still  ignorant  of  its  secret, 
and  an  old  crusader  who  firsl  saw  it  in  a  night  battle  described  it  as  follows: 
"  lis  nature  was  in  this  wise,  that  it  rushed  forward  as  large  round  as  a  cask 
of  verjuice,  and  the  tail  of  the  fire  which  issued  from  it  was  as  big  as  a  large- 
si/fd  Bpear.  It  made  such  a  noise  in  coming  that  it  seemed  as  if  it  were  a 
thunderbolt  from  heaven,  and  it  looked  like  a  dragon  flying  through  the  air. 
1;  cast  Buch  a  brilliant  light  thai  in  the  camp  we  could  see  as  clearly  as  if  it 
•    noonday."  —  .Idixvili.i-:,  St.  Louis. 


§057]  KEPULSE   OF  THE   MOHAMMEDANS.  537 

Martel  for  aid;  and  in  732,  in  the  plains  near  Tours,  the 
"Hammer  of  the  Franks"  met  the  Arab  host  with  his  close 
array  of  mailed  Austrasian  infantry.  From  dawn  to  dark,  on 
a  Saturday  in  October,  the  gallant  turbaned  horsemen  of  the 
Saracens  dashed  recklessly,  but  in  vain,  against  that  stern  wall 
of  iron.  That  night  the  surviving  Arabs  stole  in  silent  flight 
from  their  camp.  They  kept  some  hold  upon  a  fringe  of 
Aquitaine  for  a  while,  but  Gaul  was  saved. 

The  battle  of  Tours,  just  one  hundred  years  after  Moham- 
med's death,  is  the  high-water  mark  of  the  Saracen  invasion. 
Only  a  few  years  afterward,  the  Mohammedan  world,  like 
Christendom,  split  into  rival  empires.  The  Caliph  of  the 
East  built,  for  his  capital,  Bagdad  on  the  Tigris,  for  centuries 
the  richest  and  greatest  city  in  the  world;  the  Caliphate  of 
the  West  established  its  capital  at  Cordova  in  Spain.  The 
two  states  were  bitter  rivals,  and,  with  this  disunion,  the 
critical  danger  to  Western  civilization  for  the  time  passed 
away.  The  repulses  at  Constantinople  and  at  Tours  rank  with 
Marathon,  Salanils,  Metaurus,  and  Chalons,  in  the  long  struggle 
between  Asia  and  Europe. 

657.  Later  Mohammedanism. — The  Arabs  quickly  adopted 
Greek  culture,  and,  to  some  degree,  extended  it.  In  Persia 
and  Spain  they  developed  a  noble  literature.  They  had  the 
most  advanced  schools  and  universities  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
From  India  they  brought  the  "Arabic"  notation.  Algebra 
and  alchemy  (chemistry)  are  Arabic  in  origin  as  in  name.  The 
heavens  retain  evidence  of  their  studies  in  a  thick  sin-inkling  of 
Arabic  names  (like  Aldebaran),  while  numerous  astronomical 
terms  (azimuth,  zenith,  nadir,  etc.)  bear  similar  testimony.  In 
material  civilization, — in  methods  of  agriculture,  in  growth  of 
new  varieties  of  fruits  and  flowers,  in  manufactures  of  cloths 
(muslins  from  Mosul,  damasks  from  Damascus),  in  metal 
work  —  they  infinitely  surpassed  Europe  for  four  hundred 
years. 

On  the  whole,  however,  the  Arabs  showed  little  real  creative 
power;    and  at  a  later  time  political  leadership  fell  to  races 


538  POLITICAL   EUROPE,    000-768   A.D.  [§658 

like  the  Turks,1  much  less  capable  of  culture.  Moreover, 
Mohammedanism  sanctioned  polygamy  and  slavery;2  it  left 
no  room  for  the  rise  of  woman ;  and,  worst  of  all,  since  the 
Prophet's  teachings  were  final,  it  crystallized  into  a  change- 
less system,  opposed  to  all  improvement.  Thus  it  was  doomed 
to  decay.  Even  at  its  best,  Mohammedan  civilization  was 
marked  by  an  Oriental  character.  It  was  despotic,  uniform, 
stagnant,  —  sure  to  be  outrun  finally  by  the  western  world, 
which  was  ruder  at  first,  but  more  progressive. 

For  Further  Reading. — Curteis'  Roman  Empire,  210-227;  Stills, 
98-126;  Oilman's  Saracens;  Bury,  II,  bk.  v,  ch.  vi ;  Oman's  Byzantine 
Empire;  Carlyle's  essay  on  '•  Mohammed"  {Heroes  and  Hero-Worship). 
Advanced  students  may  consult  Draper's  Intellectual  Development  of 
Europe,  Bury's  Gibbon,  ch.  1,  li,  and  Muir's  Mohammed.  A  compact  but 
somewhat  more  extended  treatment  of  Saracenic  culture  than  the  one  in 
this  chapter  may  be  found  in  Munro's  Medieval  History,  ch.  x. 

Muir's  The  Coran  gives  translations  of  important  passages ;  some 
translations  are  given  in  Guernsey  Jones'  Source  Extracts,  and  longer 
ones  in  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  114-120. 


III.     THE   PAPACY. 

A.     Kise  to  Ecclesiastical  Headship. 

658.  Claim  :  the  Doctrine  of  the  "  Petrine  Supremacy."  —  In 
the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  the  Christian  church  was  divided 
bel  ween  the  great  pal  riarchs  of  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  Alexandria, 
Constantinople,  and  Home  (§  505).  In  spite  of  the  growing 
tendency  to  monarchic  organization,  no  one  of  these  bishops 
had  been   able   to  establish  authority  over  all   Christendom. 


1  The  term  Saracen,  Bometimes  applied  to  any  Mohammedan  power,  be- 
longs  strictly  to  tin-  Arabs;  in  North  Africa  the  Arabs  mingled  with  the 
Berbers  "f  Vauritania,  and  the  race  became  known  as  Moors  (afterward 
dominant  in  Spain):  the  Turks,  who  now  for  almost  a  thousand  years  have 
been  tin-  leading  Mohammedan  people,  came  in  later  from  Northern  Asia  and 
are  allied  to  the  Tartars. 

-  These  evils  were  among  those  which  Mohammed  found  existing  about 
him  and  \\  liich  lie  accepted. 


§  659]  THE   PAPACY.  5')d 

Claim  to  such  supremacy,  however,  had  been  put  forward  by 
one  of  them,  —  the  bishop  of  Rome.1  The  claim  took  this 
form :  Christ  had  especially  intrusted  the  government  of  his 
Church  to  Peter;  Peter  (according  to  tradition)  had  founded 
the  first  church  at  Rome ;  hence  the  bishops  of  Rome,  as  the 
successors  of  Peter,  held  spiritual  sway  over  Christendom. 

659.  Advantages  that  helped  to  make  this  Claim  Good.  —  To 
support  her  claim  over  all  the  West  against  her  eastern  rivals, 
Rome  possessed  many  advantages  in  past  history  and  in  the 
events  of  the  first  Christian  centuries. 

a.  From  early  times  the  bishops  of  Rome  were  readily 
allowed  a  certain  precedence  in  dignity,  even  by  the  other 
patriarchs,  because  men  so  inevitably  thought  of  Rome  as  the 
world-capital. 

b.  The  Latin  half  of  the  Roman  Empire,  which  would  most 
naturally  turn  to  Rome  for  leadership,  contained  no  other 
church  founded  by  an  apostle.  Nor  did  it  contain  any 
other  great  city,  to  become  a  possible  rival  of  Rome.  The 
other  patriarchs  were  all  east  of  the  Adriatic. 

c.  As  compared  with  the  East,  the  West  had  few  heresies 
and  hair-splitting  disputes  over  doctrines.  This  made  it  easier 
for  a  headship,  once  established,  to  maintain  itself. 

d.  A  long  line  of  remarkable  popes,  by  their  moderation  and 


i  The  Roman  Catholic  view  of  the  early  church  differs  widely  from  th.it 
given  here.  It  holds  that  the  church  was  monarchic  in  organization  from  the 
first  and  that  the  headship  of  Rome,  in  actual  practice,  dates  from  Peter. 
Scholarly  presentations  of  the  Catholic  argument,  together  with  collections  of 
some  of  the  historical  evidence  upon  which  it  is  based,  are  given  in  Ken  rick's 
Primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  in  Rivington's  Roman  Primary.  Robinson's 
Readings,  I,  62-73,  has  a  good  statement  with  valuable  extracts  from  several 
of  the  early  Fathers;  see  especially  the  argument  of  Pope  Leo  (pagea  69-72). 
As  early  as  the  time  of  Valentinian  III  (§  (iftt),  an  imperial  decree  had  com 
manded  that  all  tbe  church  should  recognize  the  headship  of  the  pope.  In  I 
East,  however,  the  church  did  not  acquiesce  in  this  decree  The  bishop  of 
Constantinople  claimed  an  equal  place.  The  name  pope  ("  papa  ")  was  origi- 
nally only  a  term  of  affectionate  respect  ("father")  applied  to  any  bishop.  It 
did  not  become  the  official  name  of  the  bishops  of  Home  until  1085.  Special 
reports :  Leo  the  Great  and  Gregory  the  Great. 


540  POLITICAL   EUROPE,    600-7G8   A.D.  [§  GGO 

statesmanship,  helped  to  confirm  the  place  of  Rome  as  the 
representative  of  all  the  West.  Not  unfrequently,  indeed, 
they  were  accepted  as  arbitrators  in  the  disputes  between 
eastern  patriarchs. 

e.  The  barbarian  invasions  strengthened  the  position  of  the 
pope  in  at  least  two  ways.  (1)  The  decline  of  the  imperial 
puwer  in  the  "West  lessened  the  danger  of  interference  from 
Constantinople.  (2)  The  churches  in  Spain  and  Gaul,  in  their 
dread  of  the  Arian  conquerors,  turned  to  Rome  for  closer 
guidance. 

/  Rome's  own  missionary  labors  did  much  to  extend  her 
power.  It  was  through  her  that  the  Arian  conquerors  in 
the  West  were  finally  brought  to  the  orthodox  doctrine,  and 
that  the  pagans  in  Teutonic  England  and  in  Germany  were 
converted  to  Christianity.  To  these  last,  in  particular,  Rome 
was  a  mother  church,  to  be  obeyed  implicitly.1 

660.  Rome  freed  from  Eastern  Rivals;  the  "Great  Schism."  — 
The  claims  of  Rome,  however,  carried  no  weight  in  the  East; 
and,  until  about  700,  even  to  many  men  of  the  West,  her 
bishop  appeared  only  one  (though  the  most  loved  and  re- 
spected one)  among  five  great  patriarchs.  But  the  eighth 
century  eliminated  the  other  four  patriarchs,  so  far  as  western 
Christendom  was  concerned.  In  quick  succession,  Alexan- 
dria, Jerusalem,  and  Antioch  fell  to  the  Saracens;  and,  soon 
afterward,  remaining  Christendom  split  into  rival  Latin  and 
Greek  churches,  grouped  respectively  around  Rome  and  Con- 
stantinople. 

The  schism,  like  the  political  division  of  the  old  Roman 
Empire  into  East  and  West,  followed  the  lines  of  partition 
bel  ween  the  Latin  and  Greek  cultures  (§  400).  The  split  had 
begun  to  show  very  early,  and  it  was  assisted  by  the  political 
differences  of  East  and  West.     The  occasion  for  actual  sepa- 


1  Special  report:  the  life  and  labors  of  Boniface,  "Apostle  to  the  Ger- 
mans. 3  e  pecially  Robertson's  Readings,  I,  105-111,  and  Munro  and 
Seller/-  Medieval  Civilization,  eh.  viii. 


§  661]  THE   POPE   A   TEMPORAL   SOVEREIGN.  541 

ration,  however,  was  a  religious  dispute  over  the  use  of  images 
in  worship. 

This  is  known  as  the  "iconoclast"  (image-breaking)  ques- 
tion. A  small  but  influential  minority  in  the  Greek  Empire 
desired  to  abolish  the  use  of  images,  which,  they  felt,  the 
ignorant  were  apt  to  degrade  from  symbols  into  idols.  The 
great  reforming  emperor,  Leo  the  Isaurian  (717-741),  who  had 
just  saved  what  was  left  of  Christendom  from  the  Saracens 
(§  034),  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  movement,  with  all  his 
despotic  power.  Finally,  he  ordered  all  images  removed  from 
the  churches.1  The  West  in  general  believed  in  their  use  as 
valuable  aids  to  worship,  and  in  Italy  the  pope  forbade  obedi- 
ence to  the  order  of  the  emperor.  The  result  was  the  separa- 
tion of  Christendom  into  two  halves,  never  since  united. 

Thus,  Rome  teas  left  the  unquestioned  head  of  the  Latin 
church.  Other  conditions,  which  we  are  now  to  trace,  raised 
this  headship  into  a  real  monarchy,  temporal  as  well  as  spirit- 
ual, such  as  was  never  attained  in  the  Greek  church,  where 
the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  were  overshadowed  by  the 
imperial  will. 

B.     The  Pope  becomes  a  Temporal  Sovereign-. 

661.  The  Pope  as  a  Civil  Officer  of  the  Greek  Emperor. — 
While  the  Roman  bishops  were  winning  this  spiritual  rule 
over  all  the  West,  they  were  also  becoming  independent  tem- 
poral princes  (monarchs)  over  a  small  state  in  Italy. 

This  process  begins  with  the  Lombard  invasion.  In  the 
break-up  of  Italy  (§  615),  the  imperial  governor  (exarch)  at 
Ravenna  was  cut  off  from  Rome  and  the  strip  of  territory 
about  it  that  still  belonged  to  the  Empire.     From  the  time  of 

1  In  the  East,  Leo  and  his  successors  were  temporarily  successful.  The 
monks  and  populace  resisted  them,  however,  and,  before  the  year  suit,  the 
image-worshipers  regained  the  throne  in  the  person  of  the  Empress  [rene. 
Meantime  the  question  had  divided  Christendom.  The  churches  of  Greece 
and  Russia  and  the  other  Slav  states  of  Southeastern  Europe  still  belong 
to  the  Greek  communion. 


542  POLITICAL   EUROPE,   000-708    A.D.  [§002 

Constantine,  all  bishops  had  held  considerable  civil  authority; 
and  this  new  condition  left  the  bishop  of  Rome  the  chief  lieu- 
tenant of  the  Empire  in  his  isolated  district.  At  the  same 
time,  in  the  position  that  the  pope  claimed  as  spiritual  head  of 
Christendom,  he  called,  in  some  matters,  for  submission  from 
the  emperor  himself.  Thus  his  double  character  of  the  em- 
peror's servant  and  the  emperor's  superior  could  be  easily  con- 
fused; while  the  difficulty  of  communication  left  him  in  any 
case  very  nearly  an  independent  sovereign. 

662.  This  Virtual  Independence  avowed  by  Open  Rebellion.  — 
The  emperor  did  not  permit  this  growing  independence  with- 
out a  struggle.  One  pope  was  dragged  from  the  altar  to  a 
dungeon  ;  another  died  a  lonely  exile  in  the  Crimea;  and  only  a 
threatened  revolt  in  Italy  saved  another  from  a  like  fate  in  701. 

More  and  more  the  Roman  population  of  Italy  rallied  round 
its  great  bishop  against  the  disliked  Greek  power.  When  the 
Emperor  Leo  the  Isaurian  tried  to  extend  imperial  taxation  in 
Italy,  Pope  Gregory  sanctioned  resistance.  The  imperial  decree 
regarding  images,  we  have  noted,  met  with  like  reception. 
Plans  were  discussed  in  Italy  for  setting  up  a  new  emperor 
in  Rome,  or  for  a  confederation  of  the  peninsula  under  the 
pope.  As  the  image-worship  dispute  grew  violent,  church 
councils,  summoned  by  Pope  Gregory  II  (730  a.d.)  and  by 
Gregory  III  (7.'!1  a.d.),  excommunicated  Leo.  The  emperor 
Miit  ;i  fleel  and  army  to  seize  Gregory  and  subdue  Italy;  but 
a  si i Tin  wrecked  the  expedition  and  the  rebellion  succeeded. 

After  these  events,  Roman  bishops  assumed  office  without 
tion1  from  the  emperors;  and,  fifty  years  later,  Pope 
Hadrian  made  the  political  separation  more  apparent  by  ceas- 
ing to  date  events  by  the  reigns  of  the  emperors.2 

1  I'ntil  this  rebellion,  the  popes,  though  elected  by  the  clergy  ami  people  of 
Rome,  had  waited  like  other  bishops  for  confirmation  hy  the  emperor  before 
entering  mi  their  office. 

-  instead,  he  called  a  certain  day  "  December  1,  of  the  year  781  under  the 
reign  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  our  Cud  and  Redeemer,"  and  so  began  our 
method  of  counting  time.  He  should  have  made  the  \  ear  785,  Owing  to  this 
error  in  calculation,  we  are  now  obliged  to  say  that  Christ  was  horn  4  B.C. 


§664]  THE   FRANKS   AND   THE   PAPACY.  543 

663.  Recognition  and  Protection  of  the  New  Sovereignty  by  the 
Franks. — The  next  step  was  to  secure  recognition  for  the  new- 
papal  sovereignty.  First,  however,  it  was  seriously  threatened 
by  the  Lombards.  The  Lombard  king  Aistulf  had  seized  t  lie 
Exarchate  of  Ravenna  in  the  north,  and  was  bent  upon  seiz- 
ing Rome  also.  Had  he  succeeded,  Italy  would  have  become 
one  state  with  a  united  nation.  This  result  was  prevented  by 
the  opposition  of  the  popes. 

A  Lombard  master  close  at  hand  would  have  been  more 
dangerous  to  the  papal  claims  than  a  distant  Greek  master; 
and  the  popes  appealed  to  the  Franks  for  aid.  It  happened 
that  the  great  Frankish  mayors  had  need  of  papal  sanction  for 
their  plans  just  then,  and  so  the  bargain  was  struck.  The 
story  demands  that  we  return  to  Frankish  history. 

For  Further  Reading.  —  Church's  Beginnings  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
106-110;  Carr's  Church  and  Empire,  ch.  xxiv  ;  Adams'  Civilization,  ch. 
vi ;  Emerton's  Introduction  ;  Curteis;  and  the  Church  Histories,  Catholic 
and  Protestant. 

IV.    THE   FRANKS   AND   THE   PAPACY. 
(The  Franks  from  Charles  the   Hammer  to  Charles  the  Great.) 

664.  The  Carolingian1  Dynasty  secures  the  Frankish  Throne, 
with  Papal  Sanction.  —  Shortly  after  the  victory  at  Tours,  the 
"Do-nothing"  king  died.  Charles  Martel  did  not  venture 
to  take  the  title  of  king,  but  neither  did  he  place  any 
Merovingian  upon  the  throne.  He  continued  to  rule,  in  his 
capacity  as  Mayor  of  the  Palace,  without  any  king  at  all. 
Before  his  death  he  secured  the  consent  of  the  nobles  to  the 
division  of  his  office  between  his  sons  Karlmann  and  Pippin. 

These  young  mayors,  less  secure  at  first  than  their  victori- 
ons  father,  thought  it  best  to  crown  a  Merovingian  prince, 
in  whose  name  they  might  govern,  like  their  predecessors. 
Their  first  work  was  to  continue  the  task  of  their  father  and 

1  For  this  name,  see  §  667,  note.  The  student  will  do  well  to  prepare  for 
this  topic  and  for  the  following  chapter  by  rereading  the  earlier  history  of  the 
Franks  (§§  616-620,  647-650,  656) . 


,",44  POLITICAL   EUROPE,    600-768   A.D.  [§  605 

grandfather  in  restoring  authority  over  Aquitaine  and  Bavaria. 
Then  Karlmann  entered  a  monastery,  —  as  various  other 
princes,  English  and  Lombard,  did  in  this  age,  —  and  Pippin 
began  to  think  of  taking  to  himself  the  name  and  dignity,  as 
well  as  the  labors,  of  royalty. 

He  felt,  however,  the  need  of  powerful  sanction  in  estab- 
lishing a  new  royal  line;  and,  in  750,  he  sent  an  embassy  to 
the  pope  to  ask  whether  this  was  "  a  good  state  of  things  in 
regard  to  the  kings  of  the  Franks."  The  pope,  who  needed 
Pippin's  aid  against  Lombard  encroachment,  replied,  "It  seems 
better  that  he  who  has  the  power  should  be  king  rather  than 
he  who  is  falsely  called  so.'-'  Thereupon  the  last  Merovingian 
was  sent  to  a  monastery  and  Pippin  assumed  the  crown. 

665.  Pippin  saves  and  enlarges  the  Temporal  Power  of  the 
Popes. — This  brings  us  back  to  the  story  in  Italy  (§  663). 
Shortly  before  the  death  of  Martel,  the  Lombard  king  be- 
sieged the  pope  in  Pome.  The  pope  sent  pressing  requests 
to  the  Prankish  ruler  for  aid.  Since  the  time  of  Clovis, 
the  Pranks  had  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  the  Roman 
bishops,  but  Martel  would  not  heed  this  summons.  The 
Lombards  were  his  allies  against  the  Arabs,  and  his  hands 
were  full  at  home. 

Pippin,  however,  now  owed  more  to  the  papacy ;  and  when 
llir  Lombards  attacked  Rome  again  (soon  after  Pippin's  coro- 
nation), Pope  Stephen  set  out  in  person  to  beg  aid  at  the 
Frank ish  court.  During  this  visit  he  himself  reconsecrated 
Pippin  king  of  the  Pranks.  In  return,  Pippin  made  two 
•  expeditions  into  Italy,  winning  eas}r  victories  over  the 
Lombards.  The  second  time  (756  a.d.)  he  reduced  Lombardy 
to  a  tributary  kingdom,  and  gave  to  the  pope  the  territory 
that  tlic  Lombards  had  recently  seized  from  the  Exarchate 
nf  Ravenna. 

666.  Different  Views  as  to  the  Nature  of  the  Authority  Con- 
ferred.—  This  granl  is  1  lie  famous  "Donation  of  Pippin."     The 

'  terms  arc  not  known.     Some  writers  hold  that  the  pope 
was  intended  to  be  wholly  sovereign  in  this  territory.     Others 


§GGG]  THE    FRANKS    AND    THE    PAPACY.  545 

maintain  that  Pippin    stepped    into  the  place  of  the  Greek 

emperor,   and   simply  intrusted  to  his  lieutenant,   the    pope, 
somewhat  larger  domains. 

Possibly,  at  the  moment,  neither  party  had  any  complete 
theory.  In  practice,  the  Prankish  kings  and  the  popes  Inn- 
remained  close  friends,  and  it  was  not  until  much  later  (when 
disputes  arose)  that  a  theory  of  the  situation  was  needed. 
When  that  time  did  come,  however,  the  absence  of  clear  defi- 
nition of  powers  in  this  grant  was  to  entangle  well-meaning 
men  on  opposite  sides  in  hopeless  quarrels  for  centuries.  The 
greatest  of  the  popes  held  to  the  first  of  the  two  views;  tin- 
greatest  of  the  successors  of  Pippin,  to  the  second.  The  papal 
view  at  length  prevailed.  From  this  Donation  there  arose  the 
principality  of  the  Papal  States — a  strip  of  territory  reaching 
across  the  peninsula  from  Rome  to  Ravenna.1 

In  the  attempts  to  sustain  the  papal  claims  there  grew  up  a  story  of 
a  supposed  "Donation  of  Constantine  the  Great"  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. According  to  this  imaginary  "Donation,"  the  emperor  conferred 
upon  the  popes  much  wider  domains  than  those  granted  by  Pippin, 
and  more  extensive  privileges.  The  legend  was  supported  in  the  ninth 
century  by  a  curious  pious  forgery,  put  forth  under  the  name  oi  the  great 
Bishop  Isidore  of  Spain.  These  forged  Decretals  of  Isidore  were  accepted 
as  authentic  for  many  centuries.2 

For  Further  Reading. — Emerton's  Introduction,  151-177;  Hodg- 
kin's  Charles,  44-82  ;  Bryce's  Holy  Boman  Empire,  34-41  ;  Sergeant's 
Franks.  Henderson's  Documents  contains  the  "Donation  of  Constan- 
tine." Robinson's  Headings,  I,  120-124,  gives  an  excellent  source  treat- 
ment of  the  relations  of  Pippin  and  the  papacy. 

1  This  papal  kingdom  lasted  until  1870,  when  its  last  fragment  was  united 
to  the  new-born  kingdom  of  Italy.  Many  Catholics  hope  still  for  its  restora- 
tion. They  believe  that  the  pope  cannot  be  free  to  direct  kingdoms  and 
rulers  in  moral  questions  as  they  think  he  should,  unless  he  is  independent 
politically.  This  he  can  be,  only  if  he  is  himself  a  sovereign  prince.  Nodoubt 
some  feeling  of  this  kind  began  very  early  to  inspire  the  popes  in  their  march 
toward  kingship. 

2  It  is  desirable  to  try  to  understand  that  such  "forgeries"  were  not 
blamable  in  the  same  degree  (hat  they  would  be  now,  with  our  clearer  \i<\\ 
of  the  value  of  historical  truth.  They  are  very  common  in  uncritical  ages, 
and  usually  they  portray  what  their  authors  believed  to  be  true 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  EMPIRE  OF  CHARLEMAGNE. 

{Revival  of  the  Western  Empire.) 

I.    CHARACTER  OF  CHARLEMAGNE. 

667.  Charlemagne  the  Man.  —  In  768,  Pippin,  king  of  the 
Franks,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Charles.  This  prince  was 
to  be  known  in  history  as  Charlemagne,  or  Charles  the  Great 
(Carolus  Magnus).1  Charlemagne  was  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able men  that  ever  lived,  and  his  work  has  profoundly  influ- 
enced all  later  history.  His  friend  and  secretary,  Einhard,  has 
left  us  a  description  of  him.  He  was  a  full-blooded  German, 
—  an  Australian  Frank  —  with  yellow  hair,  fair  skin,  and 
large,  keen,  blue  eyes.  He  was  unusually  tall,  but  exceedingly 
well  proportioned  and  graceful,  so  that  his  great  height  did 
not  at  first  strike  the  observer.  His  appearance  was  always 
manly  and  stately,  and  his  countenance  commonly  was  open 
and  cheerful ;  but,  when  roused  to  anger,  his  eyes  blazed  with 
a  fire  that  few  men  cared  to  stand  before. 

Riding,  hunting,  and  swimming  were  his  favorite  sports, 
but  lie  delighted  in  all  forms  of  bodily  exercise,  and  through 
mosl  of  his  life  he  was  amazingly  strong  and  active.  He  was 
simple  in  his  habits,  and  very  temperate  in  eating  and  drink- 
ing. He  was  fund  of  the  old  German  customs,  and  usually 
won-  the  ordinary  dress  of  a  Frankish  noble,  with  sword 
at  his  side  and  a  blue  cloak  flung   over  his  shoulders;  but 

'The  French  form  "  Charlemagne "  has  won  general  acceptance,  but  the 
Btudenl  miisi  imi  ill  ink  <>f  Charles  (  Karl)  as  a  Frenchman,  or  even  as  "  king 
1,1  France."  Be  was  "  king  of  the  Franks,"  and  in  history  he  was  the  prede- 
cessor  "l  the  later  German  kings  and  emperors  rather  than  of  French  kings. 

546 


§009]  EXPANSION   OF  TEUTONIC   CIVILIZATION.  .".IT 

he  was  also  fond  of  the  Roman  culture  and  strove  to  preserve 
and  extend  it  among  his  people. 

He  spoke  readily  in  Latin  as  well  as  in  his  native  German  ; 
and  he  understood  Greek  when  it  was  spoken.  Late  in  life  he 
tried  to  learn  to  write,  but  was  never  able  to  do  much  more 
than  sign  his  name.  For  the  times,  however,  he  was  an  edu- 
cated man.  At  table,  he  liked  to  have  some  one  read  to  him, 
and  he  was  particularly  fond  of  history.  He  called  scholarly 
men  about  him  from  distant  countries  and  delighted  in  their 
conversation,  and  he  did  much  to  encourage  learning.  After 
his  death,  legend  magnified  and  mystified  his  fame,  until  he 
became  the  great  hero  of  medieval  story.1 

II.    EXPANSION  AND   CONSOLIDATION  OF  TEUTONIC 
CIVILIZATION. 

668.  The  Frankish  state  at  the  accession  of  Charlemagne  had 
the  same  area  as  in  the  time  of  Dagobert,  a  hundred  and  thirty 
years  before ;  but  meantime  it  had  been  more  thoroughly  united 
and  had  been  absorbing  more  of  the  old  Roman  culture,  so  that 
it  was  now  ready  to  advance  once  more. 

The  realm  was  still  in  peril,  it  is  true,  from  Mohammedanism 
on  one  side,  and,  yet  more,  from  barbarism  on  the  other.  The 
first  Carolingians,2  —  the  two  Pippins,  and  the  Hammerer, — 
had  checked  the  invasion ;  now,  under  this  vigorous  new  prince, 
the  Franks  were  to  take  the  aggressive  and  roll  back  the  peril 
on  both  sides. 

669.  Character  of  the  Wars  of  Charlemagne.  —  The  long  reign 
of  nearly  fifty  years  (768-814)  was  filled  with  ceaseless  border 
warfare,  oftentimes  two  or  more  great  campaigns  to  a  season. 
At  first  glimpse,  therefore,  Charlemagne  stands  forth  a  warlike 
figure,  like  Caesar  and  Alexander.  Like  them  he  did  extend 
by  arms  the  area  of  civilized  life.     Rut  though  he  planned 

1  Baldwin's  Story  of  Roland  gives  some  legends  of  Charlemagne's  court. 

2  This  name  (from 'Karl,  Can. Ins)  is  applied  to  all  the  rulers  of  this  h 
from  the  time  of  its  founder,  Pippin  of  Heristal. 


548  THE    EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§  070 

campaigns,  he  rarely  took  charge  of  them,  and  his  warfare  has 
little  that  is  striking  or  romantic.  It  consisted  generally  in 
sending  overwhelming  forces  into  the  enemy's  country  to  be- 
siege its  strongholds  and  waste  its  fields.  He  warred  not  for 
glory  or  gain,  but  to  crush  threatening  perils  before  they 
should  become  too  strong.  Charles  was  not  chiefly  fighter  or 
general,  but  rather  statesman  and  rider. 

670.  The  Winning  of  the  Saxon  Lands,  to  the  Elbe,  772-804.  — 
The  most  desperate  struggle  was  with  the  heathen  Saxons,  who 
were  threatening  to  treat  the  Prankish  state  as  small  bands 
of  them  had  treated  Britain  some  three  centuries  before. 
That  fierce  people  still  held  the  wilderness  between  the  Rhine 
and  the  Elbe,  near  the  North  Sea,  Protected  by  their 
marshes  and  trackless  forests,  these  heathen  kept  up  the  con- 
test against  all  the  power  of  Charlemagne  for  more  than  thirty 
years.  Repeatedly  they  were  vanquished  and  baptized,  —  for 
Charles  forced  the  tribes  that  submitted  to  accept  Christianity 
on  pain  of  death;  but  nine  times,  after  such  submission,  they 
rebelled,  massacring  Prankish  garrisons  and  returning  to 
heathen  freedom,  —  to  their  human  sacrifices  and  the  eating  of 
the  bodies  of  witches. 

Charles's  methods  grew  stern  and  cruel.  The  greatest  blot 
on  his  fame  is  the  "massacre  at  Verden,"  where  forty-five 
hundred  leaders  of  rebellion,  who  had  been  given  up  at 
his  demand,  were  put  to  death.  The  embers  of  revolt  still 
flamed  out,  however,  and  finally  Charles  transported  whole 
Saxon  tribes  into  Gaul,  giving  their  homes  to  Prankish 
pioneers  and  garrisons. 

Whatever  we  think  of  the  methods,  these  wars  were  the 
most  fruitful  of  the  century.  The  long  pounding  of  thirty 
years  laid  the  foundation  for  modern  Germany.  Charlemagne 
completed  the  work  that  Caesar  and  Augustus  began  eight 
centuries  before  (§§  4o4,  507).  Now  that  the  Roman  world 
had  been  Germanized,  it  was  time  for  Germany  to  be  Roman- 
ized. Civilization  and  Christianity  were  extended  from  the 
Rhine  to  the  Elbe.     The  district  was  planted  with  churches 


§072]  UNION  OF  TIIF   CIVILIZED   TEUTONS.  549 

and  monasteries.     Around  them,  towns  grew  up,  so  that  these 

foundations  proved  more  powerful  than  any  army  in  holding 
the  Saxon  lands  to  the  Frankish  state.  The  Saxon  campaigns 
began  the  armed  colonization  of  the  heathen  East  by  the  civ- 
ilized Germans,  —  a  movement  which  was  to  become  one  of  the 
great  marks  of  the  later  Middle  Ages. 

671.  Spain,  Italy,  Bavaria. — Other  foes  engaged  the  atten- 
tion the  great  king  would  have  preferred  to  give  to  reconstruc- 
tion. The  Saracens  were  easily  thrust  back  to  the  Ebro,  so 
that  a  strip  of  north  Spain  became  a  Frankish  mark.1  The  last 
vassal  Lombard  king,  Desiderius,  quarreled  with  the  pope; 
and,  after  fruitless  negotiation,  Charles  marched  into  Italy, 
confirmed  Pippin's  grant  to  the  pope,  sent  Desiderius  to  a 
monastery,  and  crowned  himself  king  of  the  Lombards,  at  Pavia, 
with  the  ancient  iron  crown  of  Lombardy.  Bavaria,  always 
uncertain  in  its  allegiance  (§  049),  rebelled.  Charlemagne  sub- 
dued it  thoroughly,  sending  its  duke  into  a  monastery  and 
incorporated  it  into  the  Frankish  state.2 

672.  Result:  the  Union  of  the  German  Peoples.  —  Thus,  by 
expansion  and  consolidation,  Visigoth,  Lombard,  Burgund, 
Frank,  Bavarian,  Allemand,  Saxon,  —  all  the  surviving  Ger- 
manic peoples,  except  those  in  the  Scandinavian  peninsula. 
and  in  Britain,  —  were  united  into  a  Christian  Romano-T(  utonic 
state.3  This  seems  to  have  been  the  aim  of  Charlemagne. 
More  than  this  he  did  not  wish.  He  might  easily  have  seized 
more  of  Spain  or  the  provinces  of  the  Greek  Empire  in  south 
Italy.     The  Empire,  indeed,  gave  him  no  little  provocation. 

1  The  defeat  of  Charlemagne's  rear  guard,  on  the  return,  by  the  wilil  tribes- 
men of  the  Pyrenees  in  the  pass  of  Roncesvalles.  gave  rise  to  the  Legend  of  the 
death  of  the  hero  Roland  in  battle  with  Saracens  there.  The  details  are  fable, 
but  the  Song  of  Roland  was  the  most  famous  poem  of  the  early  Middle 

2  Note  the  distinction:  Lombardy  remained  a  separate  kingdom  from  tli.it 
of  the  Franks,  though  the  two  states  had  the  same  king;  Ba  iria  became 
part  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks,  with  no  separate  government. 

3  The  population  was  largely  Roman  still,  but  politically  the  differenl 
parts  of  the  state  were  essentially  Teutonic.  In  all  its  divisions,  in  Italy  and 
south  Gaul,  as  in  Saxon-land,  the  rule,  for  the  most  part,  was  in  Teutonic 
hands. 


550  THE   EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§673 

But  with  rare  moderation  he  returned  freely  some  Adriatic 
provinces  that  had  voluntarily  submitted  to  him.  For  mere 
conquest,  such  realms  would  have  been  vastly  more  attractive 
than  the  bleak  Saxon-land,  but  it  seems  plain  that  Charles  did 
not  choose  to  incorporate  inharmonious  elements  needlessly 
into  his  German  state. 

It  is  notable  also  that  the  small  Teutonic  states  outside  his 
realms,  in  Denmark  and  in  England,  recognized  some  vague 
overlordship  in  the  ruler  of  the  Teutonic  continent. 

673.  Defensive  Wars  against  the  Eastern  Slavs ;  Dependent 
States.  —  The  wars  against  the  Saxons  had  been  partly  defen 
sive,  partly  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  Teutonic 
character  of  the  state.  The  rolling  back  of  the  Arabs  in  Visi- 
gothic  Spain  had  a  like  twofold  character.  The  other  mili- 
tary expeditions  of  Charlemagne  so  far  mentioned  had  been 
intruded  to  complete  the  union  of  the  civilized  Teutons 
in  Western  Europe.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  he 
waged  many  wars  against  the  heathen,  non-German  peoples 
on  the  east,  but  these  wars,  also,  were  essentially  defensive 
in  purpose. 

Beyond  the  German  territory  there  stretched  away  indefi- 
nitely the  savage  Slavs  and  Avars,  who  from  time  to  time 
hurled  themselves  against  the  barriers  of  civilization,  as  in 
old  Roman  days.  But  the  vigorous  Teutonic  race  who  now 
championed  the  cause  of  civilization  attacked  barbarism  in  its 
own  strongholds.  Gradually  the  first  line  of  these  peoples 
beyond  the  Elbe  and  Danube  (including  modern  Bohemia 
and  Moravia)  were  reduced  to  tributary  kingdoms.  Charles 
made  no  attempt,  however,  really  to  incorporate  these  con- 
quests into  his  Frankish  state,  or  to  force  Christianity  upon 
them.  They  were  intended  only  to  serve  as  buffers  against 
their  untamed  brethren  farther  east. 

The  most  famous  work  of  Charlemagne,  if  not  the  most 
useful,  was  the  reestablishment  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the 
West.     To  this  we  will  now  direct  our  attention. 


§075]     REVIVAL   OF  ROMAN   EMPIRE    IN   THE    WEST.        551 

III.    THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE   IX  THE    WEST. 

674.  Reasons  and  Pretexts.  —  The  state  ruled  by  Clovia  and 
Dagobert  had  been  not  so  much  a  kingdom  as  an  empire,  in 
extent  and  character,  comprising,,  as  it  did,  many  sub-states 
and  diverse  peoples.1  Charlemagne  had  given  new  emphasis 
to  this  character  of  the  Frankish  state,  and  he  ruled  also  over 
wide  realms  in  north  Italy  which  were  not  in  the  Frankish 
state  at  all.  Now  he  was  to  strengthen  his  power  by  reviving 
the  dignity  and  the  magic  name  of  the  Roman  Empire.  He 
knew  that  the  mere  "king  of  the  Franks"  could  never  sway 
the  minds  of  Visigoth,  Lombard,  Bavarian,  Saxon,  and  espe- 
cially of  the  Roman  populations  they  dwelt  among,  as  could 
the  "  Emperor  of  the  Romans  "  ruling  from  the  old  world- 
capital. 

There  was  already  a  "Roman  Emperor,"  of  course,  at  Con- 
stantinople, whose  authority,  in  theory,  extended  over  all 
Christendom.  Just  at  this  time,  however,  Irene,  the  empress 
mother,  put  out  the  eyes  of  her  son,  Constantine  VI,  and 
seized  the  imperial  power.  To  most  minds,  East  and  West, 
it  seemed  monstrous  that  a  woman  should  pretend  to  sway  the 
scepter  of  the  world,  and  Charles  decided  to  restore  the  throne 
to  its  ancient  capital  in  the  West. 

675.  Election  and  Coronation.  —  On  Christmas  day,  800  a. i>.. 
Charlemagne  was  at  Rome,  whither  he  had  been  called  once 
more  to  protect  the  pope  from  turbulent  Italian  enemies.  1  tar- 
ing the  Christmas  service,  while  the  king  km  11  in  prayer,  Pope 
Leo  III  placed  upon  his  head  a  gold  crown  and  saluted  him  as 
Charles  Augustus,  Emperor  of  the  Romans.  The  act  was  rati  fied 
by  the  enthusiastic  acclaim  of  the  multitude;  and  once  more 
Rome  had  chosen  an  Imperator.2 

1This  is  the  proper  use  of  the  term  empire  as  distinguished  from  kingdom 
(cf.  §  32c,  note),  and  this  meaning  it  always  had  until  Napoleon  111  obscured 
it  in  the  popular  mind  by  assuming  the  style  of  emperor  while  merelj  ruler  of 
France  (1852-1870).     The  first  Napoleon  was  really  an  emperor. 

2  Besides  the  account  in  Emerton  and  Adams,  see  especially  Bryce,  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  50-58  and  67-71,  and  Sheppard,  Fall  of  Rome,  496  IT. 


552  THE   EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§  070 

676.  Theory  of  the  Empire.  —  This  act  of  Leo  and  Charles 
was  not  a  partition  of  imperial  duties,  as  between  Diocletian 
and  his  colleague,  nor  a  friendly  division  of  territory,  as  be- 
tween Arcadius  and  Honorius  (§  504).  It  was  in  theory  the 
restoration  of  the  seat  of  the  one  universal  Empire  to  Rome. 
In  fact,  however,  it  created  tiro  rival  empires,  each  calling 
itself  the  Roman  Empire,  and  looking  on  the  other  as  a 
usurpation. 

Charlemagne  is  said  commonly  to  have  "revived  "  the  Western  Empire. 
This  is  essentially  correct  if  we  look  at  results.  But  in  theory,  and  in  the 
k  of  men  of  his  day,  Charlemagne  was  the  successor,  not  of  Romulus 
Augustulus  (§  604),  hut  of  Constantine  VI,  just  deposed  at  Constanti- 
nople. In  course  of  time,  to  be  sure,  men  had  to  recognize  that  there 
were  two  Empires,  as  there  had  come  to  he  two  branches  of  the  Christian 
Church ;  but  to  the  men  of  the  West,  their  Empire,  like  their  Church, 
remained  the  only  legitimate  one. 

677.  Western  and  Eastern  Empires  contrasted.  —  Neither  Empire  was 
nally  Roman.  The  Eastern  grew  more  and  more  Oriental,  until  it  ended 
in  1  L53  A.U.,  when  the  Turks  captured  Constantinople.  The  Western  grew 
more  and  more  Teutonic,  until  it  ended  in  1800,  before  which  time  its 
rulers  had  shrunk  into  little  more  than  dukes  of  Austria.  Both  Empires 
continued  to  stand  for  civilization  as  against  barbarism.  The  Eastern, 
however,  was  henceforth  largely  passive,  and  calls  for  little  attention 
in  European  history;  the  active  and  positive  forces  were  found  in  the 
Western.  The  Eastern  Empire  warded  off  from  Europe  inroads  of 
Asiatie  barbarism,  and  served  as  a  storehouse  of  the  old  culture.  The 
Western  Empire  learned  from  the  Eastern  some  of  its  civilization,  and 
i  si,  nded  Christianity  and  good  order  in  Central  Europe. 

678.  The  Western  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Old  Roman 
Empire  contrasted.  —  The  new  Western  Empire,  too,  while  one 
in  theory  with  the  old  Empire  of  Augustus  and  Constantine, 
differed  from  it  almost  as  widely  as  from  the  Byzantine 
Empire.     Two  distinctions  should  be  especially  noted. 

a.  The  new  Empire  was  European,  and  even  Teuton ic,  rather 
than  Mediterranean, both  in  area  and  character.  Charlemagne 
ami  his  successors  had  to  be  era/rued  in  Rome,  but  the  German 
Rhine,  not  the  Italian  Tiber,  was  the  real  center  of  their  state. 


EUROPE 

IB   THE   TIME  OF 

CHARLES  THE  GREAT 
811 

ROMAN  EMPIRE  OF  THE  WEST: 


re  Charlem; 

ilitiuns 

Tributary  Slates 


ROMAN  EMPIRE  CF  THE  EAST: | ] 

a 


MOHAMMEDANS: 

Emirate  of  Cordova 
Caliphate  of  Bagdad 





SCALE   OF   MILES 


■ 


3UU         40U         600 


&        Latitude  «'ni 


1 5    Longitude        t 


§679]     REVIVAL   OF   ROMAN    EMPIRE    IN    THE    WEST.        553 

Aachen,  not  Rome,  was  the  capital  of  the  government.  Greek 
and  Oriental  influences  were  almost  wholly  excluded;  and 
Roman  ideas,  so  far  as  they  remained,  were  worked  out  by 
rulers  of  Teutonic  blood. 

b.  The  new  Empire  arose  out  of  a  union  of  the  Papacy 
and  the  Prankish  power.  This  union  began  in  the  corona- 
tion and  the  donation  of 
Pippin,  and  was  confirmed 
by  the  Christmas-day  coro- 
nation of  Charles.  In 
later  times  the  union  was 
to  be  expressed  in  the 
name,  The  Holy  Roman 
Empire.  The  Empire  had 
its  spiritual  as  well  as  its 
temporal  head.  The  limits 
of  authority  between  the       Throne  of  Charlem  w.nk.  ai  Aachen. 

two  were  not  well  defined,  and  in  later  times  dissensions  were 
to  arise  between  them. 


679.  The  Great  Powers  in  8oo  A.D.  —  Thus  at  the  close  of  Ancient 
History  the  world  is  divided  among  four  Great  Powers  —  the  two 
Christian  Empires  and  the  two  rival  Mohammedan  Caliphates.1 

The  Christian  states  were  in  some  sense  rivals.  Each  was  bitterly 
hostile  to  its  Mohammedan  neighbor,  and  each  in  consequence  was  to 
some  degree  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Mohammedan  power  bordering 
the  other.  The  only  one  of  the  four  states  that  was  to  stand  finally  for 
progress  was  the  Western  Empire,  with  its  fringes  in  the  Teutonic  states 
of  Denmark  and  England. 


The  revival  of  the  Empire  added  to  Charlemagne's  dignity, 
but  it  did  not  directly  add  to  his  power  or  in  any  material 
way  change  the  character  of  his  government.  With  a  brief 
survey  of  that  government,  we  close  our  study. 


i  The  Caliph  Haroun  al  Raschid  at  Bagdad,  the  hero  of  the  Arabian  Nights, 
was  Charlemagne's  contemporary.  In  an  exchange  of  courtesies,  the  Saracen 
sent  to  the  Frankish  king  a  white  elephant  and  a  curious  water  clock  that 

s,ruck  ,be  hours-  SXAIENORMAL  squol, 


554  THE   EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§  680 


IV.     SOCIAL   AND   POLITICAL   CONDITIONS. 

680.  General  Poverty  and  Misery  of  the  Times.  —  Because 
there  was  again  a  Roman  Empire  in  the  West,  with  a  power- 
ful ruler,  we  must  not  think  that  the  glory  and  prosperity  of 
the  old  Empire  had  been  restored.  To  accomplish  that  was 
to  be  the  work  of  centuries  more.  In  800,  the  West  was 
ignorant  and  poor.  There  was  much  barbarism  in  the  most 
civilized  society.  Eoads  had  fallen  into  neglect,  and  there 
was  little  communication  between  one  district  and  another. 
Money  was  little  heard  of.  Trade  hardly  existed.  Almost 
the  only  industry  was  a  primitive  kind  of  agriculture. 

Perhaps  this  condition  is  best  realized  by  looking  at  the 
revenues  of  Charlemagne  himself.  Great  and  powerful  as  he 
was,  he  was  always  pinched  for  money.  There  were  no  taxes, 
as  we  understand  the  word, — partly  because  there  was  no 
money  to  pa}r  them  with.  Payment  was  made  by  service  in 
person.  The  common  freemen  paid  by  serving  in  the  ranks 
in  war;  the  nobles  paid  by  serving  there,  with  their  followers, 
and  also  by  serving,  without  salary  from  the  treasury,  as  offi- 
cers in  the  administration.  The  treasury  received  some  fines, 
and  it  was  enriched  somewhat  by  the  " gifts"  which  were 
expected  from  the  wealthy  men  of  the  realm;  but  its  chief 
support  came  from  the  produce  of  the  royal  farms  scattered 
through  the  kingdom.  Charlemagne  took  the  most  minute 
care  that  these  lands  should  be  well  tilled,  and  that  each 
should  pay  him  every  egg  and  vegetable  due.  For  the  man- 
agement of  his  estates  he  drew  up  regulations,  from  which  we 
learn  much  about  the  conditions  of  the  times.1 

681.  Political  Organization.  —  Five  features  of  the  govern- 
ment  deserve  attention,  —  the  administration  by  counts;  the 
watching  of  the  counts  by  the  missi  dominici;  the  Tang's  own 
marvelous  activity;  the  issuing  of  capitularies ;   and  mayfields. 

1  See  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  III,  No.  2,  or  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  137- 


§681]  SOCIAL  AND   POLITICAL   CONDITIONS.  555 

a.  TJie  counts.  Under  the  Merovingians,  large  fragments  of 
the  kingdom  fell  under  the  rule  of  dukes  who  became  almost 
independent  sovereigns,  and  who  usually  passed  on  their 
authority  to  their  sons.  Pippin  began  to  replace  these  heredi- 
tary dukes  with  appointed  counts,  more  closely  dependent  upon 
the  royal  will.     This  practice  was  extended  by  Charlemagne. 

Except  on  the  frontier,  no  one  count  was  given  a  large  dis- 
trict; therefore  the  number  of  these  officers  was  very  great. 
On  the  frontiers,  to  watch  the  outside  barbarians,  the  imperial 
officers  were  given  large  territories  ("  marks  ")  and  were  known 
as  margraves.  To  the  counts  and  margraves  was  intrusted  all 
ordinary  business  of  government  for  their  districts.  They 
maintained  order,  administered  justice,  levied  troops,  and  in 
all  ways  represented  the  king  to  the  people. 

b.  Missi  dominici.  Like  the  old  dukes,  the  counts  tended 
to  become  identified  with  their  localities  as  independent  rulers, 
and  to  transmit  their  power  to  their  sons.  To  oppose  this 
tendency  directly  in  those  times  was  hardly  possible.  So,  to 
keep  the  counts  in  order,  Charlemagne  introduced  a  new  set 
of  officers  known  as  missi  dominici  ("  king's  messengers "). 
The  empire  was  divided  into  districts,  each  containing  the 
governments  of  several  counts,  and  to  each  such  district 
each  year  there  was  sent  a  pair  of  these  commissioners,  to 
examine  the  administration  and  to  act,  for  the  year,  as  the 
king's  self, — overseeing  the  work  of  local  counts,  correcting 
injustice,  holding  popular  assemblies,  and  reporting  all  to  the 
king.1  The  commissioners  were  moved  from  one  circuit  to 
another,  year  after  year,  so  that  they  should  not  establish  too 
intimate  relations  with  one  set  of  counts.  Usually,  too,  the 
pair  of  missi  were  made  up  of  one  layman  and  one  bishop,  so 
that  the  two  might  be  the  more  ready  to  check  each  other. 

c.  Charlemagne's  personal  activity.  Thissimple  system  worked 
wonderfully  well  in  Charlemagne's  lifetime,  largely   because 

iCf.  §  63.  Read  Emerton's  Introduction,  220,  221,  and  Adams'  Civili- 
zation, 160-162.  See  also  Charlemagne's  instructions  to  the  missi,  in  Robin- 
son's Readings,  I,  139-143. 


556  THE    EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§  682 

of  his  own  marvelous  activity.  Despite  the  terrible  conditions 
of  the  roads,  and  the  other  hardships  of  travel  in  those  times, 
the  king  was  constantly  on  the  move,  journeying  from  end  to 
end  of  his  vast  domiuions  and  attending  unweariedly  to  its 
wants.  No  commercial  traveler  of  to-day  travels  more  faith- 
fully, and  none  dreams  of  meeting  such  hardships. 

(I.  Capitularies.  With  the  help  of  his  chief  advisers,  the 
king  drew  up  collections  of  laws  to  suit  the  needs  of  his  people. 
These  collections  are  known  as  capitularies.1 

e.  Mayfields.  To  keep  in  closer  touch  with  popular  wishes 
and  feelings  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  Charlemagne  made 
use  of  the  old  Teutonic  assemblies  in  fall  and  spring.  All 
freemen  could  attend  and  speak.  Sometimes,  especially  when 
war  was  to  be  decided  upon,  this  "  mayfield  "  gathering  com- 
prised the  bulk  of  the  men  of  the  Frankish  nation.  At  other 
times  it  was  made  up  only  of  the  great  nobles  and  churchmen. 

To  these  assemblies  the  capitularies  were  read;  but  the 
assembly  was  not  itself  a  legislature.  Law-making  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  king ;  and  at  the  most,  the  assemblies  could  only 
bring  to  bear  upon  him  the  force  of  public  opinion. 

682.  Relations  to  the  Church.  —  In  the  lifetime  of  Charle- 
magne the  popes  secured  little  of  the  control  they  were  after- 
ward to  exercise  in  the  Empire.  Charles  himself  promulgated 
religious  regulations.  He  appointed  all  bishops  or  controlled 
their  appointment,  and  he  heard  appeals  from  the  bishops  and 
archbishops.  He  also  called  special  church  councils,  at  which 
he  presided  in  person.  The  decrees  of  these  councils  he  sanc- 
tioned  ;  and,  in  one  case  at  least,2  he  declared  doctrines  false 
that  had  just  been  approved  by  the  Pope. 

683.  Schools  and  Education. —  Attention  has  already  been 
called  (§  666)  to  Charlemagne's  interest  in  learning.  The 
difficulties  in  building  up  a  better  education  were  almost  be- 
yond our  belief.     There  seemed  no  place  to  begin.     Not  only 

1  Special  report  upon  the  extracts  in  Pennsylvania  Reprints,  VI,  No.  5,  and 
in  Robinson's  Readings,  I,  ch.  vii. 

2  SiM-riul  report:  the  Council  of  Frankfort,  794  a.d. 


§685]  SOCIAL  AND  POLITICAL  CONDITIONS.  557 

the  nobles,  but  even  many  of  the  better  clergy  were  denseh 
ignorant.     The  only  tools  to  work  with  were  poor. 

Charlemagne  did  much.  He  secured  mure  learned  men  for 
the  clergy.  He  brought  about  the  opening  of  schools  in  many 
of  the  monasteries  and  at  the  seats  of  some  of  the  bishops; 
and  he  urged  that  these  schools  should  not  only  train  the 
clergy  but  that  they  should  teach  all  children  to  road,  even 
those  of  serfs.  Some  of  the  schools  established  or  revived  al 
this  time,  as  at  Tours  and  Orleans,  acquired  much  fame.  For 
teachers,  learned  men  were  brought  from  Italy,  where  the 
Roman  culture  best  survived.  Charlemagne  also  established 
a  famous  "  School  of  the  Palace"  for  the  young  nobles  of  the 
court,  and  the  scholar  Alcuin  was  induced  to  come  from  Eng- 
land to  direct  it.  The  emperor  himself,  when  time  permitted, 
studied  at  the  tasks  of  the  boys. 

With  great  zeal,  too,  he  strove  to  secure  a  true  copying  of 
valuable  manuscripts,  and  especially  a  correction  of  errors  that 
had  crept  into  the  services  of  the  church  through  careless  copy- 
ing or  mis-writing. 

684.  The  Place  of  Charlemagne's  Empire  in  History.  —  In 
the  seventh  century  there  were  four  great  forces  contending 
for  Western  Europe,  —  the  Greek  Empire,  the  Saracens,  the 
Franks,  and  the  Papacy.  By  the  year  800,  the  Carolingians 
had  excluded  two  and  had  fused  the  other  two  into  the  revived 
Roman  Empire. 

Eor  centuries  more,  this  Roman  Empire  was  to  be  one  of 
the  most  important  institutions  in  Europe.  It  embodied  the 
Roman  idea  of  universal  centralized  authority,  and  it  served 
partly  to  counteract  the  Teutonic  over-tendency  to  individual- 
ism. Barbarism  and  anarchy  were  again  to  break  in,  after  the 
death  of  the  great  Charles;  but  the  imperial  idea  to  which  he 
had  given  new  life  and  new  meaning  was  to  be  for  ages  the 
inspiration  of  the  best  minds  as  they  strove  against  the  forces 
of  anarchy  in  behalf  of  order,  peace,  and  progress. 

685.  The  Place  of  Charlemagne.  —  For  his  lifetime,  Charle- 
magne restored  order  to  Europe.     It  is  true  he  was  ahead  of 


558  THE    EMPIRE   OF   CHARLEMAGNE.  [§  685 

his  age,  and,  after  his  death,  his  great  design  in  many  respects 
broke  to  pieces.  It  is  true,  too,  that  he  built  upon  the  work  of 
his  father  and  grandfather,  and  that  he  could  not  have  accom- 
plished much  without  them.  But  he  towers  above  them,  and 
above  all  other  men  from  the  fifth  to  the  fifteenth  century,  — 
easily  the  greatest  figure  of  a  thousand  years. 

He  stands  for  five  great  movements.  He  expanded  the  area 
of  civilization,  created  one  great  Romano-Teutonic  state,  revived 
the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West  for  the  outward  form  of  this 
state,  reorganized  the  church  and  civil  society,  and  brought 
about  a  revival  of  learning.  Looking  at  this  work  as  a  whole, 
we  may  say  he  wrought  wisely  to  combine  the  best  elements 
of  Roman  and  of  Teutonic  society  into  a  new  civilization. 
In  his  Empire  the  various  streams  of  influence  that  we  have 
traced  in  Ancient  History  were  at  last  fused  in  one  great 
current,  —  and  Modern  History  was  begun. 


For  Further  Reading.  —  Good  brief  treatments  of  Charlemagne's 
•work  are  given  in  Emerton,  Introduction,  180-235;  Adams,  Civilization, 
1">4-109;  and  Church,  Beginnings  of  the  Middle  Ages,  110-137.  Ein- 
hard's  contemporary  Life  of  Charlemagne  is  published  in  Harper's 
Half-Hour  Series  (30  cents),  and  extracts  from  this  work  and  from  the 
Capitularies  are  given  in  Robinson's  Headings,  I,  126-146.  For  longer 
modern  studies,  see  Hodgkin's  Charles  the  Great,  Mombert's  Charles  the 
Great,  Cult's  Charlemagne,  Mullinger's  Schools  of  Charles  the  Great, 
West's  A/ruin,  Sergeant's  Franks,  Bryce's  Holy  Roman  Empire. 


EXERCISES   ON   PART   VI. 

1.  Topical  and  "catchword"  reviews:  (a)  Tlie  church  (see  Part  V 
also);  a.)  The  Franks;  (c)  The  Empire. 

2.  ]>nt(. s  to  be  added  for  events  subsequent  to  the  Teutonic  invasions: 
378,  410,  IT'),  622,  732,  800. 

Whai  (\tnts  connected  with  the  invasions  can  the  student  locate,  in 
order,  between  378  and  470  ?  What  events  in  the  history  of  the  Empire 
between  176  and  l:vi '.'     (Similar  tests  for  other  periods.). 

3.  Battles.     Add  to  previous  lists  live  battles  for  the  period  378-800. 


APPENDIX. 


I.  TABLE  OF  EVENTS  AND  DATES. 

[Until  about  800,  dates  can  only  be  estimated  in  round  numbers.] 


GREECE. 

B.C. 

THE   EAST. 

5000  . 

.     Civilization    appears     in 
Egypt  and  Chaldea. 

3800  . 

.    Sargon  the  Elder. 

2800  . 

.    The    political   center   in 
Egypt    moves    up    the 
river    from    Memphis 
to  Thebes. 

2700  . 

.    A  voluminous  Chaldean 
literature  (§  45). 

jcenaean      civilization 

2400  . 

.     The    political    center    in 

on     the     coasts     and 

Chaldea  moves  up  the 

islands  of  the  Aegean 

river  to  Babylon. 

(§  74).      Schliemann's 

2234  . 

.     Beginning  of  the  refolded 

Troy  destroyed,  2500. 

astronomical    observa- 
tions at  Babylon   §38). 

2000  . 

.    Chaldean   rule  extended 
over  Syria. 
The  Hyksos  in  Egypt. 
Abraham. 

1800  . 

.     Beginning  of  Assyria. 
The  Hebrews  enter] 

1600  . 

.    Expulsion  of  the  Hyksoa 
from  Egypt. 

1500  . 

.    Egypt  conquers  Asia  to 
the  Tigris. 
Phoenician  supremacy  ii 
the  Aegean. 

659 


-,.;<> 


TABLE   OF   EVENTS   AND   DATES.     [1300-625  b.c. 


1300-1000  Achaean  civilization. 
1200  or  1100    The  Trojan  War. 

1000 


Early  Homeric  poems. 
The  Dorian  invasion. 
Kingship  at  Athens  lim- 
ited after  the  death  of 
Codrus. 
1000-900    Greek  colonization  of  the 
islands  of  the  Aegean 
and  the  Asiatic  coast. 
800-600.     Wider    Greek    coloniza- 
tion. 
776     .    .    First  recorded  Olympiad. 

(753    .    .    Legendary  date  for  the  founding  of  Rome.) 
752     .    .    Ten-year      archons      at 
Athens. 


1380  .    .    Rameses  II. 

1320  .    ,    Libyan       attack      upon 
Egypt.     Hebrew  Exo- 
dus. 
Assyria  attains  brief  su- 
premacy over  Chaldea. 
Hittite  Empire  in  Syria. 

1280  .    .    The  Hebrews  enter  Pales- 
tine. 

1125  .    .    First  Assyrian  Empire. 

1055  .     .     David,  king  of  the   He- 
brews. 

1000  .    .    Zoroaster. 


975  (?)  .    The  Hebrew  state  divided. 
850  (?)   .     Carthage  founded. 


700    .    .    King  Pheidon  at  Argos. 
682     .     .     Nine  annual  archons  at 
Athens. 

650-500  .    The  Lyric  Age. 


745    . 

.    Second  Assyrian  Empire ; 

Tiglath-Pileser  II. 

730    . 

.    Egypt  conquered  by  Ethi- 

opia. 

722    . 

.     Sargon  II  carries  the  Ten 

Tribes    into    Assyrian 

captivity. 

672     . 

.    Egypt  conquered  by  As- 

syria. 

053     . 

.     Egyptian  revolt ;    Psam- 

metichus. 

040     . 

.     Revolt     of     the     Medes 

against  Assyria. 

632     . 

.     Scythian  irruption. 

025     . 

.    The  Babylonian  Empire. 

624-462  b.c]       TABLE    OF   EVENTS   AND   DA  I  ES. 


501 


624    .    .    Archouship  of  Draco. 
612    .    .    Cylon's    insurrection    at 
Athens. 


594-593  .    Archonship  of  Solon. 
560-527  .    Peisistratus  at  Athens. 


525    .    . 

522-448 . 

Pindar. 

522-485 . 

GREECE. 

510     .     . 

Expulsion  of  the  Peisi- 
stratidae. 

510     .     . 

509     .     . 

Constitution     of     Cleis- 
thenes. 

500-494  . 

The  Ionic  revolt. 

494     .    . 

492-479 

492  . 
490  . 
483    . 


480 


479 

477 
472 
469 
468 


Attack    by   Persia    and 

Carthage. 
Eirst  Persian  invasion. 
Marathon. 
Ostracism   of   Aristides; 

adoption  of  Themisto- 

cles'  naval  policy. 
Thermopylae,      Artemi- 

sium,      Salamis,      Hi- 

mera. 
Plataea,  Mycale. 
Confederacy  of  Delos. 
Themistocles  ostracized. 
Revolt  of  Naxos. 
Eurymedon. 


610-595 . 

606  .  . 
604-561 . 

586  .  . 

560  .  . 

558-529 . 
538  .  . 

537  .  . 


493 


486 


Neco ;    circumnavigation 

of  Africa. 
Destruction  of  Nineveh. 
Nebuchadnezzar. 
The  Jews  pass  into  the 

Babylonian  captivity. 
Croesus  makes  Lydia  a 

great  power. 
Cyrus  the  Great  of  Persia. 
Babylonia      a      Persian 

province. 
The  Jews  sent  back  to 

Palestine  by  Cyrus. 
Egypt  a  Persian  province. 
Darius  I  of  Persia. 

ROME. 

Expulsion    of    the    Tar- 
quins. 


First    secession    of    the 

Plebs. 
First  plebeian  tribunes. 


Agrarian      proposal      of 
Spurius  Cassius. 


462 


Proposal  for  written  laws. 


562 


TABLE   OF   EVENTS   AND   DATES.       [461-379  b.c. 


461     .     . 

Rupture  between  Sparta 

and  Athens  ;  ostracism 

of  Cimon. 

461-429. 

Leadership  of  Pericles. 

459    .    . 

The  Athenian  expedition 

to  Egypt. 

458     .     . 

Long  Walls  at  Athens. 

457     .     . 

Battle  of  Tanagra. 

451     .     . 

Athenian      disaster      in 

Egypt. 

446     .    . 

Loss  of  Boeotia  by  Ath- 

ens ;  loss  of  Megaris. 

445    .    . 

Thirty  Years'  Truce. 

438     .     , 

431^404 
421)     .     . 
415-413, 

411     .    , 

406  .  , 
405     .     . 

t'H     .     , 

404-371  . 

103  .  . 
401     .    . 

399  .  . 
396  .  . 
395-387  . 
394  .  , 
393  .  . 


The  Parthenon  com- 
pleted. 

Peloponnesian  War. 

Death  of  Pericles. 

The  Sicilian  expedition. 

The  "Four  Hundred" 
at  Athens. 

Arginusae. 

Aegospotami. 

Surrender  of  Athens ;  the 
thirty  tyrants. 

Supremacy  of  Sparta. 

ThrasybulusfreesAthens. 

March  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand Greeks. 

Execution  of  Socrates. 

Agesilaus  invades  Asia. 

The  Corinthian  War. 

Cnidus. 

Alliens'  Long  Walls  re- 
built. 

Peace  of  Antalcidas. 

Sparta  crushes  the  Chal- 
cidic  Confederacy. 


451-449 , 


445 


444 
443 


409 


400 


390 

387 


The      Decemvirs ;      the 

twelve  tables  ;    second 

secession  of  the  plebs  ; 

the   Valerian-Horatian 

Laws. 
Intermarriage      between 

the  orders  legalized. 
Consular  tribunes. 
Censors. 


Plebeians      attain 
quaestorship. 


the 


Plebeians  attain  the  con- 
sular tribuneship. 


Gauls  sack  Rome. 

The  Tribes  increased  to 
twenty-five. 


371-241  b.c.]       TABLE   OF   EVENT*    AM)    DATES. 


563 


B.C. 

371    . 

371-362 
371     . 

362     .     , 
359-336 


351     . 

348     . 
345-337 
338     . 

336-323 

334    . 
333     . 

332     .     , 

331     . 

325     . 
323-276 , 

322     .     , 

301     .    , 


285-247 
280     . 
278     . 


245 


Leuctra. 

Theban  leadership. 
Megalopolis  founded. 

Battle  of  Mantinea. 
Philip  king  of  Macedon. 


First  Philippic  of  Demos- 
thenes. 
Death  of  Plato. 
Timoleon  the  Liberator. 
Chaeronea. 

Rule  of  Alexander  the 
Great. 

The  Granicus. 

Issus. 

Siege  of  Tyre ;  Alexan- 
dria founded. 

Arbela. 

Expedition  of  Nearchus. 

Wars  of  the  Succession. 

Death  of  Aristotle. 

Ipsus. 


Ptolemy  Philadelphus. 
The  Achaean  League. 
The  Gallic  invasion. 


Aratus,    general   of    the 
Achaean  League. 


367         .    The  Licinian  Laws. 
366    .    .    Praetorship  established. 

358  .  .  The  Tribes  increased  to 
twenty-seven. 

356  .  .  Plebeians  attain  the  dic- 
tatorship. 

351  .  .  Plebeians  attain  the  cen- 
sorship. 

343-341  .     First  Samnite  War. 
340-338  .     The  Latin  War. 
337    .    .    The  plebeians  attain  the 
praetorship. 


332     .     . 

The  Tribes  increased  to 

twenty-nine. 

326-304 . 

Second  Samnite  War. 

A 

321     .     . 

Caudine  Forks. 

312     .     . 

Appius  Claudius,  censor. 

300    .     . 

Plebeians  become  augurs 

and  pontiffs. 

299    .    . 

The  Tribes  increased  to 

thirty-three. 

298-290 . 

Third  Samnite  War. 

287     .     . 

Hortensian  Law. 

280-275 .  War  between  Rome  and 
Pyrrhus  ;  Rome  ab- 
sorbs Greek  Italy. 

266  .  .  Conquest  of  the  Gauls 
to  the  Rubicon. 

264-241.  First  Punic  War;  most 
of  Sicily  becomes 
Roman. 


504 


TABLE   OF   EVENTS  AND   DATES.        [241-82  B.C. 


241 


235 


221     . 
220     . 


Agis  at  Sparta ;   failure 
and  death. 


Struggle  between  the 
Achaean  League  and 
Sparta ;  Cleomenes' 
reforms  at  Sparta. 

Cleomenes  crushed. 

Marked  decline  in  the 
Graeco-oriental  king- 
doms. 


B.C. 

241-238 


The  Mercenary  War  in 
Africa ;  Sardinia  and 
Corsica  become  Ro- 
man. 


225-222 .    Cisalpine   Gaul   becomes 
Roman. 


THE   ROMAN   WORLD. 

218-201  .  Second  Punic  War  ;  Spain  a  Roman  province. 

2 in    .     .  .  Cannae. 

215-205  .  First  Macedonian  War. 

212    .    .  .  Capture  of  Syracuse  ;  all  Sicily  becomes  Roman. 

207    .     .  .  Battle  of  the  Metaurus. 

202    .     .  .  Zama. 

200-190  .  Second  Macedonian  War. 

197    .    .  .  Cynoscephalae  ;  Macedonia  a  dependent  ally. 

192-189  .  War  with  Syria. 

189    .     .  .  Magnesia  ;  Syria  a  dependent  ally. 

171-107  .  Third  Macedonian  War. 

108   .    .  .  Pydna. 

L49-146  .  Third  Punic  War. 

146   .     .  .  Destruction  of  Carthage  and  Corinth  ;  Macedonia  and  Africa 

become  Roman  provinces  ;  Greece  dependent. 

137-132  .  First  Slave  War  in  Sicily. 

133    .     .  .  The  Province  of  Asia. 

133    .     .  .  Tiberius  Gracchus,  tribune. 

1^3-122  .  Caius  Gracchus,  tribune. 

112-100  .  The  Jugurthine  War. 

102    .     .  .  Aquae  Sextiae. 

91-88    .  .  The  Social  War. 

88     .    .  .  Sulpicius,  tribune  ;  Sulla  masters  Rome. 

88-84     .  .  First  Mithridatic  War. 

87      .     .  .  Cinna  and  Marius. 

83-82    .  .  Civil  War  between  Sulla  and  the  Democrats. 


83  B.c-357  a.d.]     TABLE   OF  EVENTS    AND    DATES. 


565 


B.C. 

83-81     .     .  Second  Mithridatic  War. 

82-79     .     .  Sulla  dictator. 

70      .     .     .  Pompey  goes  to  Spain  against  Sertorius. 

74-63     .     .  Third  Mithridatic  War. 

73-71     .    .  Spartacus'  rising. 

70      ...  Pompey  and  Crassus,  consuls. 

07-00    .     .  Pompey's  special  commissions  against  the  Cilician  pirates 

and  against  Mithridates. 

03     ...  Pompey  makes  Judea  a  tributary  state. 

63     .     .    .  Cicero,  consul ;  Catiline's  conspiracy. 

60-53     .     .  The  "First  Triumvirate." 

59     .     .     .  Caesar's  consulship. 

58-50    .    .  Caesar's  conquest  of  Gaul. 

49     .     .     .  Caesar's  invasion  of  Britain. 

49-45     .     .  Civil  war  between  Caesar  and  the  oligarchic  '-Republicans.'' 

48     ...  Pharsalus. 

46     .     .     .  Thapsus. 

45     .     .     .  Munda. 

44     .     .     .  Caesar  assassinated. 

43-31     .     .  Second  Triumvirate. 

42     .     .     .  Philippi. 

31     .    .     .  Actium. 
27  B.C.-14  A.D.     Augustus  emperor. 

[For  the  reigns  of  the  emperors  to  476  a.d.,  see  §§  478-491,  494,  550. 
558,  559,  562-504,  603,  004.] 


9 

43 
09 
70 

79 


101-100 
161-180 
212  . 
220  . 
272  . 
284  . 
313  . 
325  . 
357    . 


Hermann's  victory  over  Varus  in  the  Teutoberg  forest. 

Beginning  of  the  conquest  of  Britain  under  Claudius. 

The  year  of  anarchy  after  the  death  of  Nero. 

Destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus. 

Destruction  of  Pompeii  by  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius. 

Conquest  of  Britain  completed  by  Agricola. 

Conquest  of  Dacia  by  Trajan. 

Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  emperor. 

All  freemen  in  the  empire  become  Roman  citizens. 

Rise  of  the  new  Persian  Empire. 

Zenobia,  Queen  of  Palmyra,  conquered  by  Aurelian. 

Reorganization  by  Diocletian. 

Edict  of  Milan  by  Constantine. 

Council  of  Nicaea. 

Julian  repulses  the  Alemanni. 


:,.;.; 


TABLE   OF   EVENTS   AND   DATES.       [376-814  a.d. 


A.D. 

376    . 

378  . 
402  , 
406  . 
410  . 
414-119 
420  , 
449  , 
451 
4.").", 
476 
486 
189-493 
493-553 
496  .  . 
[527-5(>5 
533-553 

568    .     . 
500    .     . 

[610MJ41 

[622 

628-638 
687    .     . 

711     .     . 

[717       . 

732    .     . 

751    .  . 

768    .  . 

[797  . 

800    .  . 

814    .  . 


TEUTONIC   AND   ROMAN   EUROPE. 

The  Visigoths  admitted  into  the  Empire. 
Adrianople. 

Alaric  invades  Italy. 

Vandals  invade  Ganl  and  Spain. 

Alaric  sacks  Rome. 

Visigoths  settle  in  Spain. 

Vandals  invade  Africa. 

Saxons  (Jutes)  invade  Britain. 

Attila  repulsed  at  Chalons. 

Rome  sacked  by  the  Vandals. 

Odovaker  deposes  Romulus  Augustulus. 

Clovis  at  Soissons. 

Theodoric  conquers  Odovaker. 

Ostrogothic  kingdom  in  Italy. 

Clovis  at  Strasburg ;  accepts  Catholic  Christianity. 

Justinian  I,  emperor.]  „ 

Belisarius  and  Narses  reconquer  Italy  and  Africa  for  the 

Empire. 
The  Lombards  enter  Italy. 
Gregory  the  Great  becomes  Pope. 
Heraclius,  emperor,  saves  Europe  from  the  Persians.] 
The  Mohammedan  Hegira.] 
Dagobert. 
Battle  of  Testry. 
The  Saracens  enter  Spain. 
Leo  III,  at  Constantinople,  repulses  the   main   Saracenic 

invasion  of  Europe.] 
Charles  the  Hammerer  repulses  the  Spanish  Mohammedans 

at  Tours. 
Pippin,  king  of  the  Franks. 
Charlemagne,  king  of  the  Franks. 
Irene  seizes  the  imperial  throne  at  Constantinople.] 
Charlemagne  crowned  emperor  at  Rome. 
Death  of  Charlemagne. 


A   CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


567 


II.    A  CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPH  V. 

The  following  works  are  classified,  first  by  subject,  according  to  the 
general  treatment  in  this  text-book;  and  then,  under  each  subject,  in  two 
groups.  In  the  judgment  of  the  writer,  all  high  school  libraries  should 
contain  Group  I  under  each  division,  or  an  equivalent;  and  large  high 
schools  may,  with  advantage,  possess  Group  II  also.  A  reduction  of  from 
twenty  to  thirty  per  cent  from  the  list  price  can  usually  be  obtained. 
For  a  discussion  of  the  value  of  the  principal  works,  it  is  well  to  consult 
Charles  Kendall  Adams'  Manual  of  Historical  Literature  (Harpers). 

Works  marked  with  a  *  should  be  present  in  more  than  one  copy. 

When  a  book  belongs  to  a  series,  the  name  of  the  series,  in  quotation 
marks,  is  usually  given  in  a  parenthesis  after  the  title.  In  the  case  of 
translations,  the  translator's  name  is  sometimes  given  after  the  title,  in 
parenthesis.  When  a  work  has  been  completely  revised,  two  dates  are 
given,  —  one  for  the  original  publication  (in  parenthesis)  and  one  for  the 
latest  revision. 

PRIMITIVE   SOCIETY.     (See  Introduction.) 
Group  L 


Brinton  (D.  G.),  The  American  Pace.  $2.00.  McKay,  New  York 
Chaillu  (P.  Du),  The  Viking  Age.  $7.50.  Scribner  . 
Dodge  (R.  J.),  Our  Wild  Indians.  $2.50.  Hartford  . 
Grinnell,  The  Indians  of  To-day.  $5.00.  Stone,  Chicago  . 
Hoernes  (Morris),  Primitive  Man.  $0.40.  Macmillan 
Keary  (C.  E.),  The  Dawn  of  History.  $1.25.  Scribner 
Mason  (O.  T.),    Woman's  Share  in  Primitive   Culture.      $1.75 

Appleton 

Sergi  (G.),  The  Mediterranean  Pace.     $1.50.     Scribner 


1891. 
1889. 
L882. 
1900. 
1901. 
L896. 

1804. 

lyoi. 


Group  II. 

Lang  (Andrew),  Custom  and  Myth.     $1.50.     Longmans 
Spencer  (Herbert),  Ceremonial  Institutions.     $1.25.     Appleton 
Tylor  (E.B.),  The  Early  History  of  Mankind.     $3.60.     Holt 


L885. 
1880. 
1870. 


5(38  A   CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

ORIENTAL   HISTORY.     (See  Part  I.) 

Group  I. 

Clodd  (E.),  Story  of  the  Alphabet.     $1.00.     Appleton  .        .        .    1900. 
Goodspeed  (G.  S.),  History  of  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians. 

$1.25.     Scribner       . 1902. 

Hosmer  (J.  K.),  The  Jews  ("Nations").     $1.50.     Putnams         .     1885. 
M  lspero,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria.     $1.50.     Appleton     1892. 

Egyptian  Archaeology.     $2.25.     Putnams        ....     1889. 

These  two  volumes  last  named  can  be  spared,  perhaps,  if  the 

next  and  more  valuable  work  is  present. 
* Dawn  of  Civilization.     $7.50.     Appleton      ....     189G. 

The  first  of  three  large  volumes  dealing  with  Oriental  his- 
tory ;  it  brings  the  story  down  to  about  1600  b.c.     The 
two  other  works,  as  less  essential,  are  given  in  Group  II. 
Petrie  (W.  M.   P.),  History  of  Egypt  (vols.  I  and  II).     $2.25 

each.     Scribner 1894-1896. 

Becords  of  the  Past   (edited  by  Sayce).    G  vols.     $6.00.     Pott, 

London.     Translations  of  inscriptions,  with  comments    1888-1892. 
*Satce  (A.  H),  Assyria:  Its  Princes,  Priests,  and  People.     $1.00     1890. 

Serial  Lif'  among  Vie  Assyrians  and  Babylonians.     $1.00     .     1893. 

Both  published  by  The  Religious  Tract  Society,  London. 

Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     $1.25.     Scribner        .        .        .     1899. 

Early  History  of  the  Hebreios.    $2.25.    Macmillan  .        .    1897. 

Group   II. 

IIii.i'RECHT,    Explorations    in    Bible    Lands.      $2.50.      Holman, 

Philadelphia 1903. 

Maspero,  Struggle  of  the  Nations.     $7.50.     Appleton   .         .        .     1897. 
This  follows  The  Dawn  of  Civilization,  mentioned  above,  to 

850  b.c. 

Passing  of  the  Empires.    $7.50.     Appleton     ....    1900. 

This  continues  the  story  of  the  preceding  volume  to  the  Greek 

period. 
Rawlinbon  (George),  Ancient  Empires.    3  vols.    $7.50.     Dodd, 

Mead  &  Co 1870. 

Ancient  Egypt.    2  vols.     $5.00.     Dodd,  Mead,  &  Co.      .        .    1882. 

Story  of  Egypt  ("Nations").     $1.50.     Putnams    .        .        .     1890. 

Rogers,    History  of  Babylonia   and   Assyria.      2  vols.      $-1.00. 

Eaton  &  Mains 1901. 

Batce  (A.  H.),  Ancient  Empires.     $1.50.     Scribner      .        .        .    1896. 


A   CLASSIFIED    BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


50'J 


GREEK  HISTORY.     (See  Parts  II  and  III.) 
Group  I. 

Sources. 

*  Aristotle,   On  the   Constitution  of  Athens  (Kenyon).     $1.10. 

Macniillan. 

*  Fling,  Studies  in  European  History  (Selections  from  Sources, 

Greek  and  Roman   History).     $0.50.     Ainsworth   &  Co., 
Chicago. 
Herodotus    (Rawlinson's,   edited    by   Grant).    2  vols.     $3.50. 
Scribner. 

*  Homer,  Iliad  (Lang,  Leaf,  and  Meyers).     $0.80.     Macmillan. 

* Odyssey.  (Butcher  and  Lang).    $0.80.    Macmillan. 

Plutarch,   Lives   (Stewart   and   Long).     4   vols.     $4.00.     Mac- 
millan. 

Polybius,  History  (Schuckburgh) .    2  vols.     $6.00.    Macmillan. 
Thuctdidbs,  History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.    $2.50.    Jowett's 

four-volume  translation,  edited,  in  one  volume,  by  Peabody. 

Lothrop,  Boston. 
Xenophon,  Works  (Dakyns).     Vols.  I— III.     $7.50.    Macmillan. 

Cheaper  translations  can  be  found,  of  course,  as  in  Harper's  Classical 
Library,  but  the  editions  named  above  are  the  most  desirable.  The  trans- 
lations named  in  this  bibliography  have  been  followed,  as  a  rule,  in  the 
quotations  in  the  text. 


Modern  Accounts. 

Abbott  (E.),  History  of  Greece.    3  vols.    $7.75.     Rivington.    1888-1899. 

*  Abbott  (E.),  Pericles  ("Heroes").    $1.50.    Putnams        .        .     1895. 
Bury  (J.  B.),  History  of  Greece.    $1.75.    Macmillan      .        .        .     1900. 

*  Cox  (G.  W.),  Greeks  and  Persians  ("  Epochs  ").    $1.00.    Long 

mans 

* The  Athenian  Empire  ("Epochs").    $1.00.    Longmans 

Tales  of  Ancient  Greece.    $1.25.     McClurg     . 

Curteis  (A.  M.),  Pise  of  the  Macedonian  Empire  ("Epi 

$1.00.     Longmans 

Fowler  (W.  W.),  The  City  State  of  the  Greeks  and  Romam 

$1.00.     Macmillan 

Gardner  (P.),  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History.    $5.00.     Putnams 

Gayley  (C.  M.),  Classic  Myths.  ,  $1.50.     Ginn 

Grant  (A.  J.),  Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.    $1.25.    Scribner 


1876. 
1876. 
L878. 

1887. 

1893. 
1892. 
1893. 


570  A  CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Greenidge,  Greek  Constitutional  History.  $1.25.  Macmillan  .  1896. 
Guerber  (H.  A.),  Myths  of  Greece  and  Borne.    $1.50.    American 

Book  Co 1893. 

*  Holm  (Adolph),  History  of  Greece.     4  vols.     §10.00.      Mac- 

millan 1885-1894. 

Jebb  (K.  C),  Greek  Literature  ("Primers").    $0.35.    American 

Book  Co 1878. 

*  Mahaffy  (J.  P.),  Survey  of  Greek  Civilization.    $1.00.     Mac- 

millan        1896. 

Social  Life  in  Greece.    $2.50.     Macmillan       ....    1877. 

Alexander's  Empire  ("Nations").    $1.50.    Putnams    .        .    1887. 

M  \  rshall  (J.),  Short  History  of  Greek  Philosophy.  $1.10.  Mac- 
millan           1891. 

Murray,  Handbook  of  Greek  Archaeology.    $6.00.    Scribner       .     1892. 

Oman  (C.  W.  C),  History  of  Greece.    $1.50.    Longmans        (1892)  1901. 

Sankey   (C),   Spartan  and   Theban  Supremacies  ("Epochs"). 

$1.00.    Longmans (1877)  1898. 

Tarbell  (F.  B.),  History  of  Greek  Art.     $1.00.     Macmillan.        .    1896. 

*  Wheeler  (Benjamin  Ide),  Alexander  the  Great  ("Heroes"). 

$1.50.    Putnams 1900. 

Group  II. 

Blumner  (IL),  Home  Life  of  the  Greeks.  $2.00.  Cassell  .  .  1893. 
13 1  lfincii  (T.),  Age  of  Fable.     $3.00.     Lee  &  Shepard  (1881)1898. 

Coulanges   (Fl-stel  de),    The   Ancient   City.      $1.60.      Lee   & 

Shepard 1874. 

< <>x  (( ;  W.).  Lives  of  Greek  Statesmen.  2  vols.  $1.50.  Harpers  188<>. 
Cdbti08  (E.),  History  of  Greece.  5  vols.  $10.00.  Scribner  1871-187L 
1)  wii.son  (T.),  Education  of  the  Greek  People.  $1.50.  Appleton  1894. 
Dodge  (T.  A.),  Alexander  ("  Great  Captains").     $5.00.     Hough- 

toir,  Mifflin  &  Co 1890. 

I'i.i.i  m\-.  |  E.  A.),  Historical  Geography  of  Europe.   2vols.    $5.00. 

.Macmillan 1882. 

Story  of  Sicily  ("Nations").    $1.50.     Putnams    .        .        .    1892. 

History  of  /•',,/,,•„/    Government.      (2d  ed.)     $2.75.     Mac- 

millan (1863)  1893. 

Historical  Essays.    3  vols.     $6.00.     Macmillan       .        .   1871-1880. 

Groti  (George),  History  of  Greece.  12  vols.  $18.00.  Harpers  1849. 
II  mi.    ril.    ]{.),     The    Oldest    Civilization    of   Greece.     $3.00. 

Lippincott 1901. 

Bogarth  (D.  G.),  Philip  and  Alexander.     $2.50.     Scribner         .     1897. 


A  CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY.  571 

Lloyd,  The  Age  of  Pericles.     2  vols.     $5.00.     Macmillan    .         .  1875. 

Mahaffy  (J.  P.),  History  of  Classical  Greek  Lib  rature.    2  vols. 

$4.45.     Macmillan 1890. 

Greek  Life  and  'Thought  (from  Alexander  to  the  Roman  Con- 
quest).   $3.50.     Macmillan 1887. 

Problems  in  Greek  History.    $2.50.    Macmillan     .        .        .  1892. 

Ridge  way  (William),  The  Early  Age  in  Greece.     2  vols.    $5.00. 

Cambridge,  University  Press 1901 . 

Schuchhakdt  (C),  Schliemann'' s Excavations,   $4.00.  Macmillan  1891. 

Tsountas    and    Manatt,    Mycenaean   Age.     $0.00.     Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co 1896. 

Wiubley  (L.),  Greek  Oligarchies.    $1.75.    Macmillan          .        .  1896. 

Political  Parties  at  Athens  in  the  Peloponnesian  War.    $1.00. 

Macmillan 1889. 

Wilson    (Woodrow),     The     State     (revised    edition).      $2.00. 

Heath  &  Co 1898. 

The  following  Greek  writers  are  desirable  also :  — 

Aeschylus  (translated  by  Plumptre).     $1.50.    Routledge,  New 

York. 
Aristophanes  (Select  Plays,  translated  by  Frere).     $0.40  each. 

Routledge,  New  York. 
Demosthenes,  Orations  (Kennedy).    5  vols.    $5.00.     Macmillan. 
Euripides,  Works  (Coleridge).     7  vols.     $0.30  each.     Macmillan. 
Plato,  Dialogues  (Jowett).    4  vols.     $8.00.     Scribner. 
Sophocles,  Works  (Coleridge).     7  vols.    $0.30  each.     Macmillan. 

ROMAN  HISTORY.     (See  Parts  IV  and  V.) 
Group  I. 

From  the  preceding  list  (Group  I)  the  works  of  Coulanges,   I 
Fowler,  Freeman,  Polybius,  Wilson. 

Sources. 

*Appian  (translated  by  White).    2  vols.    $3.00.     Macmillan. 

Aurelius  (Marcus  A.  Antoninus),  TJwughts  (translated  by 
Long).     $1.00.     Macmillan. 

*Epictetus  (Selections).  $1.00.  Putnams ;  or  Long's  transla- 
tion.   $1.50.     Bohn. 

*  L ivy,  translated  by  Spillan.    4  vols.    $4.00.     Macmillan. 

Marcellinus  (Ammianus),  History  (Yonge).    $2.25.    Macmillan. 


572  A   CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

*  Monro  (D.  C),  editor,  Source  Book  in  Roman  History.    §1.00. 

Heath. 

*  Pennsylvania  Translations  and  Beprints  from  Original  Sources. 

7  vols.    §1.50  each.     University  of  Pennsylvania         .     1892-1900. 
Suetonios,  The  Twelve  Caesars  (Thompson).    $1.50.    Macniillan. 

*  Tacitus.    2  vols.    §2.00.    Macniillan. 

Modern  Authorities. 

*  Adams    (G.  B.),   Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages.    §2.50. 

Scribner 1894. 

Arnold  (T.),  The  Second  Punk.  War.    §2.25.     (From  Dr.  Arnold's 

History  of  Rome.)     Macmillan 1849. 

*Beesly  (A.  H.),  The  Gracchi.  Marius  and  Sulla  ("Epochs"). 

§1.00.     Longmans 1887. 

Bradley  (H.),  The  Goths  ("Nations").     §1.50.     Putnams .        .     1888. 
*Bi-ry  (J.  B.).    The  Unman  Empire  to  180  a.d.  (-'Student's"). 

81.50.     American  Book  Co 1893. 

Fills  the  gap  between  Mommsen  and  Gibbon  better  than  any 

other  single  volume. 
■ Tlie  Later  Roman  Empire.    2  vols.     §0.00.     Macmillan         .     1889. 

*  Capes  (W.  W.),  Early  Unman   Empire  ("Epochs").     $1.00. 

Longmans 1880. 

Age  of  the  Antonines  ("Epochs").     §1.00.     Longmans     .     1887. 

These   two  works  of  Capes  also  fill   the   interval  between 

Mommsen  and  Gibbon. 
Carr,  The  Church  and  the  Empire.    §0.80.     Longmans        .        .     1887. 
Church   (A.  J.),  Roman   Life   in   the   Days  of    Cicero.     §0.50. 

Macniillan 1883. 

*  Church  (R.  W.),  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages   ("Epochs"). 

sI.hu.     Longmans 1894. 

Ci  rteis    A.  M.).  The  Unman  Empire  from  Theodosius  to  Charle- 
magne.   §1.00.     London 1875. 

Davidson     Strachan-),   Cicero  ("Heroes").     §1.50.     Putnams  1894. 

Fisher  (G.  P.),  History  of  the  Christian  Church.    $3.50.    Scribner  1888. 

•Fowler  (Warde-),  Caesar  ("Heroes").    §1.50.    Putnams      .  1892. 

Gardner,  Julian  ("Heroes").    §1.50.    Putnams  .        .        .  1896. 

Gibbon  (E.),  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire     .        .        .  1845. 
Edited  by  Milman.      6  vols.     $3.00.     Scribner.     Edited  by 
Bury    1894   1899).    7  vols.    §14.00. 

Granrud     (J.  E.),    Roman      Constitutional      History.      §1.25. 

Allyn  &  Bacon 1902. 


A  CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY.  573 

Hodgkin  (T.),  Dynasty  of  Theodosius.     $1.50.     Oxford,  clar- 
endon Press      .        .        .        . 1889. 

*Ho\v  and  Leigh,  History  of  Some  to  the    Death  of  Caesar. 

§2.00.     Longmans 1896. 

Iene  (Wilhelm),  History  of  Rome.  5  vols.  $18.75.  Longmans.  1868   1890. 

*Ihne  (Wilhelm),  Early  Borne  ("Epochs").    |1.00.    Longmans     L886. 

Inge  (\V.  R.),  Society  in  Home  under  the  Caesars.    $1.25.     Scrib- 

ner 1888. 

Kingsley  (Charles),  The  Hermits.    $1.25.     Macmillan         (1808)  1880. 

Lanciani,    Ruins   and  Excavations  of   Ancient    Rome.      *4.00. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 1898. 

Merivale  (C),  Triumvirates  ("Epochs").    §1.00.    Longmans  .    1887. 

Mommsen  (Theodor),  History  of  Rome.    5  vols.    $10.00.     Scrib- 

ner  1808-1885. 

Morris,  Hannibal  ("  Heroes").     $1.50.     Putnams         .        .        .     1897. 

*Pelham  (H.  F.),  Outlines  of  Roman  History.    $1.75.     Putnams    1893. 
A  single  volume  covering  the  whole  period  to  47(5  a.d.,  by  a 
great  scholar  and  teacher. 

Pellison,  Roman  Life  in  Pliny's  Time.    $1.00.    New  York  (1887)  1901. 

Platner,  Topography  and  Monuments  of  Ancient  Rome.     $3.00. 

Allyn  &  Bacon 1904. 

Preston  and  Dodge,  Private  Life  of  the  Romans.   $1.00.    Leach, 

Boston 1893. 

Smith  (R.  B.),  Rome  and  Carthage  ("Epochs").    $1.00.    Long- 
mans          1897. 

*Tighe    (Ambrose),    Development  of  the  Roman    Constitution 

("Primers").     $0.35.    American  Book  Co.        .        .        .    1886. 


Group  II. 

Alzog,   Church  History.    3  vols.    $10.50.    Robert  Clark  &  Co 
Arnold    (W.    TV),    Roman    Provincial    Administration.      $1.50 

Macmillan 

Boissier,  Rome  and  Pompeii.     $2.50.     Putnams     . 

Church  (A.  J.)  Carthage  ("Nations  ").     $1.50.     Putnams 

Cruttwell  (C.  T.),  Roman  Literature.    $2.50.     Scribner 

Cutts  (E.  L.),  Constantine  the  Great.     *1.25.    London 

Dill,    Roman  Society  from    Nero  to   Marcus   Aurelius.     $2.00 

Macmillan 

,  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the   Roman  Empire 

$2.00.     Macmillan 

Dodge,  Hannibal  ("Captains").  $5.00.   Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co 


1880. 


1879. 
1896. 
L887. 
1890. 

1 88 1 . 

T.inl. 


1899. 
L893. 


574  A   CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Dodge,  Caesar  ("Captains").    $5.00.    Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.  .  1894. 

Draper,    Intellectual  Development   of   Europe.     2  vols.    $3.00. 

Harpers 1861. 

Dyek,  Pompeii.    $2.25.     Macmillan 1890. 

Fisher  (G.  P.),  Beginnings  of  Christianity.     $2.50.     Scribner      .  1878. 

Forsyth  (William),  Cicero.    $2.50.     Scribner       ....  1869. 

Freeman  (E.  A.),    Chief  Periods  of  European  History.     $3.00. 

Macmillan 1886. 

Froude  (J.  A.),  Caesar,  a  Sketch.     $1.50.     Scribner      .         .        .  1880. 

Hodgkin  (T.),  Italy  and  her  Invaders.  8  vols.  $36.50.  Claren- 
don Press  .........    1880-1899. 

Lanciani,  Ancient  Borne  in  the  Light  of  Becent  Discoveries.  $6.00. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co 1889. 

Lecky,  History  of  European  Morals  from  Augustus  to  Charle- 
magne.   2  vols.     $3.00.     Appleton 1877. 

Mackail,  Latin  Literature.    $1.25.     Scribner         ....  1896. 

Mau,  Pompeii:  its  Life  and  Art.    $5.00.     Macmillan     .        .        .  1903. 

Newman,   (J.  H.),   The  Arians  of  the  Fourth    Century.      $1.50. 

Longmans 1888. 

Eamsay,  The  Church  and  the  Empire,  to  170  a.d.      $3.00.    Put- 

nams 1893. 

Renan  (E.),  Influence  of  Borne  on  Christianity.    $1.50.     Scribner  1888. 

Schaff,  History  of  the  Christian  Church.  6  vols.  $24.00.  Scrib- 
ner .        .         .        .        . 1859-1891. 

Seeley  (J.  R.),  Boman  Imperialism.     $1.00.     Little  .        .        .  1871. 

Sheppard  (J.  G.),  The  Fall  of  Borne.     $1.50.     Macmillan.         .  1861. 

Smith  (Goldwin),  Lectures  and  Essays.     $2.00.     Macmillan        .  1881. 

Stanley   (Arthur),   Lectures   on  the  Eastern    Church.      $2.00. 

Scribner         (1862)  1884. 

Thomas  (E.),  Boman  Life  under  the  Caesars.     $1.75.     Putnams  1899. 

Watson,  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus.     $2.50.     Harpers      .        .  1884. 

THE  TEUTONIC  PERIOD  TO  800  A.D.     (See  Part  VI.) 

From  the  lists  above:  Freeman,  Historical  Geography;  Story  of 
Sicily;  Comparative  Politics;  Historical  Essays ;  Chief  Periods.  Wil- 
son, The  State.  Adams,  Civilisation  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Bradley, 
Goths.  Bury,  Later  Boman  Empire.  Church,  Middle  Ages.  Curteis, 
Boman  Empire.  Gibbon,  Hodgkin,  Pennsylvania  Beprints,  Tacitus, 
Marcellinus,  Alzog,  Dill,  Draper,  Lecky,  Milman,  Schaff,  Sheppard. 


A  CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY.  575 

Group  I. 

Sources. 

*Einhard  [Eginhard],  Life  of  Charlemagne  (Half- Hour  Scries). 
$0.30.     American  Book  Co. 

*  Henderson  (E.  F.),  Historical  Documents  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

$1.50.     Macmillan 1802. 

*  Jones,  Source  Extracts  for  Medieval  Civilization     $0.50.    A  ins- 

worth  &  Co.,  Chicago    L899. 

*  Robinson,  Readings  in  European  History.     2  vols.     $1.50  each. 

Ginn 1904. 

Also,    from   the   list   above :    Tacitus,    Marcellinus,  and  the 
Pennsylvania  Reprints. 

Modern  Accounts. 

*Bryce  (James),  The  Holy  Roman  Empire.  $1.00.  Macmil- 
lan           (1800)  1899. 

Cutts  (E.  L.),  Charlemagne.    $0.60.    Society  for  the  Propagation 

of  Christian  Knowledge         .......     1887. 

Davis,  Charlemag ne  ("  Heroes ").     $1.50.     Putnams  .        .        .     1899. 

*Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle.  Ages.     $1.12.     Ginn.         .     1888. 

*Hodgkin  (T.),  Theodoric  ("  Heroes").     $1.50.     Putnams  .      1896. 

Charles  the  Great.     $0.75.     Macmillan 1897. 

Kingsley  (Charles),  Roman  and  Teuton.  $1.25.  Macmil- 
lan           (1804)  1899. 

*Mitnro  and  Sellery  (editors),  Medieval  Civilization.  (An 
exceedingly  valuable  collection  of  articles  and  passages 
from  recent  French,  German,  and  English  authorities.) 
$1.25.     Century  Company   .  1004. 

Sergeant,  The  Franks  ("Nations").     $1.50.     Putnams     .        .     1896. 

Group  IT. 

Gilman,  The  Saracens  ("Nations").     $1.50.     Putnams. 
Maitland,  (S.  R.),  Tlie  Dark  Ages.     $1.50.     Rivington      .         .     1844. 
Mombert,  Charles  the  Great.     $5.00.     Appleton  ....     1888. 
Muir  (William),  The  Coran.     $0.60.     Society  for  the  Propaga- 
tion of  Christian  Knowledge 1878. 

Mohammed.     $4.50.     Smith,  Elder,  &  Co. 


576  A   CLASSIFIED   BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Mullinger  (J.  B.),  Schools  of  Charles  the  Great.    $2.00.    Long- 
mans       1877. 

Oman,  Byzantine  Empire  ("Nations").    $1.50.     Putnams  .        .  1892. 

. Dark  Ages,  $1.75.     Macmillan 1896. 

West  (A.  F.),  Alcuin.     $1.00.     Scribner 1890. 

FICTION. 

Prehistoric  Life. 
"Waterloo  (Stanley),  Story  of  Ah. 

Egypt 

Ebers  (G.),  The  Daughter  of  an  Egyptian  King.     Sixth  century  b.c. 

The  Sisters.     Second  century  b.c. 

Greece. 

Church  (A.  J.),  Callias.     A  story  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 
Landor  (Walter  S.),  Pericles  and  Aspasia. 

Rome. 

Becker  (A.  W.),  Gallus.     First  century  b.c. 
Bulwer-Lytton,  The  Lust  Days  of  Bompeii. 
Church  (A.  J.),  The  Hammer.     Second  century  b.c. 

The  Burning  of  Borne.     Times  of  Nero. 

To  /In'  Lions.     Second  century  a.i>. 

77,r  ( 'mi  at  of  the  Saxon  Share.     Fifth  century  a.d. 

Dahn,  Felicitas.     A  story  of  the  barbarian  invasions. 

Farrab  (F.  W.),  Darkness  and  Dawn.     Times  of  Nero. 

.1  \mi.s  ((}.  p.  R.),  Attila. 

Kingslei  (Charles),  Hypatia.     Fourth  century  a.d. 

Newmah  (J.  II.),  Callista.     A  story  of  the  persecutions. 

Pateb  (Walter),  Marin*  the  Epicurean.    Times  of  the  Antonines. 

W  \  i  i  M  i.  Ben  Hue.     Time  of  Christ. 

\v  mm   |  \\ .).  Zenobia. 

Julian. 

Aurelian 


INDEX. 


Pronunciation,  except  for  the  more  familiar  names  and  terms,  is  indicate) 
by  accentuation  and  division  into  syllables.  As  a  rule,  the  simpler  diacritical 
murks  of  Webster's  International  Dictionary  are  used.  The  soft  aspirated 
guttural  g  of  the  German  is  represented  by  <;,  the  guttural  <■//  by  ch,  and  the 
French  n  by  h ;  italics  are  used  to  mark  silent  letters;  ue  and  Ui  i  ;  ei=  i; 
eu  =  u;  y  =  l;  y  =  %.  In  French  words  with  an  accent  on  the  final  syllable, 
that  accent  only  is  marked ;  but  it  should  be  understood  that  in  such  words 
the  syllables  as  a  rule  receive  nearly  equal  stress. 

The  index  may  be  utilized  for  reviews  upon  "cross-topics,"  or  topics  that 
call  for  an  arrangement  different  from  that  of  the  text.  The  most  important 
subjects  for  such  review  are  indicated  in  black  italic. 

The  references  are  to  sections,  not  to  pages. 


Aachen  (ach'en),  078  a. 

Abraham,  33,  46  a,  652;  founder  of 
Hebrew  race,  52. 

Absolute  monarchy,  in  Egypt,  12;  in 
Assyria,  42;  character  of  Oriental, 
66,  68  c ;  in  Greek  states,  82, 93,  !)5  ; 
in  early  Rome,  282,  202;  new  mon- 
archy of  Caesar,  456-458,  463;  of 
Augustus,  473,  496-498;  medicine 
of,  renewed  by  Diocletian,  548,  556 ; 
nature  of,  557;  growth  toward,  in 
Teutonic  states,  643  a ;  Mohamme- 
dan, 653;  under  Charlemagne,  681. 

Absolutism,  557  note. 

Ab-ys-sin'i-a,  6 ;  Abyssinians  in 
Egypt,  6,  11  note. 

Academy,  at  Athens,  182. 

Ac-ar-na'ni-a,  160,  242. 

Ac-ca'di-ans,  first  inhabitants  of 
Chaldea,  36;  cuneiform  writing, 
37 ;  language  of,  38. 

A-chae'a,  part  of  Athenian  league, 
165. 

Achaea,  Greece  becomes  Province  of, 
397  note. 

Achaean  culture,  75,  76-84;  eco- 
nomic side  of,  76-77;  the  tribe,  78- 
81 ;  government,  82-84;  overthrown 
by  Dorians,  85-89. 

Achaean  League,  241,  242,  243-251 ; 
origin,  243;  constitution,  244;  first 


expansion  beyond  Achaea,  245; 
Aratus  and,  246;  growth,  247;  free- 
ing of  Athens  and  Argos,  248  ;  con- 
flict with  Sparta,  249;  calls  in 
Macedonia,  250 ;  final  decline,  251, 
394,  397. 

Achaeans,  mythical  origin  of,  87  b. 
See  Achaean  culture. 

Achaeus,  fabled  ancestor  of  Achae- 
ans, 87  b. 

A-chil'les,  77,  84,  188,  219. 

Ac'O-lyts,  565  note. 

A-crop'o-lis,  the  central  hill-fort 
about  which  gi-ew  Greek  and  Latin 
cities,  80,  266,  270. 

Acropolis  of  Athens,  107,  118,  117. 
182, 184.  190 note, 204;  plan  of,  L80. 

Ac'ti-um.battle  of,  172,  473,  521  note. 

Adrianople,  battle  of,  563,  589. 

Adriatic  Sea,  the,  (heck  colonies  on, 
91;  mentioned,  228,  257,  259,  590; 
a  Roman  sea,  367;  divides  Greek 
and  Roman  civilizations,  MX);  di- 
vides Greek  and  Latin  Empires, 
564,  610;  divides  Greek  and  Latin 
churches,   659  b,  660,  662  ;   Venice 

founded  on,  601 . 

Ae'dlb,  345,  347,  105,  111. 

Ae-ge'an  Sea,  70,  71  d,  86,  129  a 
note,  134,157,  158,  159,  165,  171,  184, 
192, 194,206;  colonization  of  coasts, 

7 


578  INDEX. 

References  are  to  sections. 

89-90 ;  Persian  fleet  in,  137, 138, 156, 
167;  Confederacy  of  Rhodes  in, 
234. 

Ae-gi'na,  at  war  with  Athens,  133  b, 
165;  gains  prize  of  merit  at  Sala- 
mis,  149  a;  mentioned,  147. 

Ae-gos-pot'a-mi,  battle  of,  200; 
Conon  at,  206;  mentioned,  201, 
202,  205. 

Ae-mil'i-a/nus,  494. 

Ae-ne'as,  451. 

Ae-ne'id,  525. 

Ae-5  li-ans,  87  b. 

Aeo-lus,  ,87  b. 

Ae'qui-ans,  260. 

Aeschylus  (es'ki-lus),  148  note,  183; 
quoted,  148,  189  a;  portrait  bust, 
183. 

A-e'ti-us,  599,  600,  601,  603,  604. 

Ae-to'li-an  League,  242,  251,  391 
note,  394. 

Af-gAan-is-tan',  in  Persian  Empire, 
60;  Alexander  in, 222. 

Africa,  early  civilization  in,  6;  cir- 
cumnavigation of,  21  e  and  note ; 
Phoenician  sailors  on  coast  of,  49 ; 
Greek  colonies  in,  91 ;  Roman  army 
sent  to,  373,  383,  387;  Jugurthine 
war  in,  433;  Caesar  in,  461 ;  Moors, 
545;  diocese  of,  557;  Vandals  in, 
595,  liui',  (it).!;  reconquered  by  Jus- 
tinian, 612;  conquered  by  Moham- 
medans, 654. 

African  desert,  the,  boundary  of 
Roman  Empire,  506;  Roman  irri- 
gation. 51.'!. 

Ag-a-mem'non,  king  of  Mycenae, 
7:;//.  84. 

Age  of  Pericles,  168-191,  204. 

A-ges-i-la'us,  king  of  Sparta,  205. 

A'gis,  reforming  king  of  Sparta,  249. 

Ag'o-ra,  in  Alliens,  181. 

Agrarian  laws,  Solon's,  111;  in  Li- 
cinian  Rogations,  322,  404  note; 
of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  122-425,  431; 
defined,  422  note;  of  Julius  Caesar, 
464. 

A-gric'o-la,  485,  488,  510. 

Agriculture,  Egyptian,  12:  Chaldean, 
32a,  W;  Greek,  77;  in  Sparta,  98; 
in    Athens,    in."),   ill  ;  Italian,  256, 


304,  350;  decay,  404,  408;  under 
the  Empire,  514;  Cato  on,  523;  in 
later  Empire,  575;  German,  583; 
revived  in  Italy  under  Theodoric, 
607  ;  in  Charlemagne's  Empire,  680. 

A-grip'pa,  minister  of  Augustus,  521 
note  ;  baths  of,  519. 

Aistulf  (Is'tulf) ,  663. 

Aix  (aks),  435. 

Al'ar-ic,  590,  591,  592,  603. 

Alba  Longa,  266,  270,  272. 

Al-cae'us,  129  a. 

Al'them-y,  657. 

Al-ci-bl'a-des,  197. 

Alc'man,  129  a. 

Alcuin  (al'kw!n),683. 

Alemanni  (a-la-miin'ne),  545,  562, 
563,  582,  617. 

Alexander  Se-ve'rus,  494,  495,  545, 
547. 

Alexander  the  Great,  21  c,  21/,  39, 
60,  205;  speech  to  army,  213;  con- 
quests of,  219-222;  youth  and  char- 
acter, 219 ;  accession  and  restoration 
of  order,  220;  invades  Asia  as 
champion  of  Hellas,  220,  221 ;  Per- 
sian campaigns,  60,  220,  221 ;  cap- 
ture of  Tyre,  51,  221  b ;  in  the  far 
East,  222 ;  results  of  work,  223-226 
expanding  views,  223;  the  many 
Alexandras,  224;  as  Apollo,  224 
significance  of,  226;  death,  226 
227;  expansion  of  Greece  under 
252,  253,  333,  373,  405;  compared 
with  Caesar,  467. 

Alexandria,  name  of  many  Greek 
cities  in  Asia  after  Alexander,  224. 

Alexandria  in  Egypt,  21  /,  240; 
founded,  221  b,  224;  glory  of ,  232, 
235;  library  at,  239;  Caesar  at,  461, 
note;  Antony  at,  472;  under  Ro- 
man Empire,  514;  university  at, 
518;  patriarchate  of,  565. 

Alexandrian  Age,  the,  235-240. 

Alexandrian  Library,  239. 

Alexandrian  Museum,  239. 

Algebra,  used  by  the  Saracens,  657. 

Allia,  battle  of  the,  327. 

"  Allies  "  (sodi),  the  Italian,  341,  412 ; 
treated  like  subjects,  413;  but  do 
not  pay  tribute,  415  note;  war  of 


INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 

Rome  with,  437;  admitted  to  Ro- 
man citizenship,  438. 
Alphabet,   germs    of,    in    Egyptian 

hieroglyphics,     16;     invented    hy 

Phoenicians,    50;    Greek,    74,    85; 

Cretan,  74  note;  German,  583. 
Alps,  boundary  of  Italy,  255, 259,  368 ; 

crossed  by  Hannibal,  373;  by  Has- 

drubal,   382;    by  Cinibri,   434;    by 

Germans,  591. 
Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,  563,  579  b. 
Arn-mi-a'nus,  579  a. 
Amphictionies,  87  c,  90,  157  note, 

270. 
Am-phic-ty-on'ic     League,      the, 

87  c. 
Am-phi-the'a-ter,  260,  521. 
Am'ten,  12  and  note. 
A-nab'a-sis,  185,  205  note. 
An-ac're-on,  116,  129  a. 
An-ax-ag'o-ras,  186,  191  b. 
An-ax-i-man'der,  130. 
An-ax-Im'i-nes,  130. 
Ancestor  worship,  in  Egypt,  18;  in 

Chaldea  and  Assyria,  45 ;  in  Greece, 

75,  78,  87  c ;  Roman,  278,  476. 
Ancient  history,  definition  of,  1; 

held  covered,  3. 
An'cus  Mar'ti-us,  268. 
Angles,  597. 

Animal  worship,  in  Egypt,  18. 
Anio  River,  the,  307,  317. 
Annals,  early  Roman,  267,  280  a. 
An-tal'ci-das,  Peace  of,  207. 
Anthony,  Saint,  579  b. 
An-tlg'o-nus,  227. 
Antioeh,  235;  under  Roman  Empire, 

514;    captured    by    Persians,    545; 

patriarchate   of,  565;    falls  before 

Mohammedans,  660. 
An-tl'o-ehus,  of  Syria,  392;  war  with 

Rome,  393. 
An'to-nines,  the,  486-491,  492,  513. 
An-to-ni'nus,  Marcus  Au-re'li-us, 

490,  512,  527,  529,  532,  534,  536,  538, 

540,    542,    545,    546,    588;    extracts 

from  writings,  536. 
An-to-ni'nus,  Pius,  489,  510,  529,  542. 
An-to'ni-us,  Marcus,  468,  469,  470, 

471,  472. 
Antony,  Mark.    See  Antonius. 


79 


A-pel'les,  Greek  painter,  237. 
Apennines,  the,  255,  257;  Samnites 
in,  332;  Roman  Stale  crosses,  368; 

crossed  by  Hannibal,  373. 

Aph-ro-di'te,  88. 

A-pol'lo,  88;  temple  of,  at  Delphi, 
87c;  117,  229  note;  Belvidere,  229 
and  note,  237. 

"Apologies,"  of  the  Church  Fathers, 
547. 

"Apostolical  Constitutions,"  the, 
580. 

Appian,  351  note,  527. 

Appian  Way,  the,  343,  :'>44. 

Appius  Claudius,  the  decemvir,  .114, 
316. 

Appius  Claudius,  censor  and  sena- 
tor, 333,  344,  346  a. 

Apse.  521. 

Aqua  Sextiae  (a'kwa  sex'tl-ae),  bat- 
tle of ,  435. 

Aqueduct  at  Nimes  (nem),  513. 

Aqueduct  of  Claudius,  343&. 

Aquitaine  (a-kwi-tan'),  647,  649,  650, 
656. 

A-ra'bi-a,  52, 232 ;  Arabians  in  Egypl , 
11  note,  21  b;  modern,  in  Chaldea. 
32a;  language,  36  note;  boundary 
of  Roman  Empire,  506;  commerce, 
513;  Mohammedanism  and,  651- 
653. 

Arabic  notation,  657. 

A-ra'tus,  general  of  Achaean  League, 
245-250;  character  ami  services, 
246;  enmity  to  Lydiadas,  247;  be- 
trayal of  Corinth,  250. 

Ar-b§'la,  battle  of,  221c. 

Ar-ca'di-a,  208,  211,  247. 

Ar-ca'di-us,  564,  590. 

Arch,  Egyptian,  15;  Etruscan,  260; 
in  Roman  architecture,  520;  tri- 
umphal, 521. 

Archbishops,  565. 

Ar-iduTo-i-hus,  129a. 

Ar-chi-me'des,  210,  :'>77  note. 

Architecture,  in  Egypt,  15;  in  chaldea 
and  Assyria,  11;  Oriental  con- 
trasted with  European,  686;  in 
Greece,  127;  in  Athens,  L82;  Ro- 
man, 520-522,607;  early  Christiau, 
522. 


580  INDEX. 

References  are  to  sections. 

Ar'chi-trave,  in  Doric  order  of  archi- 
tecture, 127. 

Ar'thon,  at  Athens,  103,  104,  112  c 
and  note,  114,  115,  123,  125,  173, 
174,  175:  king-arc  lion,  93,  103. 

Ar-e-6p'a-gus,  104,  112a,  112  c?,  125, 
172  c;  waning  of,  175. 

Arginusae  (ar-gi-n67j'se),  battle  of, 
l'.»7  note. 

Ar'gives.  see  Argos. 

Ar'go-lis,  736. 

Argos,  persistence  of  kingship  in, 
93;  Pheidou  tyrant,  95  note;  hos- 
tile to  Sparta,  9(5;  crippled  by 
Sparta,  133  6  and  note;  friendly 
tn  Persia,  143;  allied  to  Athens 
against  Sparta,  163,  104 ;  joins 
Corinthian  League  against  Sparta, 
206;  joins  Achaean  League,  248; 
sacked  by  Goths,  545,  590. 

A'ri-an  heresy,  566,  579  6 ;  among 
Germanic  tribes,  585,  609,  616,  618, 
619. 

A-ri'on.  129  a. 

A-ri-o-vls'tus,  454. 

Ar-is-tar'chus.  240. 

Ar-is-ti  des,  Athenian  leader,  141, 
147,  197:  ostracized,  141;  proposes 
plan  for  Delian  League,  157. 

Aristocracy,  definition,  68  a  ;  return 
tn  Dorian  Greece,  95,  131c;  in 
Sparta,  97;  in  Athens,  162,  163; 
in  Achaean  League,  244;  at  Rome, 
301,  345]  ■^',;  m  Roman  Empire 
570  572:  among  the  Germans,  586, 
587  ;  in  new  Teutonic  states, 
6436. 

Ar-is-toph'a-nes,  158,  is:;. 

Ar'is-tot-L,  quoted  on  Athenian  his- 
tory, '.i7  note,  L05,  108  note,  112  c 
note,  1 16,  l  is.  177:  place  in  phi- 
losophy, 186;  tutor  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  219;  Natural  History  of, 
■ssJi.  240;  proofs  of  sphericity  of 
the  earth.  240. 

Arithmetic,  Egyptian,  17;  Chaldean, 
39;  Roman,  518. 

A'ri-us,  566,  579/*. 

Ar-me'ni-a,  49,  60,  64,  228,  441,  450, 
171    509. 

Armenian  Mountains,  31. 


Army,  Egyptian,  12;  Spartan,  98,  99; 
citizen  armies  based  on  wealth  at 
Athens,  106 ;  Theban  phalanx,  210 ; 
Macedonian,  215,  223;  at  early 
Rome  reformed  by  Servius,  285, 
286;  under  the  Republic,  35:3-356; 
flexibility  of  the  legion,  353  ; 
camp,  354 ;  discipline,  355 ;  becomes 
professional,  356;  proportion  of 
"Allies"  increased,  413;  used  for 
political  ends,  432;  Marius  reor- 
ganizes, 435 ;  under  Early  Empire, 
503-505 ;  size,'  503 ;  sources,  504 ; 
industrial  uses,  505;  means  of  uni- 
fying Empire,  516;  reforms  of  Dio- 
cletian, 554;  in  fourth  century, 
569,  578. 

Ar'ri-a,  530. 

Ar'ri-an,  213,  527. 

Art,  Egyptian,  15;  Chaldean  and  As- 
syrian, 41;  Oriental,  65,  66;  con- 
trasted with  European,  68  6;  in 
Athens  of  Peisistratus,  116;  early 
Greek,  127;  in  age  of  Pericles,  182; 
in  Alexandrian  Age,  237;  Greek  in- 
fluence on  Roman,  407;  Roman 
art,  407;  in  Augustan  Age,  475 
note. 

Ar-tax-erx'es,  king  of  Persia,  205, 
207. 

Ar'te-mis.  88. 

Ar-te-mls'i-um,  battle  of,  146,  147. 

Asia,  early  civilization  in,  6,  30;  con- 
trasted with  European,  68-69; 
geography  of  western,  31-32;  Scy- 
thians in,  34,  62;  Gauls  in,  229; 
Rome  in,  393,  39S  and  note,  441, 
450,  455.  461. 

Asia,  Diocese  of,  553. 

Asia.  Province  of,  398,  441,  450,  455, 
457,  461,  479. 

Asia  Minor,  Assyrians  in.  'M ;  under 
Croesus,  59  a  ;  part  of  Persia,  60 ; 
character  of  civilization,  69d;  Hel- 
lenizing  of,  90;  Persian  "War  in, 
153-160,  167 ;  betrayed  to  Persia, 
198,  200,  201;  war  in,  205,  207; 
Alexander  in,  221  a  ;  Gauls  in,  229 ; 
part  of  Graeco-Oriental  world,  228, 
231,232,234;  Lycian  Confederacy, 
214  note;   known  as  "Asia,"  398 


IX  I)  FA'. 


•>1 


Reference*  are  to  sections. 

note ;  Roman  Province,  398,  450, 
455,  461,  479,  550;  Saracens  con- 
quer, 655. 

As-pa'si-a,  191  6. 

Assembly,  Homeric  folk-moot,  82,  84 ; 
in  cities  of  Delian  League,  160 ;  of 
Achaean  League,  244.  See  Athe- 
nian, Spartan,  Roman,  and  Teu- 
tonic Assembly,  and  Mayfield. 

As'sur-Nat'sir-Pal,  king  of  Assyria, 
inscription  of,  47  b. 

As-syr'i-a,  54,  55,  62 ;  in  Egypt,  21  d ; 
geography,  32  b ;  political  history 
of  empire,  34 ;  society  and  culture, 
36-45;  people,  36;  cuneiform  writ- 
ing, 4,  37,  62  note;  art,  41;  king, 
42;  social  classes  and  relations,  43; 
laws,  44  ;  religion  and  morality,  45, 
47  «,  47  b ;  in  Phoenicia,  49,  51 ; 
conflicts  with  Medes  and  Persians, 
59  6,  60;  contribution  to  govern- 
ment (satraps),  63;  Alexander  in, 
221  <■;  Roman  province,  509. 

As-tar'te,  358. 

Astrology,  Chaldean,  39. 

Astronomy,  Egyptian,  17  and  note; 
Chaldean,  39  and  note,  225  h; 
Greek,  130,  225  6,  240;  Roman,  527; 
Saracenic,  657. 

A'taulf,  592,  603. 

A'ten,  25. 

Ath'an-a'si-us,  566,  579  6. 

A-the'ne,  88,  182,  190  note. 

Athenian  Assembly,  under  Eupatrid 
rule,  104;  constitution  of  classes, 
106;  after  Solon,  112  a,  112  6,  112  c, 
112  cl,  114;  after  Cleisthenes,  123, 
124;  of  Pericles,  153,  172  6,  173, 
174,  176,  180,  187. 

Athenian  colonization,  see  Cle- 
ri'chs. 

Athenian  dicasteries,  172  c,  176 ; 
payment  of,  177. 

Athenian  "  Generals,"  125,  172  a, 
173,  174,  ISO. 

Athenian  "  Leaders  of  the  Peo- 
ple "  (demagogues),  173,  180. 

Athenian  political  capacity,  178. 

Athenian  senate,  after  Solon,  112 a, 
112  c,  114;  after  Cleisthenes,  123, 
125,  174.    See  Areopagus. 


Athenian  state  pay,  177. 

Athens,  17;  situation,  71 6 ;  legendary 
founding,  80 ;  type  of  Ionic  cities, 
86;  colonics.  92  uote  ;  king-arehons, 
93;  rise  of,  to  500  B.C.,  L0O-12G, 
131c;  importance  of,  ami  causes, 
100-102;  place  in  history,  100;  re- 
lation to  Attica,  101  ;  favorable 
conditions,  102  :  lirst  political  revo- 
lution, Eupatrid  rule,  103-105;  de- 
cline of  Homeric  kingship  in,  103; 
rise  of  archons,  103;  Eupatrid 
political  oppression,  104;  economic 
oppression,  105;  loss  of  power  by 
Eupatrids  and  attempts  to  over- 
throw them,  106-108;  constitution 
of  "classes,"  106;  rise  of  hoplites, 
106;  attempts  at  tyranny,  107; 
Draco,  108;  Solon's  reforms.  109- 
114;  the  tyrants,  115-117.  I34note; 
Peisistratus,  110,  117;  expulsion  of 
sons  of  Peisistratus,  117;  Cleis- 
thenes' reforms,  118-126;  vigor  of, 
118;  art,  116,  127;  poetry,  116, 
1296;  condition  at  Persian  attack, 
1336;  part  in  Ionian  revolt,  135, 
136;  Persian  heralds,  138;  Mara- 
thon, 138,  139;  from  Marathon  to 
Thermopylae,  140,  141 ;  internal 
factions  crushed,  140;  a  naval 
power,  141;  preparation  for  third 
attack,  143,  146.  149a;  at  battle  of 
Artemisium,  146;  abandoned  to 
Persians,  147  ;  battle  of  Salamis, 
148;  receives  offers  from  Persians. 
150;  part  played  at  Plataea,  151: 
leadership,  153-200;  growth  of  em- 
pire, 153-160;  building  of  walls, 
153;  League  of  Plataea,  151:  glory 
from  Persian  War,  155:  assumes 
leadership  of  Asiatic  Greeks,  155. 
156;  at  Mycale,  156;  Confederacy 
of  Delos,  157-160:  expels  Persians 
from  the  Aegean,  158;  reduces  re- 
bellious members  of  the  League  to 
position  of  subjects,  159;  Athenian 
Empire,  159,  160;  lirst  period  of 
strife  with  Sparta,  161-167;  jeal- 
ousy, 161  :  aids  Sparta  against 
Helots,  162:  renounces  alliance 
with   Sparta,  16:'.;  land   empire  of 


582 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 


Pericles,  164;  marvelous  activity, 
165 ;  loss  of  land  empire,  166 ;  truce 
with  Sparta,  167 ;  in  peace,  168-191 ; 
three  forms  of  greatness,  168 ;  ma- 
terial strength,  169-171;  relative 
power,  169;  population,  170;  rev- 
enue, 171 ;  constitution  of  Pericles, 
172-180;  the  empire,  179;  intel- 
lectual and  artistic  development  in, 
181-191  ;  Peloponuesian  War,  98, 
192-200;  resources,  193;  plague, 
194;  naval  supremacy,  196;  new 
leaders,  197;  disaster  in  Sicily, 
198;  rule  of  the  Four  Hundred, 
199;  siege  and  surrender,  200,  201; 
rule  of  the  Thirty,  204;  Corinthian 
"War  against  Sparta,  206-207;  Long 
"Walls  rebuilt,  206;  attempted  sur- 
prise by  Sparta,  208 ;  new  Athenian 
confederacy,  209;  shelters  Theban 
exiles,  209;  joins  Sparta  against 
Thebes,  210,  211,  212;  contest  with 
Philip,  214,  216,  217;  Chaeronea, 
216;  philosophic  center  in  Alex- 
andrian Age,  235,  238,  239;  freed 
from  Macedonian  garrison  by 
Arat  us,  248 ;  refuses  to  join  Achaean 
League,  248  note ;  "  ally  "  of  Rome, 
392 ;  welcomes  Mithridates,  441 ; 
center  of  learning  under  Roman 
Empire,  518 ;  sacked  by  Goths,  545 ; 
Julian  studies  at,  562;  spared  by 
Marie.  590. 

A'thos.  Mount,  137,  138 ;  canal,  142. 

Atlantic.  49.  506. 

At'ta-lids.  234. 

At'ti-ca,  1S4;  products,  71  c;  tribes 
of,  80,  104;  Ionian,  86,  89,  90,  102; 
consolidation  of,  101 ;  cavalry  of, 
106;  festivals,  116;  invaded  by  Eu- 
boeans  and  Thebans,  118;  metics, 
120;  denies,  121;  poets,  129  a; 
mines.  Ml  :  Mardonius  in,  150,  153: 
attempted  invasion  by  Sparta,  161, 
164;  Spartan  invasion,  166,  167; 
population,  170,  179:  ravaged  by 
Spartans,  19.".:  plague,  194. 

Attic  comedy,  L83. 

At'til-a.  599,  600,  601,  603. 

Augurs.  280,  281,  302  note,  324. 

Augustan  Age,  the,  475,  525. 


Au'gus-tlne,  missionary  to  Saxons 
in  Britain,  623  note. 

Augustine,  Saint,  567,  579  b,  580, 
591  note. 

Augustus,  21/,  232;  appearance  at 
Rome,  468 ;  in  triumvirate,  469,  470 ; 
at  Philippi,  471;  Actium,  472;  Im- 
perator,  473-47(5 ;  master  of  Roman 
world,  473;  character,  474;  "Age  " 
of,  475 ;  worship  of,  476 ;  summary 
of  reign,  478;  and  Assembly,  496; 
keeps  Republican  forms,  496; 
power,  497,  498;  corrects  frontiers, 
507;  and  citizenship,  515;  and  uni- 
versities, 518;  mausoleum,  519; 
and  Agrippa,  521  note ;  and  Pollio, 
533;  compared  to  Constantine,  559; 
and  coloni,  575;  name  a  title  for 
future  emperors,  497. 

Au'ra-maz'da  (or  A-hu'ra  Miiz'da), 
62. 

Aurelian,  emperor,  494,  495,  509,  545, 
546,  548,  588. 

Au-re'li-us,  Marcus,  see  Antoninus. 

Aus'plc-es,  Roman,  280  6;  302  note, 
321. 

Aus-tra'si-a,  647, 649,  650. 

Autun  (o-tun '),  519. 

Avars,  598,  673. 

A'ven-tine,  271,  312. 

Ba'al,  51,  358. 

Babylon,  21  c,  205,  222,  225;  capital, 
32  c,  33 ;  conquered  by  Assyria,  34 ; 
revolt,  34;  New  Babylonian  Em- 
pire, 35,  55,  59  b,  60 ;  library  at,  38 ; 
astronomy  in,  39 ;  Hanging  Gardens 
of,  41 ;  legal  code,  44,  46  b ;  charac- 
ter, 45;  commerce,  49;  Persian 
capture,  35,  56,  64, 132;  influence  on 
Persia,  61 ;  Alexander's  conquest, 
221  e;  Alexander  dies  at,  222. 

Bac'tri-a,  222,  231,  232. 

Bag  dad,  656. 

Bal-bi'nus.  494. 

Ballot,  in  Roman  Assemblies,  420. 

Baltic  Sea,  582 ;  Phoenician  sailors  in, 
49. 

Barbarian  invasions,  Scythian,  34, 
62;  from  the  east,  132  and  note; 
by  the  Gauls  into  Graeco-Oriental 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 

world,  229;  into  Italy,  260,  327,  402  ; 
Cimbri  and  Teutones,  4:'4,  4:'>5; 
frontiers  of  Roman  Empire,  495, 
503;  in  third  century,  545:  success- 
ful in  fourth  century,  589  ff.  (see 
Germans) ;  Huns  repulsed,  599-601. 

Barbarians.  87  o,  152.  See  Scythians, 
Gauls,  Germans,  Slavs,  Huns, 
Avars. 

Barca  family,  370. 

"  Barrack  Emperors,"  493-495,490, 
499,  548. 

Basil,  Saint,  579  6. 

Ba-si-leus',  93. 

Basileus  archon,  93,  522  note. 

Ba-sil'i-ca,  522. 

Bavaria,  619,  649,  671. 

Bel-i-sa'ri-us,  595,  012. 

Bel-vi~dere',  Apollo,  229  note,  237. 

Benedict.  Saint,  636 ;  the  "  rule  "  of, 
63G,  037  note. 

Benedictines,  the,  636,  637. 

Benefit  of  Clergy,  origin,  519  note. 

Ben-e-ven'tum,  hattle  of,  333. 

Beowulf  (be'6-wulf  or  ba'o-wiilf) ,  584. 

Berbers,  11  note,  358. 

Berlin  Papyrus,  12,  24,  26. 

Bertha,  queen,  623  note. 

Bible,  the,  translated  into  Greek 
(Old  Testament),  239;  into  Latin, 
579  6  ;  into  Gothic,  579  b. 

Bib'u-lus,  453. 

Bishops,  565. 

Bi-thyn'i-a,  501. 

Black  Death,  the,  546  note. 

Black  Sea,  the,  49,  60,  70,  91, 
140  note,  158,  506,  513,  525,  545. 

Bo-a-di-ce'a,  511. 

Boe-o'ti-a,  cities  of,  101;  poets  of, 
129o,  1296;  struggle  with  Phocis, 
133  6;  Mardonius  in,  150;  under 
Athenian  influence,  165 ;  falls  away 
from  Athens,  166;  Leuctra,  210. 

Boeotian  league,  207. 

Bohemia.  507,  510,  545  note,  598  note. 

Bokhara  (boch-a'ra),  64. 

Book  of  the  Dead,  Egyptian,  22. 

Bordeaux  (bor-do'),  519. 

Bos'pho-rus,  91. 

Bras'i-das,  197. 

Bren 


Britain,  Phoenician  sailors  in,  49,  50; 

<  'aesar  in,  154  ;   R an  i [uesl  of 

Southern,     1M ;     conquesl      - 

pleted,  485,  508,  511  ;  Hadrian's 
Wall  in,  488;  diocese  of ,  553;  con- 
version, 584;  abandoned  by  Roman 
Empire,  509,  597,  603;  Teutonic  in- 
vasions, 597,  603;  gradual  con- 
quest, 621;  a  Teutonic  state,  622; 
conversion  to  Christianity,  623 ;  old 
Celtic  church  in  North,  623;  polit- 
ical results  of  conversion,  624. 

Bronze,  use  of,  by  the  ancients,  14 
and  note:  supplied  by  Phoenicians, 
50;  pitcher  of,  from  Mycenae,  73; 
weapons  of,  discovered  at  Troy, 
73a;  dagger  of,  from  Mycenae, 
73  6;  in  Mycenaean  civilization, 
74;  Etruscan,  260. 

Bru'tus  (Lucius  Junius),  first  con- 
sul of  Rome,  292  note,  351. 

Brutus  (Marcus),  die  Republican, 
466,  471. 

Bulgaria,  507. 

Bulgarians,  598  note. 

Burgundians,  582;  in  Gaul,  593,  594, 
603 ;  at  Chalons,  599 ;  numbers,  628 ; 
Ariaus,  618,  619;  conquered  by 
Clovis,  619. 

Burgundy,  647. 

By'zan-tme  Empire,  610-613,  660, 
662,  676-679.  See  Roman  Empire 
in  the  East. 

By-zan'ti-um,  91,  155  note,  228,  559. 

Cadiz,  founded  by  Phoenicians,  50. 

Cae'li-an  Hill,  the,  271. 

Caesar,  Caius  Julius,  17:  studied 
oratory  at  Rhodes,  235  note;  Cor- 
inth rebuilt  by,  397  note;  military 
chief,  403,  431,  456;  in  hiding  from 
Sulla,  443  note;  appears  as  leader, 
451;  in  Spain,  452;  rise  at  Rome, 
453-455;  in  Gaul,  454  :  rupture  with 
Pompey,  455:  five  years'  rule,  456- 
467;  hope  of  subject  nations.  157; 
crosses  Rubicon,  459;  campaign  in 
Italy,  459;  in  Spain  and  Greece, 
460;  in  Asia,  Egypt,  Africa,  and 
461;  constructive  work.  462- 
jlemency,  462;    form  of  his 


ItOS  HflGEliHS,  CM*. 


584 


INDEX. 


government,  it'.::,  r.i7;  reforms,  164; 
jn.it i •  •  1 1  of,  K56;  character, 
!•;? ;  Frontiers,  606;  and  citizenship, 
."iT.",;  writings,  624;  and  Diocletian, 
M3;  name  a  title  (or  fu- 
ture rulers  ;in<l  as  I  tanl  ,  197,  650. 

Caesars,  tbi 

Caledonia,  is:,. 

Calendar,    Egyptian,    IT;    Etonian, 
280  a,  W4  and  note. 

Cal-Igr'Q-la,  180,  ls_\  612, 

Callphe,  thi 

Peace  of,  Ki7. 

Cal-llc'ra  ten,  isii. 

Cal  U  dus,  129  a. 

Ce  mil  Lus,  326  note. 

Cam  pa  oi  a  260,  330,  333,  336. 

Campus  Mar'tius  (mar'shl-os),  620. 

Ca'na»i 

Cannae,  battle  of,  374,  376,  379,  381, 

101. 

Canton,   German,   686;    Latin,    lee 

I  lilies. 

Capital,  from  Karnak,  l"»;  Doric,  127; 
[onic,  127;  Corinthian,  127. 
bo  ;;n    Bill,  the,  271,  161. 
Ca  pit'Q-la'rieH,    of    Charlemagne, 

;  </. 

Capri  (ca'pre),  179. 
Cap'd-a,  .17.".,  380,  384  note,  119,439, 
164. 

b  cal'la,  194,  195,  515;  baths  of, 
519. 
Ca'ri-ans,  64,  158. 
.  DUS,   194, 

□  »,    664    If.  ;     term    63 

plained,  668  note. 

Mag'nuH,  t^;7.    See  Char- 

|eni;i 

bha-gre,    Phoenician    colon 

133   a      -i;  I.  -;    in    Sicily, 

133  '/,  1 13;  defeated  at  (itinera,  150, 
'JlH;    held   in  check   bj    Athenian 

name,     169  ;i 1 1 in-kn     on 

Sicilj  ,  '-'01  ;    Punll  -I  I'. lied, 

d  by  Pyrrhus, 
tern  Mediter- 
ranean, 357;   rival  of  Etome,  358; 

;      In-. i 


Sardinia,  '-w>\  Second  Panic  War, 
loses  Spain,  370  384;  Third  Punic 
War,  387  390;  blotted  oat,  390;  re- 
built by  Octavias,  897  Dote  tei  rl 
in!',  colonized  bj  Qracchus,  428; 
capital  oi  Randal  kingdom 

OB  i  us,  194. 

08    pi  an  Sea   W,  60. 

Oaesivus  (cash'l-n  I,  124,  168,  171. 

OasalUB,  Spuri -uh,  812  note,  822, 
325 

Casto,  none  in  Egypt,  vi\  in  India, 
12  note;  tendency  t<>,  in  Etoman 
Empire,  576. 

Catholic  church,  666.    See  Church. 

Cal/i  line,  I.,- 

Ca'to,  Mar'cus  Por'tl-us,  UK,  420, 

Cato,  the  Younger,  481,  I'll  note. 

Ca-tu  III.         i 

Caucasus,  60. 

Oau'dine  Pork  i,  battle  ol  the,  882, 

361. 
Celts,  697,  698. 

'  lansors,  320,  324  note,  346,  •"-17,  420. 
Census,  of  Servios,  288;  oi  Cat    u 

164  ;  of  Augustus,  17.".,  170. 
Centralization,  term  explained 

note. 
Centuries,  Army  of,  'JHtJ;  Assembly 

of,  see  Etoman  A    lembly. 
CS'os,  129  a 
Oer  a-mi'cuH,  w>. 
08  r8f,  h«. 
Oei  v  o8'a,  243. 

Ohaer  o  nS'a,  battle  of,  216,  219,220. 
■ehil'Cia,  91  and  note,  118,  214 

Chill  dO'a,  e;irl\   home  ol  ei\  ili/:ilion, 

ii  ion  of,  6,  7  i  i-e.i  e  80 
geographj  and  fertility,  82  a;  Fii  rt 
<  baldeati  Empire  83;  yields  so- 
premacj  to  \  pria,  :;i  Second 
(oi  Bab  ■  Ionian)  Empire,  •';•"•:  ociety 
and  culture,  86  i~>;  people,  38; 
cuneiform  writing,  37;  literature, 
38;  science,  89;  calendar,  •"•'.»;   b> 

io    architecture  and   culp- 

ture,    II  ;    soeiel  |    Code*, 

ii,  ii;'<:  religion  and  morality,  I"'; 
commerce,  13,  19  50  eml  [ration  ol 
Abraham  Ion. 


/.-,  /. ,,,,.,    .,,  i  to     •  Uont, 
Ohalon     i  ii ..i  ion'),  battle  of,  600, 

mi  ; 

<  Ibampolllon  |  hfifi  pol  yon'  I    i 
Obflvrlemai     ■        harl'e  man  1 ,    608, 

034    n  mid  characti 

wai  i,  860  071  ;   Ideal,  672;    defen 

imiiisI.    III.-    Sl;i  I       673 

i.    ii      Roman    Empire   in    w  i  il , 
81  i  878     i  mi. in  of,  076  <i«l ;  place 

in  l.i    ' 

Obarlee  Mar  bel',  680,  886,  664. 

<  Ibarm     i  baldoau,  •'•'■>. 
6hf'opi  i  in ■•  .,!  i :  ■ ,  pt,  [8, 

<  'in  i    o-nflSfi',  1  10  and  note, 
( theater,  384  note, 

Ctiitifs,  Council  of,  Homeric, 83, 84, 03, 
■ii    origin  ol  :  [i ' rtaii    enati    01    ol 
Ailirin.in    \ roopagu  I,    I'M     I .' •  > 1 1 1 ; 1 1 1 , 
■  i    I ,n.,  880,  887. 

<  Ihlna  i :..  Ij  oh  lllzation,  3,  6,  67,  -'-'<>; 

i  ratio  routes  to,  813  note. 

f :  1 1 1  oi,  100, 

Ohrlat,  i.ii  Mi  of,  S83,  170,  478;  cruel 
flxl ■'' 

<M.M  in. mi  v  ,  niw  iii  .,1   Hebrew 

religion  ii  i  persecution  ol 
i  •  188,  i87,  100  108,  140  841,  842; 
Inner    oun  a    "i  pow  er,  838 ;  debl 

to  Em] I);  Con  tantlne  makes 

favored  rell| 60      tops  in  vie 

tory,  801  ;  Julian's  al  tempi  i"  over 
i  hum     If  I  •    per  ■  -  mi.     pagans  mid 

herel  l<       0"     rei >l    Its 

\  ii'iiu  y  m.i  i bo  Empire    K(H    rea 

l inn  ii Mir  I... i  barian  i,  BOH  032 

M.  Dark  \  ■<  ,632  8e<  I  Ihuroh 
I  l  ieroHloH, 

i  in      ..    bom    181    m'i  /., 

cii.ii.ii  i be  ni ganizal i3fl    41  6 

868;  growth  of  creeds,  866   here  Ii 
806    i"  i  ecul  i. hi  bj ,  B01  .   ttttll  mi. 
toward   pagan   learning,  880;  and 
i, .ii  i,. .  1 1....      882     Qreal   sohl  m 
i  trees  and  I  atin  churches, « »* "•«  > .  See 

( 'In  r  1 1. mil  j 
( 'Inn  (Mi  ..i  :  II    Miiry  «>l  t  I"'  A  1 1 j •. < •  I .  . 

861 
«'i.  ero,  116,  481,  182,   W4,    108,   170; 

■    \,g{      ol     124 
Oiliola,  64 .  pirati    tati  In,  i  10 
aim  brl,  in  Italy,  1 14,  I   I 


<  MllM.ll        I 

i-don         note. 
CIn-cln-na'tu 

<  'in  n;i,    I  lu,    I., |. 

<  i    ni  pin 

pi'na),     ■ 
i,i    i  ., 

i  '    .i.  Chaldi  .i 

81      H.    \  In 

M 80   a     134     i  itcavatod    al 

Troj ,  73  a  in  Vfacodonian  I  Implro, 
224  built  bj  Beleueus,  23]  ;  under 
Roman  Empire, ,  813,  Bl  i 

Citizenthip,  Athenian,  i  10,    i  I !,  170, 
i,  i    178,  170,  ""i    Spartan 
210;  Roman,  fl  ■    II  i.  105;  extended 
to  I  ..i  ins,  33]  .  i  i  M.i    ,    : .;  ..     ,  I.,     , 
I  Ki   di  en  n  i  in  Second  Punic  w  a  i 
I'M  ;    Mil  in,  i  Ion    bet «  een  eil  Izcns 
and  iiibjocl    Inton  lfl<  d    1 1 
chl  trj    to  extend  over  Italy,  124, 
130     iiiii.u.'  attempt     136 
war,  i  ;.     exti  ruled   to  "  [tall  m  ," 

13H    ii| Qaul    i  ii    i"  '  laul 

;nnl  Spain,  100 ;  to  ot  bei  pro 

bj  Claudin  .  181    to  all  fn  d  Inhah 

n. .in    .,i  ii,,   Einpiro,  i'1  • 

City  stntr,  the,  "i  the  Greek  .   0,    i 
government  of,  03  08 ;  (Iodine, 
■hi    failure,  21  I;  Roman,  '■•'•.  338. 
I'll       M 

Civilization ,  deflnltl f,l;  Oi  lental, 

pri  In  valleys  ol   the 

Nile  and  Euphrate  .  B     In 

III,     ||    20       inn. >n    Ol     I         |  I  i. in    .iii,| 

<  lhaldean   30    I  Ii  del I   \      I 

i.ii.    10-48      ; i  bj  Phoi  nlciam  , 

,n    ,    pansl ni, i,  i   r,  i  h 1 1  < 

ill  i.i  .    it. .,  ni  ii    |,i  ngn         iiinin.i 

rlzod, 08-01    i  uropean  and mtal 

contrasted,  08  00     Qreol    tj  ideal 

of  Euro] 'i  ,i     pn  Ii 

(  M. , . ■,  ,  i    ,  \l\  eenivi  .in.  ,  i  .   Vohae 
..I..  ,  .    unit     i 

i i  •      '       '        ii     battle  nl 

in  wars, 
i  .  ■     ■..  i  . 

I     ,  ■       I!     I      II 

.1,1 1 ■ ,   eli  ii" 

culturo,   ' '  i     ex] u  in  < 

Oriental  woi  Id,  '  18  aud  nol 


586  INDEX 

i:,f,  /',  net  a  ore  to  sections. 

240;  Roman,  252-254 ;  later  in  Rome 
than  in  Greece,  256;  Etruscan,  260; 
Adriatic  divided  Latin  from  Greek, 
400;  wider  home  won  for  Roman. 
by  Caesar,  454  6;  in  Britain,  485; 
adopted  by  Germans,  578;  Moham- 
medan, 047. 

Clan,  in  early  Greece,  78,  79;  clan 
villages,  80;  in  Athens,  104,  115, 
1196,  120,  121;  Roman,  267  6,  268, 
276;  German,  586. 

Claudian,  poet,  516. 

Claudius,  Emperor,  481,  508,  515. 

Claudius  II,  404,  495,  545,  548. 

Claudius  Nero,  382. 

Cla-zom'e-nae,  207. 

Cleisthenes  (elis'the-nes),  117,  180; 
reforms  of,  118-126;  mentioned, 
141,  172,  174,  179,  204,  310  note. 

Clement,  Saint,  547. 

Cle-om'e-nes,  reforming  king  of 
Sparta,  249,  250. 

Cle'on,  Athenian  demagogue,  197. 

Cle-o-pa'tra,  21/,  232,  461,  472. 

Cler'uchs,  Athenian  colonists,  118, 
170,  179,  336. 

Clients,  Roman,  273,  274,  277. 

Cli'vus  Cap-i-to-li'nus,  519. 

Clodowig  (clo'do-viG),  see  Clovis. 

Clotilda,  wife  of  Clovis,  618. 

Clovis,  617,  618,  619,  628,  630. 

Clyde,  the,  485,  510. 

Cni'dus,  battle  of,  206. 

Code,  the,  of  Justinian,  613  and  note. 

Cog-no'men,  383  note. 

Col'chis,  50. 

C61-i-se'um,  519,  521,  528  note. 

Col'lhv  Gate,  battle  of  the,  442. 

Cologne  (ko-lOn'),  596. 

Colon:,  575.     See  Serfs. 

Colonization,  Phoenician, 50 ;  Greek, 
89-r92;  Athenian  cleruchies,  118, 
170,  199;  in  Macedonian  Empire, 
224;  early  Roman,  304a,  312,  332; 
"Latin"  colonies,  339,  350;  in 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  360;  extended  hy 
('aius  ( ;racchus,428;  Caesar's,  464; 
Augustus's,  175. 

Colonnades,  in  Greek  architecture, 
127,  181,  182. 

Co-lum'ban,  Saint,  623  note. 


Column,  in  Egyptian  architecture, 
15;  in  Greek  architecture,  127,  181. 

Comedy,  Roman,  523. 

Comitia  Cen-tfi-ri-a'ta,  see  Roman 
Assembly. 

Comitia  Cu-ri-a'ta,  see  Roman  As- 
sembly. 

Comitia  Tri-bu'ta,  see  Roman  As- 
sembly. 

Comitium  (co-mish'i-um),  271. 

Commerce,  early  routes  of,  7,  30,  221  c 
in  Chaldea  and  Assyria,  43,  44,  49 
Phoenician,   49;    Greek,    71c,   91 
in  Athens  encouraged  by  Peisistra- 
tus,   116;    growth  in  Athens,  118, 
192;  stimulated  in  Graeco-Oriental 
world,  225 a;  Etruscan,  260;  on  the 
Tiber,  264;  Roman,  after  Second 
Punic  War,  404 ;  under  Empire,  513. 

Com-mer'ci-um,  335  a. 

Com-mo'dus,  491,  493,  495. 

"  Companions  "  (German  institution 
of),  587. 

Com-pur-ga'tion,  641. 

Con-nu'bi-um,  335  6. 

Conon,  206. 

Constans,  562. 

Constantine,  the  Great,  519,  521, 
542,  548,  558,  559,  560,  561,  562. 

Constantine  II,  562. 

Constantine  IV,  repulses  Moham- 
medans, 655. 

Constantine  VI,  674,  676. 

Constantinople,  559;  threatened  by 
Goths,  589;  by  Slavs,  611,  655;  by 
Persians,  655 ;  by  Saracens,  655. 

Constantinople,  Patriarchate  of, 
565. 

Con  stan'ti-us,  558. 

Constantius  II,  562. 

Constitution,  of  Egypt,  12;  of  Chal- 
dea and  Assyria,  42, 44 ;  of  Homeric 
Greece,  82-84;  of  Sparta,  97,  249; 
of  Athens,  Eupatrid,  103-108; 
Solon's,  110-114;  of  Cleisthenes, 
119-126,  141;  of  Athenian  Empire, 
172-180;  of  the  Four  Hundred  in 
Athens,  199;  of  Philip  II  in  Greece, 
216;  of  cities  in  the  Macedonian 
Empire,  224;  of  Achaean  League, 
244;    of   Lycian  Confederacy,  244 


INDEX. 


587 


References  are  to  sections. 


note;  Roman,  in  regal  period,  282- 
284;  in  early  Republic,  293-298, 
302, 307,308, 310-312 ;  of  united  Italy 
under  Rome,  334-356;  perfected 
Republican,  345-349;  decay,  410;  of 
Sulla,  444,  449,  453;  of  Caesar,  463  ; 
of  Augustus,  473,  478,  490-502;  of 
Diocletian,  548-557;  of  Teutonic 
tribes,  580,  587;  of  new  Teutonic 
states,  043;  of  Charlemagne's 
empire,  681. 

Consular  tribunes,  320. 

Consuls,  Roman,  291,  292;  character 
of  office,  293-298 ;  admission  of  ple- 
beians to  the  office,  320-325;  func- 
tions, 347;  under  the  Empire,  498. 

Cor-cy'ra,  91,  143,  100,  192  note,  367. 

Cor-do'va.  656. 

Co-rln'na,  129  «,  191  b. 

Corinth,  92  note,  95,  129  a,  147,  178; 
Hellenic  Congress  at,  143,  144; 
jealous  of  Athens,  153,  164,  165,  192 
and  note,  200;  jealous  of  Sparta, 
206;  Congress  of,  under  Philip, 
216 ;  in  Achaean  League,  247,  250 ; 
destroyed  by  Rome,  397  and  note; 
rebuilt  by  Caesar,  397  note,  464; 
sacked  by  Goths,  545,  590. 

Corinthian  order  of  architecture, 
127,  520. 

Corinthian  War,  206-207. 

Corinth,  Isthmus  of,  109  note,  144, 
151,  164,  105,  247. 

Cor-i-o-la'nus,  326  note. 

Cornelia,   421,  431. 

Corsica,  358,  366,  369. 

Cos,  228. 

Council  of  Achaean  League,  244. 

Council  of  Five  Hundred,  Athe- 
nian, 174. 

Council  of  Ni-cae'a,  566  and  note. 

"  Council  of  the  Plebs,"  318  note. 

Cras'sus,  447,  449,  453,  455. 

Cretan  alphabet,  74  note. 

Crete,  74  note,  143. 

Crimea,  662. 

Crlt'i-as,  leader  of  the  Thirty  at 
Athens,  204. 

Croe'sus,  king  of  Lydia,  59  a;  and 
Cyrus,  00,  134;  and  cities  of  Asia 
Minor,  134. 


Culture,  6  note.    See  Civilization. 
Cu-nax'a,  battle  of,  205. 

Cunc-ta'tor,  see  Faluns. 
Cu-ne'i-form  writing',  33,  37,  38,  62 

note  :  used  by  Phoenicians,  50. 
Cu'ri-als,  57'-',  57:;.  576. 
Cii'ri-as,  Roman,  268,  276,  278,  283. 
Cu'ri-o,  Caesar's  Lieutenant,  167. 
Cu'ri-o,  M.,  350,  420. 
Curuh'  Office,  345,  346,  347,  411. 
Cy'lon,  107,  108. 
Cynics.  238. 
Cy-nos-ceph'a-lae,   battle   of,   392, 

399. 
Cyp'ri-an,  Saint,  547. 
Cyprus,  49,  74,  207,  232. 
Cy-re'ne,  91. 

Cyrus,  the  Great.  00,  62,  134. 
Cyrus,  the  Younger,  l'05. 

Dacia,  487,  495,  509,  545.  553. 

Dag'o-bert,  648,  649,  668. 

Da-mas'cus,  657. 

Dante  (dan'te  or  dan'ta),  525. 

Danube,  60,  2:30,  485,  487,  490,  495, 
503,  507,  510,  563,  582,  589,  592,  605, 
611. 

Da-rl'us  Cod-o-man'nus,  221  b, 
221  c. 

Darius,  the  Great,  conquests  of, 
62,  136;  organization  by,  63,  64, 
223;  war  with  Greece,  136  and  note, 
137,  138;  death,  142. 

Dark  Ages,  the,  626,  627 ;  the  church 
in,  632;  moral  preaching  in,  632 
and  note ;  barbarian  invasions  and, 
628-633. 

Da'tis,  Persian  general,  138. 

David,  king  of  the  Hebrews,  7,  54. 

Debt,  laws  concerning,  in  Athens, 
105,  111  b;  in  Rome,  304,  307  ;  I.i.in- 
ian  Laws,  "'-2;  Caesar's  law,  404. 

Dec'arch-ies,  under  Spartan  protec- 
tion, 202  and  note. 

De-cem'virs,  Roman,  108  note;  313- 
318,  327. 

De'ci-us,  494,  195,  542. 

"  Decretals  of  Isidore,"  666. 

Dedan.  40. 

Delos,  Confederacy  of,  foundation 
and    constitution,    157;    work   and 


588 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 

growth,  158;  change  in  character, 
159;  becomes  the  Athenian  Em- 
pire, 159, 160 ;  revolt  of  Thasos,  161. 

Delos.  Slave  Market,  418. 

Delphi,  87  c,  92,  117,  229. 

Delphic  Oracle,  87  c,  92,  117  and 
note.  14:!,  147. 

De'marchs.  121. 

Dem-s,  Attic,  121,  122,  170. 

De-me'ter,  88. 

Democracy,  definition  of,  68  o,  note; 
germs  of,  in  Homeric  Greece,  82, 
81 ;  tyrants  pave  way  for,  95, 131  c : 
Greek  definition  of,  97;  Athens  a 
democracy,  118-126,  131  e,  172-180, 
2()4;  parties  of  democracy  in 
Athens,  140,  141,  102,  163;  Athens 
mother  of  Ionian  democracy,  160; 
attempted  overthrow  in  Athens, 
198,  199;  democracy  in  Greece 
overthrown  by  Sparta,  202,  204;  in 
Thebes,  209,  211 ;  in  Magna  Graecia, 
21S;  in  Achaean  league,  244;  in 
Rome,  in  form,  346,  349;  among 
early  Teutons,  586. 

De-moc'ri-tus,  186. 

De-mos'the-nes,  Athenian  general, 
197 ;  Athenian  orator,  214. 

De-si-de'ri-us,  671. 

Despotism,  see  Absolute  Monarchy. 

Di  an'a,  88. 

Di-cas'ter-ies,  in  Athens,  172  c,  176. 

Dictatorship,  Roman,  297,  324,  345, 
347;  obsolete,  443  note ;  Sulla's  per- 
manent, 443;  Caesar's,  for  life,  463. 

Digest,  tlie.  613  note. 

Di'o-ces"',  552,  553;  ecclesiastical, 
565. 

Di  o  cle'ti-an,  495,  519,  575,  588;  and 
Christianity,  542;  reorganization 
<>f    Empire,    548-557;    abdication, 

.V>.S   note. 

Di-o-dS'rus.  525. 

Di-og'e-neg,  the  Cynic,  238. 

Di'on,  2is  note. 

Di-onys'i-us,    tyrant    of    Syracuse, 

218. 
Dionysius.  historian,  267,  525. 
Dionysus,  116,  183;  theater  of,  at 

Athens,  184. 
Disk-thrower,  statue  of,  187. 


Divination,  Chaldean,  39;  Etruscan. 
260  note. 

Dome,  the,  in  architecture,  520,  521. 

Do-ml'ti-an,  485.  510,  521. 

"  Donation  of  Constantine,"  666. 

"  Donation  of  Pippin,"  666. 

••  Do-nothing-  Kings,-'  648. 

D5'ri-ans,  invade  Greece,  85,  89,  96, 
102;  contrasted  with  Ionians,  86; 
mythical  origin,  87  b  ;  in  Pelopon- 
nesus, 86,  192;  in  Sicily,  218. 

Doric  order  of  architecture,  127, 
182. 

Do'rus,  fabled  ancestor  of  the  Dori- 
ans, 87  6. 

Draco,  108  note,  113,  313. 

Drama,  Greek,  120,  183,  184;  Roman, 
52:  i. 

Druids,  454  note. 

Drusus,  tribune,  champion  of  Ital- 
ians, 437. 

Drusus,  tribune,  rival  of  Gracchus, 
430. 

Dy'arch-y,  496. 

Dying  Gaul,  statue,  229,  237. 

East,  Diocese  of  the,  553. 

East,  Prefecture  of  the,  553. 

East  Anglia,  597. 

Ebro,  the,  372,  373,  671. 

Ec-bat'a-na,  221  c. 

Economic  conditions,  definition  of, 
105  note ;  in  Egypt,  12,  22, 23,  27, 28 ; 
in  Chaldea  and  Assyria,  40,  43,  44, 
46  b  ;  in  Phoenicia,  51 ;  in  Greece, 
1000  B.C.,  76-77;  oppression  by 
Eupatrids  in  Athens,  105;  dealt 
with  by  laws  of  Solon,  111 ;  in 
Graeco-Oriental  world,  225  a  ;  of 
Plebeians  at  Rome,  304;  Roman 
and  Italian  society,  350;  decline 
during  Punic  Wars,  404,  405,  408, 
410;  reforms  by  the  Gracchi,  431; 
decay  after  Gracchi,  431;  in  third 
century,  546;  in  fourth  century, 
569  and  note ;  in  Charlemagne's 
Empire,  680. 

Edicts,  imperial,  as  a  source  of  law, 
497  note. 

Education,  in  Chaldea,  38,  39;  in 
Persia,  61 ;  in  Sparta,  99 ;  in  Athens, 


INDEX. 


589 


Reference*  ar<  to  s<  ctions. 

184,  187;  under  Roman  Empire, 
518-519;  decline  in  fourth  century, 

580,  581;  monasteries  and,  637; 
Mohammedan,  657;  in  Charle- 
magne's Empire,  667,  683.  See 
Schools. 

E-ge'ri-a,  268. 

Egypt,  early  history  of,  rediscovered, 
4;  home  of  early  civilization,  5, 
68 ;  isolation  of,  6,  30 ;  history  of, 
8-29;  physical  geography,  8-9; 
territory,  8 ;  "  the  gift  of  the  Nile," 
9,  32  a;  political  geography,  10; 
people,  society,  civilization.  11-20; 
population,  11 ;  social  classes  and 
government,  12 ;  position  of  woman, 
13;  the  industrial  arts,  14;  fine 
arts,  15 ;  literature,  16 ;  science,  17 ; 
religion,  18;  belief  in  immortality, 
19;  morality,  20;  political  outline, 
21;  reduced  by  Assyria,  21  d,  34; 
Phoenician  merchants  in,  49,  50; 
Hebrews  in,  21c,  52;  absorbed  by 
Persia,  132 ;  revolts  against  Persia, 
140,  165,  166;  welcomes  Alexander, 
221  b ;  one  of  the  great  powers  in 
the  Graeco-Oriental  world,  228, 
241 ;  under  the  Ptolemies,  230,  232; 
one  of  Great  Powers  in  third  cen- 
tury B.C.,  357;  intercourse  with 
Rome,  391,  392,  393,  394;  Roman 
protectorate,  398,  399;  Caesar  in, 
461 ;  Antony  in,  472;  Roman  prov- 
ince, 473;  diocese  of,  553. 

Elbe  (gib  or  eTbe),  507,  670,  673. 

Elections,  in  Homeric  Greece,  83;  in 
Sparta,  97  and  note;  in  Athens,  93, 
106,  112  c,  114,  123, 173;  in  Achaean 
League,  244;  in  early  Rome,  296, 
302,  311,  321,  324;  under  perfected 
Republican  constitution,  346;  abol- 
ished or  transferred  to  the  senate 
under  the  Empire,  496;  in  cities 
under  the  Empire,  500. 

Elgin  marbles,  182  note. 

Elis,  87  c.  248. 

Elishah,  49. 

E-loy',  Saint,  632. 

E-lys'i-um,  188. 

Embalming,  Egyptian,  19. 

Em-ped'o-cles,  186. 


Empire,  definition  of,  32c note;  Egyp- 
tian, 21  <•:  Chaldean, :'.:;;  Assyrian, 
•">l :  Babylonian,  35;  Hebrew,  54,  '■.; 
note;  Lydian,  59  ";  Median,  59  6, 
60;  Persian,  60  01 ;  character  of 
Oriental,  68c;  growth  of  Athenian, 
153-160,  164,  165,  169-191  ;  of  Alex- 
ander, 248-251;  of  Theodoric,  608, 
6(>9;  of  the  Merovingians,  620,  647 - 
650;  of  early  Carolingians,  664-668. 
See  Roman  Empire,  Greek  Empire, 
Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Empire  of  Charlemagne,  prepara- 
tion for,  by  early  Franks,  620,  647  - 
650,  664-668;  by  wars  of  Charle- 
magne, 670, 673 ;  revival  of "  Roman 
Empire"  in  the  West,  674-676; 
reasons,  674;  coronation  of  <  Ibarles, 
675;  theory,  676;  contrasted  with 
Greek  Empire,  677;  contrasted  with 
old  Roman  Empire,  678;  social  and 
political  conditions  in,  680-683; 
place  in  history,  684.  See  Charle- 
magne. 

En'ni-us,  523. 

England,  see  Britain. 

E-pam-i-non'das.  210,  211. 

Eph'e-sus,  90,  127,  129  a,  130. 

Eph-i-al'tes,  146,  162,  163,  172,  175, 
ISO. 

Eph'ors,  Spartan,  97,  98,  99,  151, 
249. 

Epic  Age  in  Greek  poetry,  128. 

Ep-ic-te'tus,  526,  529,  537. 

Ep-i-cu-re'an-ism,  238,  524. 

Ep-i-cu'rus,  238. 

E-pi'rus,  70,  71  «,  219,  228,  333. 

Eq'ui-tes,  early  Roman,  286;  later 
aristocracy,  404,  405,  417. 

Er-a-tos'the-nes,  keeper  of  the  Alex- 
andrian library,  240. 

Er-eeh-the'um,  182. 

E-re'tri-a,  135;  captured  by  Persia, 
138. 

E-sar-had'don.  34. 

Es'qui-linc  Hill,  _'71  note. 

Essex,  597. 

Ethiopia,  9,21/;  subdued  by  Egypt, 
21  a,  21  c,  32  c  note  ;  revolts, 
21  </. 

Etruria,  327,  329,  336. 


590  INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 
Etruscans,  in  early  Italy,  200,  201, 


205,  341;  Rome  and,  271,  272,  320 
gladiatorial  games  from,  200,  400. 

Eu-boe'a,  91,  140,  193;  trouble  with 
Athens,  118;  attacked  by  Persia, 
138;  revolts  against  Athens,  160, 
107:  taken  by  Thebes,  211. 

Euclid,  240. 

Eu-do'xia,  003. 

Eu-pa'trids,  at  Athens,  104, 105 ;  early 
loss  of  power  and  attempts  at  over- 
throw of,  100-108;  Solon  and  over- 
throw of,  109-114. 

Eu-phra/tes,  37,  224,  225  b;  early 
home  of  civilization,  5,  59,  05;  con- 
tributions to  civilization  of  Egypt, 
10;  valley  subdued  by  Egypt,  21c, 
30;  "soul  of  the  land,"  31  note; 
geography,  32;  Persia  and,  60; 
Roman  control  to,  450,  500;  sepa- 
rates Empire  from  Parthiaus,  455; 
crossed  by  Trajan,  487;  boundary, 
488;  attacked  by  barbarians  and 
Persians,  490,  503,  545. 

Eu-rlp'i-des,  Greek  tragedian,  183, 
224 ;  quoted,  78 ;  portrait  bust, 
183. 

Europe,  contrasted  with  Asia,  68-69; 
typified  by  Greece,  70-71. 

Eu-ryme-don,  battle  of  the,  158. 

Eu-se'bi-us.  579  b. 

Eu-tro 'pi-us,  579  a. 

Eux'ine  Sea,  04. 

Ex-arch'ate  of  Ravenna,  615,  663. 

Ex'or-cist,  565. 

Explorations,  in  the  east,  4,  73;  in 
Egypt,  10  note;  in  Chaldea,  33;  in 
Assyria,  34;  in  Greece,  73,  74  and 
note;  at  Troy,  73  a;  at  Mycenae, 
7:i '/ :  at  Pompeii,  484. 

Ezekiel,  describing  the  grandeur  of 
Tyre,  49. 

Fa'bi-an  policy,  374  note,  379. 
Fa'bi-us  (Q.  Fabius  Maximus),  374, 

379. 
Fabius  Pictor,  207,  523. 
"  Fall  of  Rome,"  509,  578,  604  note. 
Faus-ti'na,  bust  of.  530. 
Feudal  system,   in    Egypt,   12;    in 

in. •.Ii.\ al  Europe,  587. 


Finns,  545,  598,  599. 

Fire-making,  stages  of,  1. 

Flam-i-ni'nus,  392,  407. 

Flavian  Caesars,  the,  483,  485, 492. 

Florence,  591. 

Flo-ri-a'nus,  494. 

Folk-moot,  see  Assembly. 

Forth,  the,  485,  510. 

Forum,  the,  271,  439  note. 

Four  Hundred,  the,  at  Athens,  198, 
199. 

Frankish  Mark,  the,  671. 

Franks,  582;  raids  of,  in  third  cen- 
tury, 545;  heathen  conquerors,  585, 
617;  establishment  in  Gaul,  592, 
590,003;  at  Chalons,  599 ;  advance 
under  Clovis  aud  his  sons,  616-619; 
empire  of,  under  later  Merovin- 
gians, 620;  causes  of  success,  616; 
conversion  to  Catholicism,  618; 
morals  in  seventh  and  eighth  cen- 
turies, 620 ;  divisions  of  empire,  620; 
rivalry  of  Austrasia  and  Neustria, 
647;  "Do-nothing  kings"  and 
mayors  of  the  palace,  648;  Testry- 
victory  of  Austrasia,  649;  under 
Charles  Martel,  650,  664;  repulses 
Mohammedans,  656;  Carolingian 
dynasty,  004 ;  alliance  with  papacy, 
665 ;  under  Charlemagne,  608  ff . 
See  Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Freya,  585. 

Frieze  (frez),  in  Greek  architecture, 
127 ;  figures  from  the  Parthenon, 
182. 

Ga'des,  see  Cadiz. 

Ga-la'ti-a,  232. 

Gal'ba,  483. 

Galen,  527. 

Ga-le'ri-us,  558. 

Gal-li-e'nus,  494. 

Gal'lus,  494. 

Gaul,  91,  255,  539,  590,  600,  603;  road 
through,  386;  Germans  in,  434, 
435,  455 ;  Caesar  conquers,  454-455 : 
provincial  assemblies  in,  502; 
Romanization,  513;  enfranchise- 
ment, 515;  Alemanni  in,  545; 
Franks  in,  545;  prefecture,  553; 
serf  risings  in,   575;    Vandals  in, 


INDEX. 


591 


References  are  to  sections. 


592,  593;  Burguudians  in,  593,  594. 
See  Franks. 

Gauls,  invasion  of  Greece,  '22'.),  242, 
243;  in  Italy,  260,  261,  326;  suck 
Rome,  207  a,  312  note,  322,  327, 
328;  threaten  Italy,  368 ;  Hannibal 
and,  373;  slaves,  418;  conquered 
by  Caesar,  454,  455. 

Ga'za,  siege  of,  221  b. 

Gei'ser-ic,  595,  603. 

Ge'lon,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  133  d,  143, 
218. 

General,  office  of,  in  Athens,  172  a, 
173,  174,  180;  in  Achaean  League, 
244,  245,  246,  247. 

Gen'e-sis,  33. 

Gens,  pi.  gentes,  see  Clan. 

Ge-nu'ci-us,  312. 

Geography,  of  Egypt,  8-10;  of  the  Ti- 
gris-Euphrates states,  31-32;  Eu- 
ropean and  Asiatic  contrasted,  69, 
71  e;  special  features  of  Greek  and 
their  influence,  71 ;  Greek  study  of, 
225  6,  240;  Roman  study,  527;  of 
Rome  and  Italy,  255-258,  262-266. 

Geometry,  Egyptian,  17;  Chaldean, 
39;  Greek,  130;  Euclid,  240. 

Germans,  early  attack,  434,  435;  in 
Caesar's  time,  454;  check  Romans 
at  Teutoberg,  478,  507 ;  attack  re- 
newed in  third  century,  545;  filter 
into  Empire,  575,  578;  home  in 
fourth  century,  582;  leading  peo- 
ples, 582;  culture,  583;  character, 
584;  religion,  585;  Arians,  585; 
political  organization,  586,  587; 
burst  the  barriers,  588  ff . ;  attacks 
no  more  formidable  than  those 
repulsed  earlier,  569;  numbers 
of  invaders,  628;  West  Goths,  589- 
592;  Burguudians,  594;  Vandals, 
595;  Franks,  596;  Saxons,  597; 
contrasted  with  Slavs,  Celts,  and 
Huns,  598;  repulse  Huns,  599- 
601 ;  Teutonic  generals  in  Italy  be- 
hind puppet  emperors,  602-603; 
Teutonic  masters  of  Italy,  604; 
East  Goths,  605;  kingdom  of,  in 
Italy,  006-609;  Lombards  in  Italy, 
614-615;  Frankish  state,  Clovis 
and  later  Merovingians,  616-620; 


Saxon  conquest  of  Britain,  6 
effect    of    conquest,    Darfc     ^ges, 
626-627;     preservation     of    some 

K an    civilization    by,    628  633; 

reverence  for  Rome,  630;  relation 
to  conquered  peoples,  631 ;  church 
and,  632  ;  adopt  idea  of  the  Empire, 
634;  see  Teutonic  law;  political 
institutions  in  new  states,  643; 
contributions  to  Europe,  645.  See 
Franks  and  Empire  of  Charle- 
magne. 

Gibraltar,  Straits  of,  49. 

Gideon,  53. 

Gilds,  in  Roman  Empire,  514,  572, 
574,  576. 

Gladiatorial  games,  406,  411,  480, 
482,  528,  532,  507. 

Gnos'tics,  566  note. 

Gor-di-a'nus  I,  494. 

Gordianus  II.  494. 

Gordianus  III,  494. 

Gor'gi-as,  186  note. 

Goshen,  52. 

Goths,  41S,  495,  582;  West  Goths 
(Visigoths)  in  Dacia,  545;  cross 
Danube,  56:5;  in  Empire,  589: 
under    Alaric,     590;     sack    Koine, 

591,  603;  Visigothic  state  in  Spain, 

592,  595;  at  Chalons,  599;  Ostro- 
goths on  Danube,  605;  conquesi  of 
Italy,  606;  kingdom  of  Italy  under 
Theodoric,  606-009;  destroyed  by 
Belisarius  and  Narses,  612;  small 
numbers  of,  028. 

Gracchus,  Caius,  413  note,  426-431, 
451  i. 

Gracchus,  Tiberius,  420-425. 

Graeco-Oriental  World,  the,  21(.i- 
251;  mingling  of  east  and  west  bj 
Alexander,  219-220;  conquests  of 
Alexander,  219-222 :  results  of  Alex- 
ander's work,  223-226;  Hellenism 
the  active  element  in,  224;  to  the 
Roman  conquest,  237-240;  the  po- 
litical story,  227-230;  Wars  of  the 
Succession,  227:  situation  in  the 
third  century  B.C.,  228;  Gallic  inva- 
sion, 229;  final  decline,  230;  single 
states  in  outline  231  234  :  Syria, 
231;   Egypt,  232;  Macedonia,  233; 


592 


INDEX. 


/.'./,  / .  nci  8  art  to  s<  ctions. 


Rhodes  and  Pergamum,  234;  soci- 
ety, 235-240;  general  culture,  235; 
literature,  236;  art,  237;  philoso- 
phy, 238;  libraries  aud  museums, 
239;  science. '240;  European  Greece, 
241-251  :  Achaean  League,  24:;.  25] ; 
contact  with  Rome,  257;  conquest 
by  Rome,  391-399. 

Graeco-Roman  World,  the,  399, 
4(io.  450  ff. 

Gra-ni  cus.  battle  of  the,  221 «. 

Greek  Church,  the,  660  note. 

Greek  drama.  129  b,  183,  184. 

Greek  education,  187. 

Greek  federations,  age  of,  241-251 ; 
Achaean,  24:3-251;  Aetolian,  242, 
251;  Lycian,  244  note;  Olynthian, 
244 note.  SeePeloponnesian league; 
Delos:  Rhodes. 

Greek  fire,  (i55  note. 

Greek  philosophy,  130, 186,  235,238. 

Greek  religion,  78,  87,  88,  188,  238 ; 
compared  with  Roman,  278. 

Greeks,  ti4 ;  place  in  ancient  history, 
3;  in  Egypt,  21  e  and  note ;  receive 
Oriental  civilization  from  the 
Phoenicians,  50 ;  history  of,  68-218 : 
introductory  survey,  68-71;  con- 
trasted with  Orientals,  68-69; 
Greece  typical  of  Europe,  70-71 ; 
physical  geography,  69,  71  :  charac- 
ter of  civilization,  71 ;  prehistoric 
Greece,  72-84;  sources  of  informa- 
tion, 72-73;  Homer  and  archeology, 
72.  7-">;  Mycenaean  culture,  74; 
Archaean  culture,  75 ;  society  of  the 
Heroic  Age,  76-84;  economic  fea- 
tures, 76-77;  the  tribal  organization, 
78-81;  the  city-state,  80,81:  early 
political  organization,  82-84;  from 
t lie  Dorian  emigration  to  the  Per- 
sian wars,  85-131;  Dorian  migra- 
tion, 85-86;  gap  in  the  evidence 
alter  Homer,  85;  "  races,"  86; 
unity  of  culture,  87,  131  a  ;  table  of 
deities,  88;  colonization  and  ex- 
pansion, 89-92;  colonization  of  the 
Aegean,  89-90;  wider  colonization. 
100-126;  intellectual  development 
and  social  life,  127-130;  art,  127; 
poetry,   128,  129;  philosophy,  130; 


summary  to  500  B.C.,  131;  the  Per- 
sian Wars,  <J0,  132-152;  condition 
of  Greece  at  time  of  attack,  133; 
conquest  of  Ionia,  134;  Ionian  re- 
volt ami  Athenian  aid,  135;  first 
two  attacks  on  Greece,  136-139; 
from  .Marathon  to  Thermopylae, 
140-141  ;  Athens  a  naval  power,  141 ; 
the  third  and  main  attack,  142-152 ; 
preparation  for,  143;  lines  of  de- 
fense and  plan  of  campaign,  144; 
loss  of  Thessaly.  145  ;  Thermopylae, 
loss  of  central  Greece,  146 ;  Themis- 
tocles,  147;  battle  of  Salamis,  148; 
temptation  of  Athens,  150 ;  Plataea, 
151;  meaning  of  Greek  victory, 
152;  division  of  Hellas  into  two 
rival  leagues,  154;  Athenian  su- 
premacy, 153-200  (see  Athens) ; 
Peloponnesiau War, 192-200 :  causes, 
192;  fall  of  Athens,  200;  from  fall 
of  Athens  to  fall  of  Hellas,  201-218 ; 
decline  of  the  city-state,  201 ;  Spat- 
tan  supremacy,  2O2-210(see  Sparta); 
despotism,  202-204:  March  of  the 
Ten  Thousand,  205;  league  against 
Sparta,  206;  peace  of  Antalcidas, 
207 ;  Thebes  and  Athens  war  with 
Sparta,  209;  Leuctra,  210;  Theban 
supremacy,  211-212;  Epaminondas, 
211;  anarchy,  212;  subjected  to 
Macedon,  213-217;  the  history  of 
Hellas  merged  in  that  of  the  Graeeo- 
Oriental  world,  217  (see  Graeco-Ori- 
ental  world) ;  the  western  Greeks, 
218 ;  Hellenizing  the  East,  223,  224  : 
Greek  cities  in  the  Orient,  224: 
reaction  of  Alexander's  conquests 
on  Hellas,  225;  federal  period  in 
Greece,  241-251  (see  Achaean 
League) ;  dominance  of  Macedonia, 
241;  civilization  compared  with 
Roman,  252-254;  geography  of, 
compared  with  Italian,  255-257; 
Magna  Graecia  falls  to  Rome,  333; 
eastern  Greek  cities  friendly  to 
Rome,  391:  Roman  "allies"  de- 
fended by  Rome  against  Antiochus, 
393;  petty  quarrels  among,  394; 
rearrangements  by  Home,  307:  dio- 
cese, 553;  Alaric  in  Greece,  590. 


INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 

Greeks  in  Italy,  1257  note,  260,  261, 

.'Ml.     See  Magna  Graeeia. 
Gregory  II  (Pope),  662. 
Gregory  III  (Pope),  662. 
Gregory  of  Tours   (toor),   quoted, 

619. 
Gun'do-bald,  594. 
Gym'na  si  a,  Athenian,  182. 


593 


Hadrian,  Emperor,  488,  497  note, 
515,  542,  555,  579. 

Hadrian,  Pope,  002  and  note. 

Hadrian's  Wall,  488,  510. 

Hal-i-car-nas'sus,  185. 

Ha'lys  River,  59  a. 

Ha-mil'car  Barca,  366,  370,  371. 

Ham-mu-ra'bi,  king  of  Babylon,  44, 
46  6. 

Hanging  Gardens  of  Babylon,  41. 

Han'ni-bal,  231,  410;  character,  371 ; 
at  Saguntum,  372;  invasion  of 
Italy,  373;  Cannae,  374;  fails  to 
win  Italians,  375;  neglected  by 
Carthage,  377,  379;  at  the  gates  of 
Rome,  380;  recall,  Zama,  383; 
death,  387  note. 

Har'mosts,  Spartan,  98,  202,  204. 

Ha-roun'  al  Raschid,  (179  note. 

Hasdrubal,  the  Barcide,  378,  382, 
383. 

Hasdrubal,  Carthaginian  general  in 
Third  Punic  War,  389  and  note. 

Hebrews,  :;i ;  in  Syria,  7;  in  Egypt, 
21  d  note,  52;  the  Assyrian  captiv- 
ity, 34  and  note,  55;  destruction  of 
Sennacherib,  34;  the  Babylonian 
captivity,  35,  55,  50,  58,  61 ;  lan- 
guage  Semitic,  3(5  note,  51;  alpha- 
bet, 50;  political  history,  52-56; 
age  of  the  patriarchs,  52;  settle- 
ment in  Canaan,  and  age  of  the 
Judges,  53;  kings  and  prophets,  54; 
division  and  decline,  55;  priestly 
rule,  50;  mission  of,  57-58;  faith 
in  one  God,  57,  58,  01;  extension 
of  the  faith,  58;  in  Alexandria, 
239. 

He  gi'ra,  the,  053. 

Helen,  of  Troy,  wife  of  Menelaus, 
72. 

HelTas,  70,  87  b,  89,  etc.    See  Greeks. 


Hellen,  mythical  ancestor  of  Hel- 
lenes, ST  h. 

Hel-le'nes,  70,  74,  87  <>,  134,  217.  See 
Greeks. 

Helles-pont,  the,  137,  112  and  note, 
15s,  221. 

Helots,  98,  102,  202  note,  203. 

Hel-ve  ti-i,  454. 

Hephaestus  (he-fcs'tus),  88. 

Hep'tarch-y,  the,  51)7. 

Hera,  88. 

Her-a-clei'tus,  130. 

Herat'.  224. 

Her-cu-la'ne-um,  4*4. 

Heresies,  in  the  church,  506.  See 
Ariaii  heresy,  Gnostics. 

Hermann,  507,  511. 

Her'mes.  88;  statue  of,  182  note. 

Hermits,  635. 

He-rod'o-tus,  quoted,  11  and  note, 
21  e  note,  32  a  and  note,  01,  74 
note,  117  note,  134  note,  130  note;, 
139,  140  note,  141  note,  112  note, 
151  note,  155;  place  in  literature, 
185. 

Heroic  Age,  of  Greece,  70. 

Her'u-li,  004. 

He'si-od,  129  b. 

Hes'ti-a,  88. 

Hierarchy,  in  government,  552,555. 

Hi'e-ro  I,  of  Syracuse,  218. 

Hiero  II,  of  Syracuse,  358,  360,  365. 

Hi-er-o-glyph'ics.  Egyptian,  16;  on 
the  Rosetta  stone,  4,  21  e;  sound- 
symbols,  10.  See  Cuneiform  writ- 
ing. 

HIm'e-ra,  battle  of,  150. 

Hindoos,  see  India. 

Hindukush  Mountains,  222,  .".7". 

Hip-par'thus,  son  of  Peisistratus, 
117:  the  scientist,  240. 

Hip'pi-as,  son  of  Peisistratus,  117. 
138. 

Hippo,  579  b. 

History,  definition  of,  1  :  divisions, .".. 

Hlt'tites,  7:  and  Egyptians,  21  d,  54. 

Homer,  72-70,  SI.  85,  87,  89,  129  a, 
182  note,  1ST,  L88  note,  191  h,  219. 
207  note. 

Ho-no'ri-us,  501,  590,  591,  592,  603, 
004. 


594  INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 

Hop'Htes,  rise  to  political  power, 
106,  107,  170;  in  battle  of  Mara- 
thon, 138;  at  Thermopylae,  146. 

Horace,  40(.i.  47.1  note,  525. 

Ho-ra'ti-an  Law,  the,  311  note. 

Ho-ra'ti-us.  292  note. 

Hor-ten'si-an  Law,  the,  346  c. 

Hos-til'i-us  Tul'lus,  268. 

Hiin'nen-schlacht,  600. 

Huns,  impel  Goths  against  the  Em- 
pire, 589;  Attila's  invasion,  598- 
601;  race,  598;  West  rallies  against, 
599 ;  Chalons,  600 ;  and  Ostrogoths, 
6(15. 

Hyk'sos,  or  Shepherd  Kings  in  Egypt, 
21  b,  21  c,  21  d  note,  52. 

Hy-met'tus,  116. 

Hy-per'bo-lus,  197. 

Hy'pha-sis  River,  222. 


I-a-pyg-i-ans,  261. 

I-con-o-clas'tic  question,  the,  660. 

Ic-ti'nus,  182. 

Il'i-ad,  72,  73  a,  84,  87,  128,  219. 

Il'i-um.  72. 

Il-lyr'i-a,  213,  220,  367,  391,  590. 

Im'bros,  207. 

Immortality,  believed  in  by  Egyp- 
tians, 19,  22,  26;  by  Assyrians,  45; 
by  Greeks,  188,  238. 

Im-per-a'tor,  Caesar's  title,  463; 
Augustus's  title,  473. 

Imperator  Caesar  Augustus,  title, 
497. 

India,  early  civilization  in,  3,  6,  67; 
caste  in,  12;  commerce  of ,  49 ;  Per- 
sia in,  60;  Alexander  the  Great 
and,  222,  224  b,  225. 

Indian  Ocean,  225  b. 

Indus  River.  60,  222,  224,  225  b,  228, 
455. 

Industry,  Egyptian,  12,  14;  Chal- 
dean, to  :  ( rreek,  77;  Italian,  de- 
moralized by  Punic  Wars,  376,  404; 
thrives  under  the  Empire,  475,  514  ; 
demoralized  in  Empire  by  plagues, 
546;  decrease  in  fourth  century, 
570,  573,  574,  575,  576. 

In-ex'pi-a-ble  War,  the,  366. 

Inferiors,  at  Sparta,  203,  249. 


Inscriptions,  ancient,  4;  on  walls  of 
Egyptian  temples,  15,  16,  23;  of 
Assur-Natsir-Pal,  47  b;  Assyrian, 
33,  37 ;  Spartan,  at  Thermopylae, 
146;  Etruscan,  260. 

In'ter-re'ges,  284. 

Ion,  87  b. 

I-6'ni-a,  Phoenicians  in,  49;  colonized 
by  Greeks,  90 ;  early  center  of  art, 
127 ;  poets  of,  129  a ;  rise  of  philos- 
ophy in,  130;  leads  in  early  Greek 
culture,  131/;  conquest  by  Persia, 
134;  revolts,  135-137;  war  to  free 
from  Persia,  154-160;  Athens  as- 
sumes leadership,  156;  Delian 
league,  157-160. 

Ionian  Revolt,  the,  135;  relation  to 
Persian  attack  on  Greece,  136. 

Ionians,  a  Greek  "race,"  86;  myth- 
ical origin,  87  b ;  driven  out  of 
Peloponnesus  by  Dorians,  90-102; 
colonization  of  Ionia,  90 ;  democ- 
racy among,  95 ;  in  Sicily,  86,  218; 
in  Attica,  102  and  note ;  inhabitants 
of  Ionia,  see  Ionia. 

Ionic  order  of  architecture,  127. 

Ip'sus,  battle  of,  227,  231. 

Iran  (e-riin'),  Plateau  of,  34,  59  6,  (X). 

Ireland,  623. 

I-rene',  660  note,  674. 

Iron,  none  in  Egypt  until  800  B.C.,  14 
note;  in  Greece,  75;  Etruscan,  260. 

Iroquois  (ir-o-kwii'),  the,  compared 
with  early  Germans,  583. 

Is'e-as,  243. 

Iskandar,  224  and  note. 

I-soc  ra-tes,  160,  186  note. 

Israel,  Kingdom,  55;  in  captivity,  34, 
55.     See  Hebrews. 

Is'sus,  battle  of,  221  6. 

Italians,  race,  200,  261 ;  name  of 
Rome's  "Allies"  in  Italy,  341; 
fidelity  to  Rome  in  Punic  War,  375, 
379;  attempts  to  extend  citizenship 
to,  424,  430,  437;  social  war,  437; 
secure  citizenship,  438. 

Italy,  Greek  colonies  in,  70,  86  note, 
91,  133  a,  160,  218;  geography,  255- 
258;  classical  meaning  of  "Italy," 
255;  peoples,  259-261;  unification 
by  Rome,   326-333;   under  Roman 


IN  I)  FA'. 


References  are  to  sections. 


595 


rule,  334-356 ;  invaded  by  Hannibal, 
373-383;  decline  of  peasantry  in, 
408,  410;  evils  of  oligarchic  mis- 
government  in  second  century  B.C., 
412-413;  slave  revolts  in,  419;  at- 
tempts to  extend  Roman  citizen- 
ship in,  424,  430,  437;  social  war, 
437 ;  becomes  part  of  Roman  state, 
438;  civil  war  in,  442;  Caesar's 
campaign  against  Pompey  in,  459; 
prosperity  restored  by  Augustus, 
475 ;  prefecture  of,  553 ;  diocese  of, 
553;  Alaric  iu,  590,  591;  Vandal 
invasion,  595;  Hun  invasion,  001; 
in  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  602- 
615;  from  Alaric  to  Odovaker,  602- 
604;  kingdom  of  East  Goths  in, 
605-609;  Theodoric  the  Civilizer, 
607 ;  reconquered  by  the  Empire, 
612;  Lombards  in,  614-615;  final 
break-up  of  Italian  unity,  615;  at- 
tempt of  Lombards  to  reunite,  frus- 
trated by  popes,  663,  665;  Franks 
in  Italy,  665. 
I-u'lus,  451. 

Jacob,  52. 

Ja-nlc'u-lum,  Mount,  272,  517. 

Janus,  Temple  of,  473  note. 

Javan,  4!). 

Jax-ar'tes  River,  60,  224. 

Jeph'thah,  53. 

Jerome,  Saint,  579  6,  580. 

Jerusalem,  sacked  by  Nebuchadnez- 
zar, 35  ;  sacked  by  Romans,  56,  483. 

Jerusalem,  Patriarchate  of,  565. 

Jews,  dependent  kingdom,  450 ;  rebel- 
lion subdued  by  Titus,  483,  571. 
See  Hebrews. 

Jor-da'nes,  see  Jornandes. 

Jor-nan'des,  (J00  note. 

Joseph,  52. 

Jo-se'phus,  483  note,  526. 

Joshua,  53. 

Jo'vi-an,  563. 

Judah,  Kingdom  of,  34,  35,  55.  See 
Hebrews. 

Judea,  56,  58,  483,  539.     ' 

Judges,  of  Hebrews,  53. 

Jug'e-ra,  322,  422. 

Ju-gurth'a,  433. 


Julian,  ."Hi',  579  a,  588. 

Julian  Caesars,  the,  477-4SJ,  YM. 

Ju-li-a'nus,  4 '. * 4 ,  195, 

Juno.  88. 

Jupiter,  88;  temple  of,  519. 

Jury,  Athenian,  170. 

Jus-tin'i-an,  .7.15,  612,  613. 

Justinian  Code,  the,  613. 

Jutes,  597. 

Juvenal,  405,  527,  529. 

Ka-di'jah,  652. 

Kan-da-har',  224  note. 

Karlmann,  664. 

Kar'nak,  temple  at,  12;  aisle  in  the 

ruins  at,  15;  capital  from,  15. 
Kent,  597. 
Khuniatonu  (koo-ni-a-to'noo),  king 

of  Egypt,  hymn  by,  25. 
King  priest,  in  Rome,  292. 
Kingship,   see    Absolute   Monarchy, 

Teutonic  kingship. 
KIt'i-on,  49. 

Knights,  Roman,  see  Equites. 
K6-ran',  the,  652. 

Lac-e-dae-mo'ni-ans.  see  Sparta. 

La-co'ni-a,  Spartan  supremacy  in, 
96,  101,  207,  210;  classes  in. '.is',  l'.ij; 
Athenians  ravage  coasts  of,  165 ; 
invaded  by  Thebes,  211. 

Lac-tan'ti-us,  547. 

Landholding,  in  Egypt.  12  ami  note; 
in  Chaldea,  46  6  ;  in  Sparta.  98,  249; 
in  early  Athens,  105:  Solon's  re- 
forms concerning,  111«,  111'.  112, 
114,  120;  at  Rome,  by  plebeians, 
under  the  kings,  301;  plebeians 
and  the  public  land  in  the  early 
Republic,  304  a,  312;  Licinian  Laws. 
322;  granted  to  poor,  350;  seized 
by  equites,  404  note,  W9;  attempts 
at  reform,  420,  422-425;  Caesar's 
reforms,  464. 

Language,  Semitic,  36 note;  Greek, 
87  a;  use  at  Rome,  525-527:  Latin 
a  common  language  for  western 
scholars,  (>44  c;  divergence  between 
written  and  spoken  in  Teutonic 
kingdoms,  627  b ;  Romance  lan- 
guages, 627  note. 


596  INDEX, 

References  are  to  sections. 

La-oc  5-6n,  statue  of,  238. 

Latin  Church,  see  Church. 

Latin  civilization,  see  Roman. 

Latin  colonies,  339,  375,  412,  435. 

Latin  Right,  the,  339,  412;  attempt 
to  confer  on  all  Italians,  430. 

Latins,  200,  326 ;  Rome  a  "mark "  of, 
265;  tribes  of,  270;  wars  and  alli- 
ances with  Rome,  272,  326,  331; 
rights  at  Rome,  33i»,  412. 

Latin  War  of  338  B.C.,  331. 

La'ti-um,  260,  264,  266,  270,  271,  329, 
336. 

Laws,  Chaldean,  44,  46  6 ;  of  Lycur- 
gus,  96,  97 ;  of  Draco,  108  and  note ; 
of  Solon,  110-114;  at  Rome,  Vale- 
rian, 295  6;  unwritten,  303;  as  to 
debt, 304;  Publilian, 311 ;  Horatian, 
311  note;  Twelve  Tables,  313-318; 
Valerio-Horatian,  317  note;  Hor- 
tensian,  346  c;  Licinian,  322;  of  the 
Gracchi,  422-425,  428;  of  Caesar, 
464.  See  Roman  Law,  Teutonic 
Law. 

Lay'ard,  37. 

Leaders  of  the  People  in  Athens, 
173,  180. 

Lebanon  Mountains,  49. 

Legion,  the,  described,  353;  com- 
pared with  phalanx,  353,  382.  See 
Army. 

Lem'nos,  207. 

Leo,  Pope,  601. 

Leo  III,  Pope,  crowns  Charlemagne, 
675. 

Leo  the  Isaurian,  Emperor,  655,  660, 
662. 

Le-6<h'a-res,  Greek  sculptor,  220. 

Le-6n'i-das,  146,  516. 

Le-o-tych'i-des,  kiug  of  Sparta,  155 
note. 

Lep'i-dus.  469,  472. 

Lesbos.  129  a,  160. 

Leuctra.  battle  of,  210,  211. 

Libations,  in  Greek  worship,  78. 

Libraries,  at  Nineveh,  37;  Chaldean, 
38;  in  Sraeco-Oriental  world,  239: 
at  Alexandria,  239. 

Libyan  desert.  6. 

Libyans,  invade  Egypt,  21  d;  sub- 
jects of  Carthage,  361,  366, 


Li-cln'i-an  Ro-ga'tions,  322,  323, 404 
note. 

Li-cln'i-us,  Emperor,  558,  561. 

Licinius  Stolo,  tribune,  322,  323. 

Ligurians,  261. 

Literature,  Egyptian,  16;  Chaldean, 
38;  Oriental  contrasted  with  Euro- 
pean, 68  b  ;  early  Greek  Epic  Age, 
87  a  (see  Homer) ;  in  Athens  of 
Peisistratus,  116;  Lyric  Age,  128, 
129;  drama,  129  6,  183;  the  age  of 
Pericles,  183-186 ;  Alexandrian  Age, 
236;  Greek  influence  on  Roman, 
407;  Roman  before  Age  of  Cicero, 
523;  in  Age  of  Cicero,  524;  Au- 
gustan Age,  475,  525;  first  three 
centuries  a.d.,  516,  526-527,  547; 
decline  in  fourth  century,  579; 
attitude  of  early  Christians  toward 
pagan,  580;  German,  583. 

Livius  An-dro-ni'cus,  523. 

Livy,  267,  292,  301  note,  307,  351,  383, 
525. 

Locris,  165,  242. 

Loire  (lwiir),  656. 

Lombards,  582;  in  Italy,  614-615; 
and  the  popes,  662,  663;  conquered 
by  Pippin,  665;  by  Charlemagne, 
671. 

Lombardy,  615. 

Long  Walls  of  Athens,  153  note, 
165,  182,  193;  demolished,  200;  re- 
built, 206. 

Long  Walls  of  Constantinople, 
611. 

Lot,  use  of,  in  elections,  112  note,  114 
and  note,  173. 

Louvre  (loovr),  237. 

Lucan,  526. 

Lu-ca'ni-ans,  260. 

Lu'cer-es,  271,  273. 

Lu'ci-an,  527. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  524. 

Lyc'i-an  Confederacy,  244  note. 

Ly-cur'gus,  96,  99  note.  101,  249. 

Lyd'i-a,  59  a,  60,  62,  64,  132,  134, 
135. 

Ly-di'a-das,  247,  248,  249  note. 

Lyric  Age  in  Greek  poetry,  128, 
129. 

Lysan'der,  197,  200,  204. 


INDEX. 


597 


References  are  to  sections. 

Mac-e-do'ni-a,  91  note,  136,  169; 
under  Theban  influence,  211;  con- 
quest of  Greece,  213-217;  people 
and  king,  213;  growth  under  Philip 
II,  214;  army,  215;  Chaeronea  and 
Congress  of  Corinth,  216;  result 
of  Macedonian  conquest,  217;  un- 
der Alexander,  219  ft',  (see  Alexan- 
der);  one  of. the  great  powers  of 
the  Graeco-Oriental  world,  228; 
Gallic  invasion,  229;  condition  at 
220  B.C.,  230;  history  in  outline  to 
the  Roman  conquest,  233;  suprem- 
acy in  Greece  after  Alexander,  241, 
243;  losses  through  the  Achaean 
League,  245,  247,  248;  supremacy 
restored,  250,  251 ;  one  of  five 
Great  Powers  in  third  century  B.C., 
357,  367  ;  aids  Hannibal,  377  ;  jeal- 
ous of  Rome,  391 ;  First  Macedonian 
War,  391 ;  Second,  392 ;  a  dependent 
ally  of  Rome,  392 ;  Third  Macedo- 
nian War,  Macedonia  a  Roman 
Province,  396,  399;  Mithridates  in, 
399;  diocese  of,  553. 

Macedonian  army,  215,  223. 

Macedonian  Wars,  first,  391;  sec- 
ond, 392;  third,  396. 

Ma-cri'nus,  494. 

Mae-ce'nas,  475  note,  521  note. 

Mae'li-us,  Spu'ri-us,  312  note,  424. 

Magic,  Chaldean,  39;  Etruscan,  260 
note. 

Magism,  61. 

Magna  Graecia,  91, 130, 133  a,  150;  in 
fifth  and  fourth  centuries,  218 ;  and 
Rome,  230,  257  note,  200,  333,  352; 
influence  on  Roman  literature,  523. 

Mag-ne'si-a,  battle  of,  231,  393,  398 
note,  .".99. 

Mam'er-tines,  360. 

Man'e-tho,  4. 

Man-i-chae'ans,  566  note. 

Man'li-us,  consul  in  Latin  war,  351. 

Man'li-us,  defender  of  the  Capitol, 
312  note,  424. 

Man-ti-ne'a,  broken  up  into  villages 
by  Sparta,  208 ;  restored,  211 ;  bat- 
tle of,  210  note,  211. 

Mar'a-thon,  battle  of,  138,  140,  141, 
142;  importance,  139, 152. 


Mar-cel'lus,  379,  3S2  note. 

March  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  the, 
lsn,  205. 

Mar-co-man'ni,  515  note. 

Mar-do 'ni-us,  137,  138,  112,  150,  151. 

Mar' graves,  681  a. 

Ma'ri-us,  403,  431,  456,  682,  688;  in 

Jugurthine  War,  433;  saves  R e 

from  Cimbriand  Teutones,  134,  135; 
retirement,  436;  civil  war,  439 ;  pro- 
scriptions, 440 ;  death,  440;  trophies 
restored  by  Caesar,  451. 

Marseilles  (mar-sal'),  91. 

Martial,  526. 

Martin,  Saint,  579  b. 

Mas-sll'i-a,  91,  380,  519. 

Mas-si-nls'sa,  387,  388,  438. 

Mau-ri-ta'ni-a,  657  note. 

Mayfield,  643c,  (its,  681  e. 

Mayor  of  the  Palace,  648. 

Max-Im'i-an,  550,  558. 

Mec'ca,  652,  653. 

Medes,  139  note;  capture  Nineveh, 
34,  59  6;  in  Plateau  of  Iran,  596, 
religion  of,  161. 

Me'di-a,  34,  35,  60,  132,  228,  471. 

Medicine,  Chaldean,  39;  Greek,  240; 
Roman,  527. 

Me-di-e'val  history,  635  note. 

Med-i-ter-ra'ne-an  Sea,  3.  6,  9.  '■'<■'>, 
34,  133  a,  166,  234;  Phoenician  navi- 
gators in,  49;  Phoenician  colonies 
on  coast  of,  50;  importance  to 
European  civilization,  65,  69d  and 
note;  Greek  colonies,  70,  74,  01. 
1316;  Alexander  on  the  const  of 
the,  221  6;  won  by  Rome,  357  390; 
Egypt  granary  of.  392;  duty  ol 
Rome  to  police,  402:  trade  ruined 
by  pirates,  450:  Pompey  in,  450; 
under  Empire,  513;  Gothic  fleets  in, 
545;  Vandals  in,  595. 

Meg-a-16p'o-lis.  211.  247.  251. 

Meg'a-ra,  captures  Salamis  from 
Athenians,  109;  poets  of,  129a, 
129  6;  in  Persian  War,  147;  Athe- 
nian alliance,  164  and  note:  treach- 
ery of,  166;  commercial  interests, 
102;  enters  Achaean  League,  247. 

Meg'a-ris,  165. 

Me'li-ans,  197  note. 


598  INDEX. 

References  are  to  sections. 

Mem'phis,  10,  15. 

Me-nan'der,  236,  523. 

Men-e-la'us,  76. 

Me'nes,  king  of  Egypt,  10. 

Mercenaries,  War  of  the,  366, 
370. 

Me-ro-vln'gi-ans,  name  explained, 
620 ;  Empire  of,  620. 

Me'sheck,  49. 

Mes-o-po-tami-a,  31,  32  c,  509. 

Mes-sa'na,  360. 

Mes-se'ne,  211. 

Mes-se'ni-a,  96,  162,  192,  211. 

Met-a-mor'pho-ses,  of  Ovid,  525. 

Me-tau'rus,  battle  of  the,  382. 

Me'tics,  treatment  of,  at  Athens,  120, 
122,  153,  170,  171,  179,  204. 

Met'o-pe,  127,  182. 

Metropolis,  of  a  Greek  colony,  92. 

Met-ro-pol'i-tan,  see  Archbishops. 

Middle  Ages,  the,  635  note. 

Mi-lan',  550;  Edict  of,  561. 

Mi-le'tus,  71  b,  90,  91,  95, 127, 130, 155 
note,  191  b. 

Mil-ti'a-des,  138,  140,  158,  180,  516. 

Mil'vi-an  Bridge,  battle  of  the,  558, 
561. 

MIs'si  Do-mln'i-ci,  681  b. 

Mith-ri-da'tes  the  Great,  439,  441, 
450. 

Mithridatic  Wars,  the,  450  note. 

J/nes'i-cles,  182. 

Modern  history,  definition  of,  1. 

M6e'si-a,  507. 

Mo-ham'med,  651,  652,  653,  654. 

Mo-ham 'me-dan-ism,  651,652,653; 
conquests  of,  654 ;  attacks  on 
Europe,  repulsed,  655;  conquest  of 
Spain,  656;  repulse  at  Tours,  656; 
later  Mohammedanism,  657. 

Monarchy,  definition  of,  68a  note; 
origin,  80;  Greek,  82;  gives  way  in 
Greece  to  oligarchy,  93,  131  c ;  in 
early  Rome,  282 ;  under  the  Empire, 
see  Roman  Empire ;  among  Teu- 
tonic barbarians,  586 ;  development 
in  Teutonic  states,  643  a. 

Mo-nas'ti-cism,  origin,  635,  636,  637; 
monastic  vows,  637;  industry  of 
monks,  637;  and  learning,  637 ; 
"regular"  clergy,  038. 


Money,  none  in  ancient  Egypt,  12; 
iron,  in  Sparta,  99;  abundance  in 
Greece  after  Alexander,  225  a; 
Roman,  copper  to  264  B.C.,  350; 
lack  in  later  Roman  Empire,  569; 
lack  in  Empire  of  Charlemagne,  680. 

Moors,  11  note,  418,  545,  657. 

Morality,  Egyptian,  20,  22-24;  Chal- 
dean and  Assyrian,  45;  Persian,  61, 
152;  Athenian,  188,  189;  Roman, 
351,  352;  decline  due  to  wars  and 
economic  changes,  404^411;  in  Em- 
pire, 528-537;  of  early  Christianity, 
538-543;  of  fourth  century,  569 
note. 

Moses,  53,  652. 

Mo'sul,  657. 

Mount  Athos,  137,  138,  142. 

"Mountain,"  the,  party  in  Athens, 
115,  119  b,  121. 

Mun'da,  battle  of,  461. 

Municipal  government,  under  the 
Empire,  500. 

Mu-ni-clp'i-a,  Roman,  336  b,  412,438, 
514,  553,  572. 

Museum  (mii-se'um),  Plato's,  at 
Athens,  239;  Ptolemy's,  at  Alex- 
andria, 239. 

Myc'a-le,  battle  of,  156. 

My-ce'nae,  76,  82,  89;  Gate  of  Lions 
at,  73  a ;  bronze  pitcher  from,  73  b ; 
excavations  at,  73  b ;  bronze  dagger 
from,  73  b. 

Mycenaean  Culture,  74-76. 

Myths,  Greek,  87  c  and  note,  188  note ; 
Roman,  borrowed,  278. 

Myt-i-le'ne,  197  note. 

Nae'vi-us,  523. 

Naples,  Bay  of,  479,  484,  604. 

Narbonne  (niir-bon'),  519. 

Nar'ses,  612,  614. 

Nature  worship,  Egyptian, 18 ;  Chal- 
dean, 45;  Greek,  87  c;  Roman,  278. 

Nau-pac'tus,  160. 

Nau-slc'a-a,  76  note. 

Navy,  growth  of  Athenian,  141,  146, 
153,  157-160,  165,  171,  196;  Cartha- 
ginian, 358,  361 ;  value  of  sea-power 
in  Punic  Wars,  032;  Roman,  861, 
362  note,  377. 


INDEX 
References  are  to  sections. 

Nax'os,  159-160. 

Ne-ap'o-lis,  160. 

Ne-ar'thus,  225  b. 

Neb-u-ohad-nez'zar,  35,  55 ;  prayer 
of,  48. 

Ne'co,  king  <>i'  Egypt,  21  e,  232. 

Negroes,  in  Egypt,  11  note. 

Ne'pos,  524. 

Nero,  482,  530,  540,  542. 

Ner'va,  480. 

Ne'tad,  battle  of,  601. 

Neus'tri-a,  (147,  040,  650. 

Ni-cae'a,  Council  of,  506. 

Ni-cene'  Creed,  the,  566. 

NIc'i-as,  1H7,  198. 

Nic-o-me'di-a,  550. 

Nile,  4,  30,  31,  32,  37,  221  b,  224,  232; 
early  home  of  civilization,  5,  59, 
65;  valley  of,  the  real  Egypt,  8; 
importance  to  Egypt,  9,  10,  17. 

Nineveh,  32c,  34,  37,  62,  221c;  palace 
of,  described,  41 ;  commerce  of,  43. 

Nobles,  Roman,  345,  402,  405;  later 
European,  587,  643  6.  See  Aris- 
tocracy. 

Norsemen,  582. 

Nor-thum'bri-a,  584,  507. 

Nu'ma,  268,  473  note. 

Nu-mer-i-a/nus,  404. 

Nu-mld'i-a,  387,  433,  461. 


Oc-ta'vi-us,  tribune,  deposed  by 
Gracchus,  423. 

Octavius  Caesar,  see  Augustus. 

O-de'um,  182. 

O-do-va'ker,  604,  606. 

O-d^s'seus,  72,  76,  77,  84,  188. 

Od'ys  sey,  72,  73  a,  74  note,  76  and 
note,  77,  128,  188  and  note. 

Oe-n5'phy-ta,  battle  of,  165. 

Oligarchy,  definition  of,  68  a  note; 
origin,  in  Greece,  82,  83,93;  over- 
thrown by  tyrants,  04,  05;  in 
Athens,  103-105;  overthrow  in 
Athens,  106-114,  118,  131  c,  140; 
struggle  with  democracy  in  Greece, 
133  b ;  set  up  by  Sparta  in  subject 
cities,  202;  in  Thebes,  203,  211;  in 
Rome,  .".01,  345  ;  misgovernnient  by, 
402,  403,  411,  420;  overthrow,  471. 

O-lym'pi-a,  71  6,  87  c,  182  note. 


599 


Olympiad,  87  c. 

Olympias,  210. 

Olympic  games,  87  c,  120  «  note. 

Olympus,  ,S7  c,  144,  182  note. 

O-lyn'thi-ac  Confederacy,  242  note. 

Olynthus,  01. 

Ordeal,  Trial  by,  (111. 

O-res'tes,  0(>4. 

Oriental  history,  introductory  to 
Greek  history,  3;  outline,  i  67 j 
summary  of,  65  til;  contrasted 
with  European,  68-60,  71  e. 

Or'i-gen,  547  note. 

OrI'gi-ne§,  of  Cato,  523. 

Os'ti-a,  272. 

Ostracism,  126;  of  oligarchic  leaders 
at  Athens,  140;  of  Aristides.  Ill, 
147;  of  Cimon,  163;  of  Themisto- 
cles,  180. 

Os'tro-goths,  see  Goths. 

Otho,  483. 

Ovid,  525. 

Oxus  River,  222. 

O-zy-man'di-us,  29. 


Pae'tus,  530. 

Pagans,  567  note. 

Painting,  Egyptian,  15;  Greek,  127, 
237. 

Pal'a-tinc  Mount,  the,  268,  271. 

Palestine,  53. 

Pallas  Athene,  see  Athene. 

Pal-my'ra,  4'.C>  note,  513. 

Pam-phyl'i-a,  158. 

Pan-Hellenic  Confederation,  pro- 
posed by  Athens,  154. 

Pan-no'ni-a,  507. 

Pan'the-on,  520,  521. 

Pa'pa-cy,  claim  of  Roman  bishops  to 
headship,  658;  doctrine  of  lVtiiite 
succession,  658;  advantages  of 
Rome,  650;  freed  from  rivals  in 
the  East,  660;  growth  into  tem- 
poral power.  66i  :  rebellion  against 
Empire,  662;  and  Lombards,  663; 
alliance  with  the  Franks,  663. 

Papal  States,  the,  666  and  note. 

Pa-pln'i-an,  195. 

Papyrus,  4  note.  12,  15.  16;  of  Ptah- 
hotep,  24 ;  used  lis  Chaldeans,  37,  38. 

Pa'ros,  L29o,  L40. 


(500  INDEX. 

Reft  rt  ncea  are  to  sections. 

Par-rAa'si-us,  237. 

Par'the-non,  128,  182,  183  note,  190 
note. 

Par'thi-ans,  231,  441,  455,  471,  506; 
bumbled  by  Trajan,  487 ;  in  tbird 
century,  545. 

"  Partnership  Emperors,"  550, 559, 
563. 

Patriarch,  iu  organization  of  church, 
565. 

Patriarchs,  Hebrew,  52,  58. 

Pa-trl'cians,  Roman,  268,  273;  or- 
ganization, 275-277;  struggle  with 
plebeians,  300-325., 

Paul.  398  note. 

Pau-sa'ni-as,  historian,  527. 

Pau-sa'ni-as,  king  of  Sparta,  155 
note,  156. 

Peace  of  Antalcidas,  207. 

Peace  of  Callias,  167. 

Peasantry,  Egyptian,  12,  27;  Chal- 
dean, 43;  Assyrian,  43;  Roman, 
570,  575. 

Pediments,  in  Greek  architecture, 
127,  182. 

Pei-rae'us,  153,  157  note,  158,  165, 
173,  182,  193,  200,  204,  206,  208,  248. 

Pei-sis-trat'i-dae,  117,  291. 

Pei-sis'tra-tus,  116,  117,  120,  127, 
129  6,  134  note,  183. 

Pe-lop'i-das.  209  and  note,  211. 

Pel-o-pon-ne'si-an  League,  133  6, 
144,  146,  147,  149,  154,  156,  166,  192, 
193,  206,  207. 

Peloponnesian  War,  167,  192-200, 
206;  causes,  192;  resources  and 
plans,  193;  plague  in  Athens,  194; 
twenty-seven  years  of  war,  195; 
Athenian  naval  supremacy,  195, 
196;  new  leaders,  197;  Athenian 
disaster  in  Sicily,  198;  rule  of  the 
Four  Hundred  in  Athens,  199; 
Sparta  betrays  Asiatic  Greeks  to 
Persia,  200;  Aegospotami,  200; 
surrender  of  Athens,  200. 

Pel-o-pon-ne'sus,  85,  8(5,  89,  9(5,  102, 
1336,  144,  164,  165,  211,  248,  249, 
250,  590. 

Penates,  78. 

Pen-tel'i-cus,  138. 

Per'ga-mos,  235. 


Pergamum,  234,  392,  393,  398. 
Per-i-an'der,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  95, 

129  a. 
Pericles,  162,  163,  167,  170,  183,  211 ; 

builds  up  a  land  empire  for  Athens, 

164,  165 ;  constitution  of  empire, 
172-180,  426;  portrait  bust,  180; 
and  intellectual  and  artistic  Athens, 
181-191;  funeral  oration  of,  190; 
and  Peloponnesian  War,  193,  194; 
death,  197. 

Per-i-oe'ci,  98,  192,  210,  249. 

Persecution,  Religious,  of  Chris- 
tians, by  Nero,  482,  540;  by  Domi- 
tiau,  485;  by  Trajan,  487,  540,  541; 
by  Aurelius,  490,  540,  541;  by 
Severus,  495;  by  Decius,  495;  sum- 
mary of  early,  540 ;  causes,  541 ;  by 
Diocletian,  549,  567 ;  by  the  church, 
565,  567. 

Per-seph'o-ne,  head  on  coin,  358. 

Per-sep'o-lis,  221  e. 

Per'seus,  396,  397. 

Persia,  21  c,  21/,  35,  50,  56,  141;  his- 
tory of,  59-64 ;  geography,  59 ;  rise 
and  extent  of  empire,  (50;  religion, 
morals,  and  society,  61 ;  champions 
civilization  against  Scytbians,  (52, 
65 ;  post  roads,  (54 ;  war  with  Greece, 
132-152 ;  condition  at  time  of  attack, 
132;  conquers  Lydia,  134;  conquers 
Ionia,  135 ;  first  two  attacks  on 
Greece,  136-139;  revolt  of  Egypt, 
140;  third  attack  on  Greece,  142- 
152;  preparation,  142;  significance 
of  defeat,  152;  expelled  from 
Aegean,  154-159;  revolt  of  Egypt, 

165,  166 ;  peace  of  Callias,  167,  169 ; 
aids  Sparta  against  Athens,  198- 
200,  201 ;  war  with  Greece  renewed, 
205,  206;  revolt  of  Cyrus  the 
Younger,  205;  the  "Ten  Tbou- 
sand,"205;  war  with  Sparta,  205, 
206 ;  allied  with  Tbebes  and  Athens, 
206;  Peace  of  Antalcidas,  207;  at- 
tacked by  Alexander,  220,  221;  fall 
of  the  empire,  221 ;  new  kingdom, 
tbird  century,  545,  548,  550,  562  ;  in 
fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  610,  612; 
conquered  by  Mohammedans,  651. 
654. 


INDEX. 

References  are  to  sections. 

Persian  Gulf,  31,  32  a,  49. 

Persian  Wars,  132-152,  171,  175,  180, 
243;  two  antagonists,  132-133;  be- 
ginnings of,  134-135;  conquest  of 
Ionia,  135;  revolt  of  Ionia  and  Athe- 
nian aid,  135;  first  two  attacks  on 
Greece,  136-139;  relation  of  Ionian 
revolt  to  Persian  attack,  136;  first 
expedition,  Mount  Athos,  137;  sec- 
ond expedition,  Marathon,  138;  from 
Marathon  to  Thermopylae  in  Ath- 
ens, 140-141;  the  third  attack,  142- 
152;  Persian  preparation,  142;  Greek 
preparation,  143;  Greek  lines  of 
defense  and  plan  of  campaign,  144; 
loss  of  Thessaly,  145  ;  Thermopylae, 
loss  of  central  Greece,  146 ;  strategy 
of  Themistocles,  147 ;  battle  of  Sala- 
mis,  148;  temptation  of  Athens, 
150 ;  Plataea,  151 ;  meaning  of 
Greek  victory,  152;  league  of  Pla- 
taea, 154 ;  war  to  free  Ionia,  154- 
159;  peace  of  Callias,  167;  war  re- 
vived in  Asia,  205-207;  peace  of 
Antalcidas,  207. 

Per'ti-nax,  494,  495. 

Phaed'rus,  189  e. 

Phalanx.  Theban,  210;  Macedonian, 
215  and  note ;  compared  with  Ro- 
man legion,  353;  conquered  by 
legion,  392. 

Pha-le'rum,  153. 

Pha/r^ohs,  of  Egypt,  12. 

Phar-na'ces,  461. 

Phar-sa'lus,  battle  of,  4G0,  462, 
472. 

Phei'don,  king  of  Argos,  95  note. 

Phid'i-as,  182  and  note,  191  b. 

Philip  II,  king  of  Macedonia,  211, 
213;  portrait,  213 ;  aims  and  meth- 
ods, 214 ;  army,  215 ;  invades  Greece, 
216 ;  force  in  history,  217 ;  assassi- 
nated, 219,  220. 

Philip  V,  233,  377,  391,  392. 

Phi-lip'pi,  battle  of,  471,  472. 

Phi-lip 'pics,  of  Demosthenes,  214. 

Phi-lip 'pus,  494. 

Phi-Hs'tin"S,  7. 

Phil-o-poemen,  251. 

Philosophy,  Greek,  130,  186,  235,  238; 
of  Marcus  Aurelius,  490,  527,  536; 


601 


of  Epictetus,  5:57;  in  third  century, 
547. 

Pho'cis,  133 6,  165,  242. 

Phoe-ni'cians,  7,  21  e,  49  51,  L33  a, 
141,  206;  language,  36  note;  As- 
syria and  commerce  of,  13;  Leaders 
of  navigation,  49;  importance  of, 
50,  65,  74;  alphabet,  50;  political 
and  social  conditions,  51  ;  Alexan- 
der, 221  b;  influence  on  Etruscans, 

260. 

Phor'nii-o.  196  note,  197. 

Phra'try,  the  Greek,  79;  compared 
with  Roman  curia,  276. 

Phryg'i-a,  64,  227.  398  note. 

Physical  geography  as  a  factor  in  his- 
torical development,  5,  6,  7,  9,  31, 
32,  49,  52,  69-71,  86,  255-258,  262-266. 

Picts,  510. 

Pillars  of  Hercules,  49  and  note. 

Pindar,  129  a  and  note,  220. 

Pip'pin  of  Her'is-tal,  649. 

Pippin  the  Short,  becomes  king  of 
Franks,  664;  establishes  temporal 
power  of  the  pope,  665. 

Pirates,  171,  2216;  264,  402;  Phoeni- 
cian, 49;  Greek,  77;  Illyrian,  367, 
391 ;  Cilician,  402,  450. 

Plague,  at  Athens,  194 :  in  Europe 
under  Empire,  490,  546. 

"Plain,"  the,  party  in  Athens,  115, 
119_&. 

Pla-tae'a,  aids  Athens  at  Marathon, 
138;  battle  of,  151,  152,  153,  156, 
163;  League  of,  154,  161;  ami 
Athens,  160,  106;  in  Peloponnesiaa 
War,  197  note. 

Plato,  186,  188,  189c,  189c?,  189c,  239 
538,  580. 

Plau'tus,  523. 

Ple-be'ians,  Roman, 268,  274;  outside 
patrician  state,  277:    secure  some 
political   rights.  285-289;    stru 
with  patrician-.  300-325. 

Plebiscite  (pleb'I-sit),  311. 

Pliny  the  Elder.  526. 

Pliny  the  Younger,  501,  527,  529, 
541  h  :  and  Christians,  540. 

Plo-ti'nus,  517. 

Plutarch,  99  and  note,  218  not.',  219 
note,  246  note,  351 1,  125,  527,  530, 532. 


602 


INDEX. 


Reft  r<  nr,s  lire  to  sections. 


Pnyx,  174,  182. 

Po,  valley  of  the,  255,  260,  368,  373, 
435,  615. 

Pol'e-march,  103,  125,  293  note. 

Poles,  598  note. 

Political,  term  explained,  105  note. 

P61'li-o,  533. 

Po-lyb'i-us,  228,  355  note,  358,  362, 
363  note,  390,  397  note,  523. 

Pom-pe'ii,  484,  500. 

Pompey  the  Great,  403,  447-453, 
455,  456,  459-461. 

Pon'ti-fex  Max'i-mus,  463,  497. 

Pontiffs,  Roman,  280,  324. 

Pon'ti-us,  the  Samnite,  332,  351,  442. 

Pontius  Pilate,  540. 

Pontus,  228,  439,  441,  450,  471;  dio- 
cese, 553. 

Pope,  origin  of  name,  659  d  note. 

P6r'phyr-y,  547. 

P6r'se-na,  292  note. 

Portico,  in  Greek  architecture,  181, 
182. 

Poseidon,  88. 

Post  roads,  Persian,  64.  See  Roman 
roads. 

Prae'fect-ure,  a  government  in 
Italy,  336,  340,  369. 

Prae-nes'te,  266,  443. 

Praetor,  293  note,  324  note,  345,  347, 
369,  433  note. 

Prae-to'ri-an  Guards,  473  note,  479, 
481,493,  495,  499,548  6. 

Prax-It'e-les,  182  note;  the  Hermes 
of,  182.     ♦ 

Prehistoric  life,  1 ;  in  Greece,  72-84. 

Priesthood,  in  Egypt,  12,  17  ;  of  He- 
brews, 56;  in  early  Greece,  78,  80; 
of  city  in  Greece,  93;  Roman,  280; 
Christian  priests,  565  note;  pagan 
( id-man,  586. 

Prln'ceps,  title  Augustus,  473. 

Prln'ci-pate,  490.  See  Roman 
Empire. 

Privy  Council,  of  Hadrian,  488, 
497  note  ;  of  Diocletian,  555. 

Pro'con-sul,  office,  356;  power,  463, 
497. 

Prophets^  Hebrew,  54,  58. 

Prop-y-lae'a,  of  the  Athenian  Acrop- 
olis, 182. 


Proscriptions,  of  Marius,  440;  of 
Sulla,  443;  of  second  triumvirate, 
470. 

Pro-tec'to-ratp,  defined,  392  note; 
Roman  attempt  at,  in  East,  391- 
394;  protectorates  transformed 
into  provinces,  39.5-398. 

Provence  (pro-vans'),  454  note. 

Province,  the,  454  note. 

Provinces,  Roman,  first,  369;  Span- 
ish, 385;  of  Africa,  390;  iu  East, 
395-398 ;  evils  of  senatorial  rule  in, 
414-417;  need  of  Empire  for,  457; 
Caesar's  reforms  for,  465 ;  under 
Empire,  502,  548;  subdivided  by 
Diocletian,  550,  551,  553. 

Psam-met'i-thus,  king  of  Egypt, 
21  e. 

7'tah'ho-tep,  Egyptian  noble,  pre- 
cepts of,  24. 

Ptolemy  I,  of  Egypt,  232,  239. 

7'tolemy  II  (Philadelphia),  21/,  232, 
239. 

Ptolemy  III,  228  note,  232. 

Ptolemy,  astronomer,  527. 

Pub-M'i-an  Law,  311. 

Pul,  see  Tiglath-Pileser  II. 

Punic  Wars,  230,  231,  233,  357  ff.; 
issue  at  stake,  359;  First,  360-365; 
Second,  370-384;  Third,  387-390. 

Punjab,  the,  60  note,  222,  231. 

Pu-pi-e'nus,  494. 

Pyd'na,  battle  of,  396,  399. 

Pyramids,  Egyptian,  15. 

Pyrenees,  crossed  by  Hannibal,  373. 

Pyr'r/ms,  333,  358,  410;  coin  of,  333. 

Py-thag'o-ras,  130. 

Pyth-a-go-re'ans,  130. 

Quad-rlv'i-um,  the,  518. 
Quaestor,  295  a,  324,  347. 
Qum-tn'i-an,  526. 
Qulr'i-nal,  271. 

Rad'o-gast,  591,  603. 
Ra-me'ses  II,  21  d,  27;  colossi  of,  25. 
Ram'nes,  the,  271,  273. 
Ravenna,  591,  602,  607,  614;   Exar- 
chate of,  615. 
Red  Sea,  6,  31,  52,  232,  513. 
Re-gll'lus,  292  note. 


INDEX. 


603 


Reference*  are  to  sections. 


Reg'u-lus,  303. 

Relief  sculpture,  definition  of,  12 
note,  15;  specimens  of  Egyptian, 
10,  12,  14,  20;  Assyrian,  40,  43; 
Athenian,  182  and  note;  Roman, 
487. 

Religion,  Egyptian,  18,  19,  25;  Chal- 
dean, 45,  46a,  48;  Assyrian,  45, 
47  a ;  Phoenician,  51 ;  Hehrew,  57, 
58;  Persian,  61;  Oriental,  65,  66; 
in  early  Greece,  78,  87  c,  188;  in 
Athens,  188,  238;  Roman,  260,  278- 
281;  political  value,  281,  476; 
Carthaginian,  358;  under  Roman 
Empire,  529;  see  Christianity; 
German,  584,  585. 

Representative  government,  not 
a  feature  even  of  the  Greek  federa- 
tions, 244;  none  in  Rome,  336  a, 
458;  assemblies  in  provinces  of 
Empire,  502;  to  grow  out  of  Teu- 
tonic assemblies,  645  d. 

Rex  Sa-cro'rum,  292. 

R'<ae'ti-a,  507. 

R'je'gi-um,  100. 

Wane,  the,  454,  485,  490,  495,  503,  506, 
545,  548,  5S2,  593,  597. 

R/*6dps,  206,  228,  234,  235,  392,  393, 
397,  398. 

Rhon°,  the.  373. 

RIk'i-mer,  604. 

Roland,  Song  of,  671  note. 

Roman  Assembly,  282,  283;  comitia 
curiata,  276,  277  note,  283;  formal, 
346 ;  centuriate,  287, 2S8 ;  controlled 
hy  consuls,  293;  elections  in,  295, 
296;  plebeians  in,  302;  control  of 
senate,  321 ;  loses  influence,  346 ; 
plebeian,  309-312,  318  note;  by 
tribes,  310,  337,  339,  343,  346,  347, 
360,  423,  424,  430;  passes  away 
under  Empire,  496,  515. 

Roman  auxiliaries,  353. 

Roman  camp,  354. 

Romance  languages,  627  note. 

Roman  colonies,  336  a. 

Roman  emperors,  in  person  of  Au- 
gustus, 473,  496 ;  power  of,  497 ; 
good  government  by  bad  emperors, 
512;  attitude  toward  early  church, 
542;  "barrack  emperors," 493-495; 


"partnership  emperors,"  " 
Oriental  character  after  Diocletian, 
556 ;   summary  of  reigns,   178  195, 
549,  558-^559,  562  563,  603  < lu | ,  612; 

worship  of,  476,  .".In.  541  ". 
Roman  Empire,  conditions  leading 
to,  see  Rome;  despotism  a  medi- 
cine for,  458;  civil  war,  Caesar  and 
Pompey,  459-461;  work  of  Caesar, 
462-467;  form  of  Caesai 
ernment,  463;  Julius  to  Octavius, 
468-472;  (see)  Augustus,  473-476; 
empire  established,  473;  in  first 
three  centuries,  477  ft. ;  story  of, 
477-495;  two  centuries  of  order, 
478-492;  Julian  Caesars,  47S- 
482;  Flavian,  483-485;  Antonines, 
486-491;  general  character,  192; 
"  barrack  emperors,"  49.'.  195;  con- 
stitution of  early  empire,  496-502; 
republican  forms,  496;  power  of 
emperor,  497;  gradual  growth,  198; 
succession,  499;  local  administra- 
tion, 500-502;  imperial  defense, 
503 ff. ;  army  (which  see),  503-505; 
frontiers,  506-510;  society,  first 
two  centuries,  511  ff.;  peace  and 
prosperity,  511-514;  forms  of  in- 
dustry, 514 ;  world  becomes  Ro- 
man, 515-517 ;  citizenship  extended, 
515;  social  unity,  516,  517;  educa- 
tion, 518,  519;  universities,  518; 
architecture,  520-522;  literature, 
523-527;  morals,  528-537;  Christi- 
anity, 538-543;  decay  of  empire  in 
third  century,  544-547;  renewal  of 
barbarian  attacks,  545;  decline  of 
population,  546;  decay  in  litera- 
ture, 547;  Diocletian's  reorgani- 
zation, 548-557;  Constantine  and 
victory   of   Christianity,    558-561; 

Constantine    to    Th losius,    562- 

564;  fourth  century,  565-581; 
church  in,  565-568;  society,  569- 
578;  growing  exhaustion,  569; 
classes,  570-570:  crashing  taxation, 
577;  infusion  of  barbarians,  578; 
literature  and  science,  579  581;  and 
Franks  in  Gaul,  596;  in  tilth  and 
sixth  centuries,  602  615;  story,  c,ir_' 
604;  East  Goths, kingdom  in  Italy. 


604 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 

604-609;  idea  survives  in  West, 
6:;4:  contributions  of,  644:  final 
division  into  East  and  West,  564. 
See  Roman  Empire  in  the  East,  and 
Roman  Empire  in  the  West. 

Roman  Empire  in  the  East,  final 
separation  from  the  West,  564 ; 
West  Goths  in,  589-590;  nominal 
rule  over  Italy  under  Zeno,  604 ; 
East  Goths  in,  605;  Slavs  in,  611; 
Orientalized,  610;  revival  under 
Justinian,  612;  reconquests  of 
Africa  and  Italy,  612;  Justinian 
Code,  613;  loss  of  Italy,  except  the 
South  and  the  exarchate,  614,  615; 
decay  and  new  revival  in  eighth 
century,  repulse  of  Mohammedans 
by  Constantine  IV  and  by  Leo  III, 
655;  loss  of  Asiatic  provinces  to 
Saracens,  655;  loss  of  Africa,  654, 
655;  iconoclastic  agitation  in,  660; 
attempts  to  maintain  control  over 
Rome,  661,  662;  failure,  662;  rela- 
tion to  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne, 
676,  677,  679. 

Roman  Empire  in  the  West,  sepa- 
ration from  the  East ,  564  :  crumbles 
away  —  causes,  569;  (see  Ger- 
mans) ;  idea  survives  in  Dark  Ages, 
634;  contributions  to  Europe.  644: 
revival  by  Charlemagne,  674-67S. 
See  Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Roman  family,  275,  278,  312  note. 

Roman  governor,  of  province,  415, 
416;  under  Empire,  465,  501,  548  «, 
552,  554. 

Roman  Law,  early,  253,  254,  266  note: 
Twelve  Tables,  315;  codification 
began  by  Caesar,  464;  sources  of 
imperial,  497  note;  gentler  spirit 
in  first  and  second  centuries,  533, 
'h<Tt;  further  development  by  great 
jurists  in  third  century,  495,  547: 
Justinian's  codification,  613;  im- 
portance, 613  note;  in  church  codes, 
632. 

Romanlegion.  see  Army  and  Legion. 

Roman  names,  383  and  note. 

Romano-Teutonic  Europe,  582-685. 

Roman  roads,  Si  1,  386,  175.  487,  505, 
513;  in  Britain,  485,  510,  621. 


Roman  Senate.  268,  284,  293,  294, 
298,  302,  309,  321,  323,  346,  376;  the 
guiding  power,  348;  decay,  411; 
and  the  Gracchi,  423,  424,  425,  430, 
431;  Sulla  restores  rule  to,  444; 
Augustus  and,  473;  Domitian  and, 
485;  the  Antonines  and,  486;  de- 
cline after  Diocletian,  556. 

Roman  triumph,  351  and  note. 

Rome  (mentioned  in  Greek  history), 
3,  18,  21  c,  169,  218,  225  a ;  and 
Egypt,  21/;  andJudea,  56;  decem- 
virs, 108  note;  sacked  by  Gauls, 
229;  and  Graeco-Oriental  world, 
230-234,  251. 

Rome  (history) ,  place  in  history,  252- 
254;  geography,  255-258,  262-266; 
Etruscan  influence,  260,406;  legen- 
dary history,  267-269;  conclusions 
as  to  regal,  270-299;  growth,  270- 
272 ;  classes, 273-277 ;  plebeians  make 
way  into  Assembly,  285;  census  of 
Servius,  286;  Assembly  of  Centu- 
ries (which  see) ,  287  ;  plebeian  gain, 
289 ;  life  king  replaced  by  consuls, 
290-292;  contributions  of  regal 
Rome  to  the  Republic,  299;  class 
struggles  in  early  Republic,  300  ff. ; 
position  of  classes,  301-306;  steps 
in  struggle,  307  ff . ;  tribunes,  307- 
309;  rise  of  plebeian  Assembly,  310- 
312;  decemvirs  and  written  law, 
313-318;  social  fusion,  319;  plebe- 
ians admitted  to  consulship,  320-325 
(see  Licinian  Rogations) ;  unifica- 
tion of  Italy,  366  ff . ;  progress  before 
367  B.C.,  326-327 ;  sacked  by  Gauls, 
327;  advance  to  266  B.C.,  328  ff. ; 
Latin  War,  331;  Samnite  wars, 
332;  Pyrrhic,  333;  Italy  under 
Rome,  334  ff . ;  Roman  state,  extent, 
334;  rights  of  citizens,  335;  classes 
of,  336;  subjects,  338-344;  policy 
toward  subjects,  343;  roads,  344; 
perfected  Republican  constitution, 
345  ff. ;  political  machinery,  346-348 ; 
democratic  theory  and  aristocratic 
practice,  349;  society,  350-352; 
influence  from  Magna  Graecia, 
352;  army,  353-356;  winning  of 
the  West,  357  ff. ;  First  Punic  War, 


INDEX. 


605 


References  are  to  sections. 


strength  of  parties,  361 ;  becomes 
sea  power,  363 ;  wins  Sicily,  365 ; 
between  Punic  Wars  seizes  Sar- 
dinia, 366 ;  Adriatic  a  Roman  sea, 
367;  conquest  of  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
368;  provincial  system  begun,  369; 
Second  Punic  War,  370  ff. ;  Hanni- 
bal in  Italy,  373;  Cannae,  374; 
fidelity  of  Latins  and  Italians,  375; 
grandeur  in  disaster,  376,  378,  379; 
Hannibal  at  the  gates,  380;  inva- 
sion of  Africa  and  victory,  383, 384 ; 
Rome  in  Spain,  385-386;  Third 
Punic  War,  387  ff . ;  seeks  pretext, 
387 ;  destroys  Carthage, wins  Africa, 
388-390;  Rome  in  the  East,  391  ff. ; 
First  Macedonian  War,  391 ;  Sec- 
ond, 392;  Syrian  War,  393;  pro- 
tectorates become  provinces,  395- 
398;  sole  Great  Power,  399;  two 
halves  of  Roman  world,  400;  new 
strife  of  classes,  401  ff . ;  evils  of 
period  after  Second  Punic  War,  in 
Rome,  404-411 ;  decay  of  yeomanry, 
408,  409;  decay  of  constitution, 
410,  411;  Rome  and  subjects,  413; 
Rome  and  provinces,  414-417; 
slavery,  418-419;  Cato's  attempt 
at  reform,  420;  the  Gracchi,  421- 
430;  work  overthrown,  431;  new 
character  of  Roman  history,  bio- 
graphical, 432;  Jngurthine  War, 
433;  Marius  saves  from  Cimbri, 
434-435 ;  disorders  and  Social  War, 
436,  437 ;  Italy  enters  Roman  state, 
438;  Marius  and  Sulla,  439;  Marian 
massacres,  440;  Sulla  in  East,  441; 
return,  civil  war,  442 ;  Sullan  mas- 
sacres, 443 ;  restores  senatorial  rule, 
441 ;  Pompey  and  Caesar,  446-455 ; 
Pompey's  leadership,  447-452 ;  ex- 
pansion in  East,  450;  new  leaders, 
451 ;  Catiline,  452 ;  rise  of  Caesar, 
453-454;  expansion  in  West,  454; 
break  with  Pompey,  455;  founding 
the  Empire,  456-476.  See  Roman 
Empire. 
Rome,  city  under  Empire,  fire,  482, 
540;  "patriarchate,"  565  note; 
sacked  by  West  Goths,  591,  592 ;  by 
Vandals,  595;  by  East  Goths,  612. 


Rom'u-lus,  IS.  268. 

Romulus  Au-gus'tu-lus,  i;o'_>,  604. 

Roncesvalles  (rSns-val'),  671  note. 

Ro-set'ta  stone,  4,  62  note. 

Roumania.  509. 

Rubicon,  459,  462,  467,  498. 

Runes,  583  note. 

Sa/bhvs,  260,  265,  2(58,  271,  272,  326. 

Sacred  Mount,  the,  307,  317. 

Sa-gun'tum,  372. 

Sa-ha'ra,  9. 

Sa'is,  17. 

Sal'a-mis,  193;  Athenian  war  for, 
109;  battle  of,  141,  147,  148,  150, 
196 ;  significance  of,  152. 

Sal'lust,  524. 

Sam'nites,  260,  330,  331. 

Samnite  Wars,  332,  442. 

Sam'ni-um,  332. 

Sa'mos,  130,  156, 160, 199. 

Samson,  53. 

Samuel,  53. 

San  Vi-ta'le,  Church  of,  607. 

Sappho  (siif'o),  129a,  1916. 

Saracens,  655;  defined,  657  note. 

Sardinia,  74,  358,  366,  369,  370. 

Sar'dis,  64,  135,  207. 

Sargon,  the  Elder,  .33. 

Sar  gon  II,  34,  55;  palace  of,  41. 

Sas  san'i-dae,  the,  545. 

Satraps,  Persian,  21/,  63;  in  Asia 
Minor,  200,  205;  Assyrian.  34,  (13. 

Saxons,  582;  heathen,  585,  621:  in 
Britain,  597;  slow  advance,  621  ; 
conversion,  623;  on  continent  iu 
wars  with  Charlemagne,  <>7i». 

Schliemann  (shle'man),  discoveries 
of,  73;  importance,  74. 

School  of  the  Palace,  the,  683. 

Schools,  under  Roman  Empire,  519; 
early  Christians  and,  580;  dis- 
appearance at  coming  of  Teutons, 
626;  monastic  schools,  626;  Ara- 
bian, 657:  Charlemagne's,  683. 

Schuch'hai'(/t.  71. 

Science,  Egyptian,  17.  21  <■-,  Chaldean, 
39,   40;    early   Greek   confounded 
with  philosophy,  130;  in  the 
Pericles  still  hound  up  with  philos- 
ophy, 186;  Alexandrian  Age,  239- 


606  INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 
240;   Roman,  527,  547,   579;   early 


Christians  and,  580;  decay,  581; 
Saracenic,  057. 

Scipio,  Lucius,  393  note. 

Scipio,  P.  Cornelius  S.  Aemilia- 
nus,  the  Younger  Africanus,  389, 
390,  392,  393,  410,  420,  421. 

3cipio,  Publius  Cornelius,  S.  Afri- 
canus, 378,  380,  383. 

Scribes,  in  Egypt,  12;  in  Chaldea,  38. 

Sculpture,  Egyptian,  11,  15,  19;  Chal- 
dean, 41;  Assyrian,  41;  Oriental 
contrasted  with  European,  68  6; 
Greek,  127,  224;  Athenian,  182,  187; 
in  Graeco-Oriental  world,  237.  See 
Relief  Sculpture. 

Scy'ros,  207. 

Scyth'i-ans,  in  Assyria,  34,  229;  re- 
pulsed by  Persians,  01,  02. 

Sea  Power,  Importance  of,  in 
Punic  wars,  302,  377. 

Se-ges'ta.  160. 

Se-ja'nus,  479  note. 

Se-leu'ci-dae,  rulers  of  Syria  of  the 
house  of  Seleucus,  231. 

Se-leu'cus,  general  of  Alexander,  and 
king  of  Syria,  231. 

Sem'it»s,  30. 

Semitic  language,  30  and  note,  51. 

Seneca,  482,  526,  530,  533. 

Sen-nach'e-rib,  34,  35. 

Sep'tu-a  gint,  239. 

Serfs,  Roman,  572,  575,  570. 

Ser-t5'ri-us,  440,  443,  448,  449. 

Ser'vi-a,  507,  598  note. 

Ser'vi-us  Tul'li-us,  208;  wall  of, 
271;  census,  285,  28(5;  tribes  of,  310 
note. 

Se-ve'rus,  Sep-tim'i-us,  494,  495, 
646. 

Shaft,  use  in  architecture,  1  toric,  127 ; 
Ionic,  127*. 

"  Shaking-off  of  Burdens,"  111. 

"Shore,"  the,  parly  in  Athens,  115, 
119  6,  121. 

Sicily,  part  of  Hellas,  70;  Greek  colo- 
nies in,  si;  note,  91,  133  ",  L60;  poets 
of,  129  ii :  Carthaginian  War  in, 
180,  hi'.),  201  ;  Athenian  disaster  in, 
198;  in  the  fifth  and  fourth  cen- 
turies B.C.,  218;  Carthage  in,  358; 


Roman  interest  in,  333,  350;  Roman, 
305  ;  government  (first  Roman  prov- 
ince), 309;  corn  supply  from,  408; 
Verres  and,  410 ;  slave  wars  in, 
419,  434;  Vandals  in,  595. 

Sicyon  (sish'i-on),  freed  by  Aratus, 
245. 

Si'don,  49,  51. 

Si-mon'i-des,  129  «. 

Slavery,  Egyptian,  12;  Greek,  77;  in 
Sparta,  80, 98 ;  in  Atheus,  105,  111  c, 
111  d,  170,  191  a;  Roman,  3:34,  408, 
410;  extent,  418;  slave  risings,  419, 
434 ;  protection  of  slaves  by  Em- 
pire, 481,  489,  490,  514,  528,  533; 
one  cause  of  failing  population,  540 ; 
Christianity  and,  507;  and  serfdom, 
575. 

Slavs,  545,  598,  599,  611,  673. 

Society,  of  Egypt,  11-13;  of  Assyria 
and  Chaldea,  43;  Persian,  01 ;  Ori- 
ental contrasted  with  European, 
08  a;  early  Greek,  72,  70-84;  in 
Sparta,  97-99,  249;  in  Athens,  105, 
100,  112-115,  120,  109-191;  Greek, 
to  500  b.c,  127-130;  of  Macedonia, 
213;  in  Graeco-Oriental  world,  224, 
225  a,  235-240;  Roman,  early,  350- 
352;  after  Second  Punic  War,  404; 
in  early  Empire,  511-543;  demoral- 
ized, 540;  in  fourth  century,  569- 
578 ;  approach  of  caste  system,  570 ; 
Teutonic,  583. 

Soc'ra-tes,  183,  190,  191  b,  204,238; 
philosophy  of ,  180,  188;  death,  180; 
quoted,  189  c,  189  e. 

Sog-di-a'na,  222. 

Soissons  (swii-soiV),  battle  of,  017. 

Solomon,  54,  55,  03  note. 

Solon,  and  a  priest  of  Sa'is,  17;  in 
Egypt,  21  e  note;  and  overthrow  of 
Eupatrids,  109-114 ;  character  and 
rise  to  notice,  109;  constitution  of, 
110-114,  115,  119  a,  120,  120,172,173, 
170, 204  ;  and  Peisistratus,  110 ;  poet, 
129  a. 

Soph'ists,  180  and  note. 

Soph'o-cles,  183;  portrait  statue, 
183;  quoted,  189  '-. 

Sound-symbols,  Egyptian,  10  and 
UOte;   used  by  Phoenicians,  50. 


INDEX. 


607 


References  are  to  sections. 

Spain,  Phoenicians  in,  40,  50;  faced 
by  [taly,  257, 258 ;  Carthaginians  in, 
370-1572;  in  Second  Punic  War,373, 
:;7ti,  .'ITS,  382;  becomes  Roman,  383, 
384;  war  for  independence,  385; 
Romanization,  386;  Cimbri  and, 
435;  Sertorius  in,  443,  448;  Pom- 
pey  in,  440;  Caesar  in,  152,  158, 
460;  citizenship  to  Spanish  com- 
munities, 465, 515;  schools  in,  519; 
Franks  in,  545;  Gothic  kingdom, 
592;  Vandals  and,  593,  595,  603; 
Justinian  and,  fill!;  Saracenic  con- 
quest, 656;  partly  recovered  by 
Charlemagne,  671. 

Sparta,  71  b;  leading  Dorian  city, 86, 
kings  in,  93,  95  note  ;  rise  of,  96-99, 
131  <l;  early  Sparta,  96;  need  of 
reform,  96;  growth,  !*(>;  political 
constitution,  (.)7;  classes,  98,  177; 
social  institutions,  99,  191  b;  con- 
trast with  Athens,  99,  102;  helps 
Athens  drive  out  the  tyrants,  117, 
118;  at  war  with  Argos,  133  b  and 
note;  recognized  head  <>l'  Greece, 
133  b  ;  refuses  to  aid  Ionia,  134  and 
note,  135;  Persian  heralds,  138; 
excuse  for  absence  from  Mara 
thon,  138;  in  Persian  War,  143- 
151  ;  leader,  143-14'.);  refuses  to  aid 

Athens,  150,  151  ;  protests  against 
Athenian  Walls,  153;  head  of  pro- 
posed Plataean  league,  154;  loses 
prominence,  155;  withdraws  from 
defense  of  Asiatic;  Greeks,  156,  157; 
strife  with  Athens,  161-167 ;  jeal- 
ousy, 161;  purpose  to  attack  Athens, 
161;  asks  aid  from  Athens,  102; 
open  quarrel,  105;  Thirty  Years' 
Truce,  107;  Peloponnesian  War, 
192  200;  causes,  102;  resources 
and  plans,  I!I3;  new  leaders,  1'.I7; 
buys  Persian  aid  by  betraying 
Asiatic  Greeks,  108,  200;  destroys 
Athenian  Walls,  2()();  Spartan  su- 
premacy, rule  id'  harmosts  and 
decarchies,  202-210;  decay  at  home, 
202-204;  wars  and  leagues  to  the 
peace  of  Antalcidas,  205-207;  aid 
Cyrus  against  the  Persian  king, 

205;   Agesilaua   invades    Persian 


Empire,  205;  Corinthian  War,  206; 
loss  of  maritime  empire,  206 ;  Peace 
of  Antalcidas,  207 ;  from  the  be- 
trayal of  Hellas  to  Leuctra,  208- 
210;  arroganl  rule,  208;  revolt  of 
Thebes,  209;  Leuctra,  210;  citizens 
decreased  to  1500,  210;  war  with 
Thebes,  211;  humbled,  211;  refuses 
to  join  Achaean  League,  248;  war 
with  the  league,  249,  259;  social- 
istic reforms  of  Agis  and  < lleome- 
nes,  240,  250;  .Macedonian  conquest, 
250;  sacked  by  Goths,  545,590. 

Spar'ta-cus,  419,  440. 

Spartan  Assembly,  97. 

Spartan  harmosts.  202. 

Spartan  senate,  07. 

Sphinx,  the,  15. 

State,  definition  of,  10  note. 

Stephen,  Pope,  005. 

Ste-sI<h'o  rus,  L29  a. 

Stll'i-cho.  590,  591,  B03,  604. 

Sto'a,  definition,  180. 

Sto'i-cism,  238,  490,  520. 

Stra'bo.  525. 

Strasburo,  battle  of  (Julian's),  5G2; 
(Clovis'),  617. 

Strom'bo-li,  609. 

Succession,  Wars  of  the,  227,  357. 

Sue-to 'ni-us,  527. 

Sul'la,  403,  4:'.:;,  437,  430;  in  the  East, 
441;  civil  war,  442;  massacres,  143; 
restores  senatorial  rule,  444;  char- 
acter and  place  in  history,  445. 

Sul-plc'i-us,  133  note.  150. 

Susa  (soo'sa),  04,  221. 

Syr'a-cusr,  91,  133  a,  143,  197  note, 
108,  218,  240.320.  35s,  360,  365,  377; 
sacked  by  Rome,  577  note.  384  note. 

Syria,  5,  33,  38,  13,  59,  221  &;  impor- 
tance of,  7,    Egypt  in,  21  a,  21  c, 
21  </,  52  c  note,  51 :   prize  of  war, 
32  c;  in  commerce,  19;  Phoenicians 
and  Hebrews.  10  58;   Persia  in.  60; 
character  of  civilization,  69 
Graeco-Oriental    world,    228 
252,  241  ;  outline,  251 ;  one  of  five 
Greal     Powers,    .".57;     Antiochus1 
reign,   •".02,  393;   war  with   Rome, 
503 :  Roman  protectorate!  •'" 
province,  150. 


608 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 


Tac'i-tus,  emperor,  494. 

Tacitus,  historian,  479  note,  527,  529, 
531,540,  584,586. 

Talmud,  the,  45  and  note. 

Tan'a-gra,  battle  of,  165. 

Ta-ren'tum,  91,  333,  523. 

Tar-qum'i-us,  Lucius  T.  C61-la-ti'- 
nus,  292. 

Tar'quin  the  First,  208,  285. 

Tarquin  the  Proud,  268,  271  note, 
291,  292. 

Tar'shish,  49. 

Tartars.  222,  545,  598,  599. 

Tar'tes'sus,  49. 

Taurus  Mountains,  21  d. 

Taxation,  Egyptian,  12,  27;  Hebrew, 
55;  Greek,  123;  Athenian,  171; 
Roman,  early,  286,  304  a  note,  310, 
325  b;  after  Cannae,  376;  in  prov- 
inces, 414,  415,  417;  Caesar  and, 
464;  imperial,  575;  clergy  exempt, 
561 ;  in  fourth  century,  570,  571, 
572,  575,  577 ;  none  regular  in  Em- 
pire of  Charlemagne,  680. 

Tem'pe,  Vale  of,  144-145. 

Temples,  Egyptian,  12,  14,  15;  Chal- 
dean and  Assyrian,  41 ;  of  Apollo  at 
Delphi,  117 ;  plan  of  Greek,  127,  182. 
See  Parthenon,  Wingless  Victory, 
Tower-temples;  Roman,  of  Janns, 
473  note  ;  many  built  by  Augustus, 
475 :  in  honor  of  Augustus,  476. 

Ten  Thousand  Greeks,  march  of 
the,  185,  205. 

Te'os,  129  a. 

Terence,  523,  524. 

Ter-pan'der,  129  «. 

Ter-tul'li-an,  547  note. 

Tes'try,  butile  of,  647. 

Teu'to-berg,  battle  of,  478,  507. 

Teu-to'nes,  434,  435,  582. 

Teutonic  Assembly,  586;  affected 
by  conquests,  i>4-'>  c. 

Teutonic  contributions  to  Eu- 
rope. ii45. 

Teutonic  kingship,  643  a. 

Teutonic  Law,  594:  codes  of,  639; 
"personality,"  640:  methods  of 
trial,  641:  money  payments,  642 : 
"  self-developing,"  645  e. 

Teutons.    See  Germans. 


Tha'les,  21,  130. 

Thap  sus,  battle  of,  461. 

Tha'sos,  161. 

Theaters,  Greek,  182;  of  Dionysus  at 
Athens,  184 ;  Pericles'  policy  as  to, 
184. 

Thebes,  in  Egypt,  10,  21  c. 

Thebes,  in  Greece,  138,  178;  limited 
leadership  in  Boeotia,  101 :  inva- 
sion of  Attica,  118;  at  war  with 
Athens,  133  b ;  refuses  to  attend 
Congress  at  Corinth,  143 ;  welcomes 
Xerxes,  147 ;  in  Peloponnesian  War, 
197  note,  200;  jealous  of  Sparta, 
20S;  war  with  Sparta,  209-211; 
Leuctra,  210;  supremacy,  211-212; 
Epaminondas,  211 ;  overthrow,  211, 
212;  Philip  of  Macedon,  216;  de- 
stroyed by  Alexander,  220. 

The-mis'to-cles,  141,  147,  149  6,  153, 
157  note,  173,  180,  197. 

Theoc'ri-tus,  236. 

The-od'o-ric,  East  Goth,  604  note, 
605,606;  "the  Civilizer,"  607 ;"  em- 
pire "  of,  60S. 

Theodoric,  West  Goth,  600. 

The  5-do'si-an  Code,  the,  613. 

The-5-do 'si-us  I,  563,  567,  589. 

Theodosius  II,  603,  613. 

The-oc'ri-tus,  236. 

Theog'nis,  l_'!i  a,  188  note. 

The-og'o-ny,  129  b. 

Theology,  in  third  century,  547; 
fourth  century,  566,  579.  See  Here- 
sies. 

The-ram'e-nes,  204. 

Ther-mop'y-lae,  140,  143,  165,  248; 
battle  of,  140,  147. 

Ther-sl'tes,  84. 

Theseus,  80,  101. 

Thes'pis,  116, 129  b,  183. 

Thessaly,  70,  71a,  71?,   133  6,  136, 

144,  155  note,  104;  taken  by  Persia, 

145,  150;  under  Theban  influence, 
211. 

T//i-bet',  desert  of,  60. 

Thirty  Tyrants,  the,  at  Athens,  204, 

209;  in  Roman  Empire,  495. 
Thirty  Years'  Truce,  the,  between 

Athens  and  Sparta,  167,  172,  192. 
TAor,  585. 


INDEX 

References  are  to  sections. 

"  Thoughts ''  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
the,  490,  527,  545  note;  extracts 
from,  536. 

Thrace,  ill  and  note,  118,  136;  Athe- 
nian colonies  in,  169,  171,  197;  and 
Macedon,  213;  Antioehns  and.  393; 
diocese,  553. 

Thrasybulus  (thras-i-bdo'lus),  204. 

Thucydides  (thoo-cid'i-dez) ,  191  b; 
quoted,  98,  139,  153,  190;  place  as 
historian,  185;  bust  of,  185. 

Thu-rin'gia,  619,  649. 

Thutmosis  (thoo-mo'sis)  III,  21  d. 

Tl'ber,  169,  253,  200,  2(14,  265,  271,  424. 

Ti-be'ri-us,  479,  496,  498,  507. 

Ti-ci'nus,  battle  of  the,  373. 

Tlg'lath-Pi-le'ser  I,  34,  54. 

Tiglath-Pileser  II,  34. 

Tigris-Euphrates  states,  30-48 ; 
geography,  31-32;  political  outline, 
33-35;  society  and  culture,  36-45; 
Alexander  in,  221  c. 

Tigris  River,  21  c,  59  b ;  importance, 
31 :  geography,  32. 

Ti-mo'le-on,  218  note. 

TIt'i-es,  271.  273. 

Ti'tus,  483,  484,  519,  521,528  note. 

To'ga,  Etruscan  origin,  260. 

To-gar'mah,  49. 

T5'tem-ism,  Egyptian,  18. 

Tdt'i-la,  612. 

Tours  (toor),  battle  of,  579  6,  656. 

Tower-temples,  40,  41. 

Tra'jan,  487,  488,  501,  506,  509,  534, 
541,  545;  gladiatorial  games  of, 
528  note  ;  and  Christianity,  540,  542. 

Tras-i-me'ne,  battle  of  Lake,  373, 
420. 

Tre'bi-a,  battle  of  the,  373. 

Trial  by  combat,  641. 

Tri-bal'la,  213. 

Tribes,  in  early  Greek  society,  78-81 ; 
reforms  of  Cleisthenes  in  Athens. 
121,  124,  125;  Roman,  268,  270; 
three  patrician,  273;  of  Servius, 
310  note;  twenty-one  tribes,  310 
note;  thirty-five  tribes,  337;  as- 
sembly by,  see  Roman  Assembly  ; 
German,  586. 

Trib'unes,  308,  309-311,  317,  323,  347, 
430,  444. 


till!  I 


Trib-u-nlc'i-an  power,  the  It;:;,  437. 

Tributary  state,  definition  of,  7 
noic ;  Phoenicia  an  example,  51. 

Tri' glyph,  127  a. 

Tri-um'vir  at  ,  "First,"  453,  465, 
469  note. 

Triumvirate,  "Second,"  469  note, 
470. 

Trlv'i-um,  the,  518. 

Tro'ad,  the,  73a,  221a. 

Trojans,  87. 

Troy,  siege  of,  72,  143;  excavations 
at,  73  a;  Greek  council  before,  84. 

Tu'bal,  49. 

Tu-ra'ni-ans,  598. 

"  Twilight  of  the  Gods,"  584. 

Tync,  the,  488,  510. 

Tyrants,  Greek,  94,  95,  131  c;  set  up 
by  Macedonia,  241,  243,  245,  247; 
in  Athens,  115-117:  in  Magna  Grac- 
chi, 133a,  218;  in  Ionia,  135;  the 
Thirty,  in  Athens,  204  ;  in  early 
Rome,  268,  290,291. 

Tyre,  49.  51 ;  siege  of,  2216. 

Tyr-r/*en'i-an  Sea,  366. 

Tyr-tae'us,  129  a. 

Tzar,  497  note. 

Urfil-as,  579  6,  583,  585. 

Ul'pi-an,  495,  530,  535,  547. 

Universities,  origin,  239;  in  Alex- 
andrian Age,  239;  in  Roman  Em- 
pire, 518,  540. 

Ur,  in  Chaldea,  '■'<'■'<,  46a;  home  of 
Abraham,  52. 

U'ti-ca,  founded  by  Phoenicians,  50; 
capital  of  Roman  Africa,  390;  Cato 
at,  461  note. 

Va'lens,  563,  589. 
Va-len-tln'i-an  I.  563. 
Valentinian  II.  563. 
Valentinian  III,  603,  604. 
Va-le'ri-an,  494.  542,  545. 
Valerian  Law.  the,  295  h. 
Valerio-Horatian    Law,    the,    317 

note. 
Va-le'ri-us,  M..  3n7. 
Valerius,  Pub-Hc'o-la,  295  h. 
Vandals,  582,  592,  593,  595,  603,  628. 
Vap'hi-o  cups,  the,  74. 


610 


INDEX. 


References  are  to  sections. 


Varro,  consul,  376  note. 

Varro,  general  of  Augustus,  524. 

Ve'ii,  827  note. 

Ve-ne'ti,  261,  601. 

Venice,  founded,  601. 

Venus,  88 ;  of  Melos,  237. 

Ver  cin-get'o-rix,  454  note. 

Verden,  Massacre  at,  070. 

Vergil,  2:36,  253,  475  note,  525. 

Verona,  battle  of,  600. 

Ver'res,  416. 

Ves-pa'si-an,  483,  518,  519,  521. 

Vesta,  88. 

Vestal  Virgins,  280. 

Vesuvius,  484,  526. 

Village,  Greek,  77,80;  Roman,  253; 

German,  583,  586. 
Virginia.  316. 
Vir-gin'i-us,  316. 
Vir-i-a/thus,  385. 
VIs'i-goths,  see  Goths. 
Vi-tel'li-us,  483. 
V61'e-ro,  Pub-lil'i-us,  311. 
Vol'sci-ans,  260,  307,  327. 
Volute,  in  Ionic  order  of  architecture, 

127. 
Vulcan,  88. 
Vul'gate,  579  b. 


Wars  of  the  Succession,  227,  229, 

2:18,  241,  242. 
Wergeld  (ver'gelt),  642. 
Wes'sex,  597. 
Whitby,  Council  of.  623. 
Wingless  Victory,  temple  of,  129, 

182,  183. 
W5'den,  585,  597. 


Woman,  photograph  of  Egyptian,  12; 
position  of,  in  Egypt,  13;  in  Chal- 
dea  and  Assyria,  44  ;  in  early  Greece, 
78  and  note ;  in  Sparta,  99,  191  b ; 
in  Athens,  113,  1916;  in  Graeco- 
Oriental  world,  235;  in  early  Rome, 
275  note  ;  position  improved  under 
Empire,  529,530;  among  Germans, 
584. 

"Works  and  Days,"  of  Hesiod, 
129  b. 

World-state,  of  the  Romans,  253. 

Worship  of  the  Emperors,  476, 
540,  541. 

Wrestlers,  statue  of  the,  187. 

Xe-noph'a-nes,  180. 

Xen'o-phon,  84,  185,  205  and  note; 

quoted,  207. 
Xerx'es,  142  and  note,  145,  146,  147, 

148,  150,  221. 
Xuthus  (zoo'thus),  87  b. 

Yellow  Sea,  31. 

Yeomanry,  Roman,  350,  404, 408,  409, 

410. 
York,  517. 

Za'ma,  battle  of,  383  and  note,  399, 420. 

Zend-A-ves'ta,  61. 

Zeno.  Emperor,  604,  606. 

Zeno,  the  Stoic,  238. 

Ze-no'bi-a,  495  note. 

Zeus,   76,   87  c,  88,    180,   189  a,   288; 

statue  at  Olympia,  182  note. 
Zeux'is.  287. 
Zor-o-as'ter,  61. 
Zor-o  as'tri-ans,  651. 


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